
OTHERS' VIEWS
The University of Ibadan is 75 years old. Chief Bisi Akande celebrated his 85th birthday on January 16 this year. He was made Secretary to Oyo State Government 45 years ago at the age of 40. He was Deputy Governor of Oyo State 42 years ago. He was elected Osun State Governor in 1999 – 25 years ago. He left the office of governor 21 years ago. Last Friday, the 85-year-old man was appointed by President Bola Tinubu to serve the University of Ibadan as its pro-chancellor and chairman of council. When you heard Chief Akande’s name as the appointee, you were almost as sure as I was that the old warrior would reject it in a jiffy. I told myself that he would tell his friend, the president, that his choice for UI’s top job must be an error; that only today’s hound can successfully chase today’s hare. But today is Monday – four days after, Chief Bisi Akande has not rejected the ‘juicy’ job. We have no business rejecting it for him.
An elephant chooses how he wants the forest to address him. If you schooled at the same time as I did, you must have read the poem ‘Salute to the Elephant’. It is there that you meet Elephant – “possessor of a savings-basket full of money” who is “huge as a hill, even in a crouching posture.” The Elephant is that mighty one “who carries mortar and yet walks with a swaggering gait…, animal treading ponderously.” The Elephant, more importantly, is that “mountainous animal, (the) huge beast who tears a man like a garment and hangs him up on a tree.” The sight of the Elephant, the chanter-hunter says, “causes people to stampede towards a hill of safety.” Now, imagine that elephant coming down from the height of his high reputation to mingle with deers in a scavenge-rush for forbs. An elephant would do that if it does not see itself as an elephant. It is his choice. I am not qualified to tell this chief’s elephant not to eat what common goats eat. But if I were his son, I would beg him to say “no, thank you.”
Chief Akande is not alone on that geriatric podium of self-diminution. With him is General Ike Omar Sanda Nwachukwu (Rtd) who was made chairman of the University of Nigeria governing council. The University of Nigeria is 69 years old. It was founded in 1955 but formally opened on October 7, 1960. General Nwachukwu will be 84 years old on September 1, this year. He has been everything anyone would ever want to be in Nigeria. As a soldier, he rose to be Major-General and General Officer Commanding. He was governor of Imo State 40 years ago. He was Minister of Labour 39 years ago. He was Foreign Affairs Minister 34 years ago. He was elected senator 25 years ago. He is back from the bench in this season of renewed past.
Must it be them? Don’t they have around them, in their political party, sleek-headed younger people with knowledge and ideas who can handle these assignments? They have them, but those ones are useful only as aides and as bag carriers.
Writing in May last year for US’ satire newspaper, The Onion, grand old Dianne Feinstein satirized America as “an out-of-touch gerontocracy” where “the average age of a senator is 65” – and the president eighty-something years old. She said she was “glad” not to live and get stuck in that country of “dementia-addled” leaders “who keep a stranglehold on power” and “who prioritise their own careers and bank accounts over the common good.” Then she wondered, angrily “how selfish you’d have to be to cling to power when you’ve long since ceased to understand the needs of ordinary people.” I will be shocked if I am the only one who thinks strongly that Feinstein wrote about Nigeria of today.
I read a sonnet of William Shakespeare where he deplores “age” staying “too long.” In his ‘The Passionate Pilgrim’, Shakespeare explains why “crabbed age and youth cannot live together.” Shakespeare sings of “Youth like summer brave, age like winter bare.” He says “Youth is full of sport, age’s breath is short; Youth is nimble, age is lame; Youth is hot and bold, age is weak and cold; Youth is wild, and age is tame…” Yet, our country’s vote is for the old and cold; the lame, the tame.
We have more of them. Our universities are now a rest home for the ancient. There is also 72-year-old Alhaji Yayale Ahmed who was announced as the chairman of 62-year-old Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria. He was appointed Head of Service of the Federation in the year 2000 – 24 years ago. He occupied that post for seven years, retiring in 2007 to be appointed as the Minister of Defence. He left the office of minister in September 2008 to be appointed as the Secretary to the Government of the Federation. He held sway there till May 2011. He left thirteen years ago. He is back from retirement to preside over ABU’s highest governing body.
These king-size men and others on that long list will be interfacing with a 70-year-old minister. Professor Tahir Mamman is our minister of education. If he had remained in the university system, he would be due for retirement in three weeks’ time. The minister reports to a president who is officially 72 years old. Essentially, these 20th century men are the drivers of the 21st century vision of Nigeria’s knowledge industry. That is the way we roll. The National Universities Commission (NUC) regulates Nigeria’s university system. Who is NUC’s substantive executive secretary? Check if it has. And, who presides over its board? As I write this today, Sunday, 16 June, 2024, the commission in charge of our universities has on its website, Emeritus Professor Ayo Banjo as the chairman of its board. Baba Professor Banjo died last month – he was 90 years old. NUC has not remembered to update its website to reflect that fact – or it is reluctant to let go of the late Professor Banjo.
Beyond the dead, shall we ask the new octogenarian appointees where they hope to start from in this digital age? With their appointments, Nigeria is asking its Gen Z students to use fatigued eyes of tired men to prepare their journey into the future. May God help them.
A leader must know when to say enough to seeking power. Someone (I can’t get their name) said knowing when to walk away is wisdom. He also said being able to walk away is courage. Yet, there is a third line: walking away with your head held high is dignity. Why would an eighty-something-year-old man want to be a baggage carrier – porter – to the youth of his land? Someone said it is the love of service. I replied that it is simply a case of an Egungun, because of perks, dancing itself into irrelevance.
Apart from them being his friends, are there patriotic reasons why the president posted these men to those schools? We may not know the real reason why our president made those geriatric choices – unless he tells us. Raul Magni Berton and Sophie Panel in 2017 did a paper on why non-democratic systems produce older leaders. They postulate that leaders’ “ruling styles” are “partly shaped by the rules that brought them to power.” They ask why anyone, even the old, would want to be ruled by aged people. They dissect types and motives of gerontocratic rule. They say “the selection of aging leaders based on premeditated considerations” is the definition of strategic gerontocracy. They contrast this with what they call ‘taste’ gerontocracy “which is based on genuine preference for old leaders”. They speak on ‘skills’ gerontocracy which assumes that the chosen had “specific skills acquired with age.” What special skills do our eighty-something-year-old ‘chairmen’ have that recommended them for our universities as pro-chancellors? Tinubu is not known to be a wine connoisseur who flaunts the old as the better. So, I wonder why the president loves old stuff – old, fossilized national anthem and aged administrators.
This government’s choice of yesterday’s men for today’s work has natural consequences. You know menopause, its complications and implications. That is what the University of Ibadan, UNN and ABU and some others in their geriatric shoes are now married to. Escaping the schools’ climacteric suitors and their creaky beds looks futile. When Humphrey Hawksley wrote his 2009 book, ‘Democracy Kills’, he probably had our case in mind. There is hardly anything which today’s democracy inherited that it has not fed to the dogs. While we fantasised on what the textbook says democracy is, the leaders have unitised the benefits in it; they’ve warehoused the gains in their family silos – for the comfort of their generations and for their friends’.
I am wasting my time writing this. The same applies to you raising complaints about how our planes are being run aground. The government does not care about the public and its opinion. You can’t blame it. There is a problem with winning all bouts all the time. It intoxicates the winner, making them look down on the street and disdainful of even their fans. “At being humble, I’m the greatest”. A Minnesota, United States mother in about 1970, was horrified to hear her young wrestler-son say this as he recorded wins after wins. The woman described that statement of her son as “silly” – but that was hubris at work. We read such ‘humility’ in the insults the Nigerian leadership rolls out almost daily. Everything points at the end of sanity in the conduct of our affairs. Yet, long before this present darkness, there had been eras of rationality and hope. There had been an age when leaders insulted not the people’s sensitivities and the people bowed in respect of fair leadership. We had a past of values which even those who colonised us acknowledged in their own moments of sobriety.
Between the last days of 1927 and the early weeks of 1928, a group of United Kingdom’s Members of Parliament visited Nigeria. They moved from the coasts in Lagos through the hinterland forests to the grasslands of the North. They thoroughly toured the East of Nigeria and the creeks of the Niger Delta – then went back to London through Lagos. At a dinner of the African Society in London on 13 March, 1928, leader of the delegation, Major Walter Eliot, presented his team’s report. In that report, Major Eliot said while in Nigeria, his team saw an “honest attempt” by the black man to build “a house” for his soul; a house “where the black man could find a shelter” against the impact of a strange alien culture; a house “from which in years to come, he may take his own share as a partner in the progress of the world – not as an inferior and certainly not as a serf…” Eliot’s optimism – expressed in that report 96 years ago – was hasty and misplaced. If the Briton visits Nigeria of today, he will meet 200 million people shuffling and struggling (not) to be serfs of power.
That is not all from Eliot. Everywhere they went, his team said they saw a people who had very high regard for their leaders and who had their leaders’ respect. He disclosed that his team members were surprised (and impressed) and were of the conviction that “the black man should look to the black ruler as the keystone in the arch of rule; that the white man should not be the keystone…that the rule should be of the black man by the black man and – as far as we can devise it – for the black man.”
They are long dead, those proud, upright people who were met in Nigeria by the British in 1927. About a hundred years after the Eliot team experience and the positive testimony from London, and 64 years after foreign rule, a virulent strain of disdain for the ruled – and disgust for the ruler – reigns. Our democracy is a despicable bazaar; the classic “every man for himself and God for us all.” What the 1927/28 visitors envisioned as the rule “of the black man by the black man” has turned out not “for the black man.” The rule serves the strongman and his clan whose ways are decidedly not necessarily the ways of their people.
They take the benefits; their children take. Their concubines and mistresses also pick theirs while your own portion is tucked away in their pouch. It is the reason they can’t reason with us when we say Nigeria cannot survive as a unitary presidentialism. They take our call for federalist sanity as a threat to the advantages they enjoy. They think a truly federal Nigeria would be too tight to structurise into personal fiefdoms. They work that federalism won’t happen. Not now, not tomorrow. And they are winning. They spring on us federal surprises everywhere. They set up institutions and make appointments that are designed to unitarise our lives under Big Brother. Because they are smart, they easily know that they can’t compete and feed their greed in a Nigeria that is properly structured. The result of their knowing is that we can’t breathe without their permission.
A restructured Nigeria has the prospect of not surrendering to Comrade Napoleon’s unitary dictatorship in the Animal farm. Less than one week into this democracy, Professor Bolaji Akinyemi, in the Friday, 4 June, 1999 edition of the Nigerian Tribune, warned that Nigeria was on the way to a most destructive form of unitarism. “The road to the hell of unitarism is paved with good intentions. They should be careful…”, he warned the inheritors of the gains of the struggle for this democracy. They ignored him. We were too hopeful to hear him. But, words of elders, if they don’t come true in the morning, they will in the evening. The evening of Nigeria is here.
Nigeria is probably in the worst economic crisis of a generation, screamed The New York Times on June 11th, 2024. Two other influential global publications, Foreign Affairs and The Economist, had earlier said the same thing under different headlines.
Although Nigeria’s economy is not yet in a recession, all other economic indicators have gone south, and the curve is not bending in the short run. Statistics on inflation (above 33%), youth unemployment (above 50%), poverty levels (over 133 million multidimensionally poor), the value of the Naira (over 200% decline against dollar in the past year), education (18.3 million out of school children), healthcare (inadequate health facilities and professionals), insecurity (144th position in the 2023 safest countries in the world ranking), and homelessness (24.4 million people without a home) are frightening. More than ever, Nigeria needs crisis leaders to turn things around.
Great leaders have always come up to guide their countries out of the worst crises throughout history .The American people looked up to Barack Obama in 2008 to lead the nation through its worst economic crisis since the Great Depression. He conducted many consultations and made critical but well-considered decisions to lay a new economic foundation . We are in an “economic war’ and cannot use the tools applicable in normal times.
Leadership during normal times is different from leading in the storm which is the subject of my forthcoming book. The expertise and skill set required for both cases are different. The dynamism and multiplicity of socio-economic and political factors converging to create the Nigerian volatile ecosystem are such that effective crisis leadership is needed at all governance strata. Although required in normal times, these crisis leadership competencies are most relevant during a crisis. They include sensemaking, effective decision-making, team coordination, facilitating learning, emotional intelligence, and effective communication. It is the masterful use of these competencies that makes great crisis leaders.
The commentariat have attributed our present economic crisis to a cycle of thoughtless policies, squandering as governance, negative or low investment in innovation, uncoordinated economic thinking and placing of politics above commonsense economic frugality. It is also true that our poor understanding of the interplay of global events and its impact on local economic factors also contributed . The consequence is the country’s inability to respond to vulnerabilities, shocks and opportunities.
Nigerian leaders need to make sense of these complex circumstances. The situation requires a more focused perspective on historical and immediate causes and possible solutions to the current crisis. Sensemaking is critical to effective crisis leadership, especially in complex and diverse environments like Nigeria. Sensemaking involves gathering information and putting it in context, exploring different perspectives to develop a coherent narrative, and interpreting and understanding complex, ambiguous, and rapidly changing situations to guide decision-making and action. During this economic crisis, sensemaking allows leaders to comprehend its scope, identify its root causes, anticipate its impacts, and develop appropriate responses. This piece will focus on and explore sensemaking as the first step in crisis leadership.
Our leaders must develop a contextual understanding and historical context of our economic crisis. Nigeria is characterised by significant cultural, ethnic, and economic diversity. Effective crisis leadership requires leaders to understand these complexities, how they influence the crisis, and the potential responses. Economic crises in Nigeria often have roots in historical issues such as colonial legacies, policy missteps, structural inequalities and global turbulence . Leaders must consider these historical contexts to grasp the crisis’s nuances fully. They must identify and interpret economic, social, and political signals.
Furthermore, the way our leaders frame this economic crisis matters. We often have the tendency to reduce complex issues to one or two narratives . This is what my Kellogg Professor, Loran Nordgren calls ” narrow framing”. Based on the robust content analysis we carried out, we identified the dominant frame of this economic crisis by the government as ‘inherited and requires tough actions that will cause some pain to the citizens in the short run, but the pain is necessary for achieving better economic prosperity in the medium to long term’. The danger of this framing is that it sounds more like an excuse than a creative strategy to upturn our economic woes. This frame lulls our leaders to the proverbial sleep of inertia – inaction when there is fire on the mountain.
How this economic crisis is communicated to the public and stakeholders influences their perceptions and reactions. Effective crisis leadership involves framing and communicating the situation in an understandable and actionable way for diverse audiences. Little wonder Nigerians are at a loss regarding our political class’s perceived poor choices. The government needs to rethink its crisis communication strategy.
Since economic crises are by their very nature dynamic and unpredictable, leaders must update their understanding of the issues, modify their response strategy and adapt their strategies accordingly. Involving various stakeholders, including experts, community leaders, and affected populations, enriches the process, and ensures more comprehensive insights. This comprehensive insight allows crisis leaders to make informed decisions that cater to the greater good. Things like government being more prudent, quitting luxury spending, reducing taxes to encourage savings and investment, fixing insecurity to encourage inflow of investment and borrowing less from external sources, are easily intelligible choices.
To illustrate the importance of deep insight in Nigerian leadership during the economic crisis, let us examine three recent crises. The first is the economic recession of 2016. The 2016 recession was triggered by a significant drop in oil prices and compounded by policy challenges and security issues. Our Leaders needed to interpret the interconnected causes, including global oil dynamics, domestic economic policies, and security concerns in the Niger Delta. The Economic Recovery and Growth Plan (ERGP) was developed as a response, focusing on diversification and stabilisation. While the ERGP provided a strategic framework, the process highlighted the need for consistent policy implementation and addressing underlying structural issues. This still needs to be done, and our leaders have yet to learn any lessons they could apply in subsequent crises.
The second is the current economic crisis that has been exacerbated due to the implementation of fuel subsidy removal policy. Every Nigerian knows the need to remove fuel subsidies, but it takes work. Periodic attempts to remove fuel subsidies faced public resistance due to their impact on living costs and inflation. Our Leaders needed to balance fiscal sustainability with socio-economic impacts. Understanding public sentiment and economic realities was crucial in framing and communicating subsidy reforms. Subsidy removals were often met with protests, highlighting the need for transparent communication, phased implementation, and accompanying social protection measures.
However, the hurried end of the subsidy without mapping the multiple scenario implications and making adequate provisions to cushion the impact threw our economy into a whirlwind of desperation, and the repercussions have been devastating, as indicated in the above economic statistics. Developing multiple scenarios based on different interpretations of the crisis helps prepare for various potential outcomes. Effective sensemaking includes proactive risk management and contingency planning. Lack of effective policy management is creating more public angst than the actual policy itself.
The third is the unintended devastating impact of harmonisation of the exchange rate during a period of dollar crunch and scarcity without remedial provisions for the inflationary implications of a devalued Naira in an import-dependent economy. The Naira has collapsed by over 200% in the past year, forcing the prices of all imported goods to follow suit. The combo of exchange rate-induced inflation and subsidy removal inflation has resulted in the worst inflationary rate in a generation in Nigeria.
Crisis leaders are problem solvers. They can adjust plans, policies, and responses as new information is gathered or situations change. This means listening to stakeholders, voices of reason, and experts. The reoccurring question throughout this economic crisis is: Where are our crisis leaders? Political leaders are poor crisis leaders because they fail to recognise the warning indications of impending challenges and rarely put the lessons they have learnt from past crises into practice.
Decision-making in a position of leadership is challenging. It is more significant when a decision impacts the lives of numerous individuals. Our leaders at various strata have yet to appreciate this. Decisions are often made without the rigour of clear thinking or fall back to the narrow framing of A or B. Lack of strategic foresight and thinking abilities manifest in most of our decisions.
Therefore, Nigerian leaders must deeply analyse the crisis’s economic, social, political, and cultural dimensions. This involves understanding both macroeconomic trends and grassroots realities. They should engage with various stakeholders to enrich the sensemaking process. Collaboration with experts, community leaders, and international partners provides diverse insights and fosters collective action. Sensemaking is not a one-time activity but a continuous process. Leaders must remain open to new information, willing to reassess situations, and ready to adapt strategies as the crisis evolves. Transparent and consistent communication will help them in managing public perceptions and reactions.
The unfortunate misstep and subsequent fall of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu during this year's Democracy Day celebrations ( which he has since humorously dismissed as a form of Yoruba "dobale" -genuflection )-quickly swirled around and became the stuff of internet gossip and street-corner small-talk. Reactions varied widely but, many tended to make light of it, while others (the usual suspects?) saw it as evidence of the President’s physical incapacity to cope with the tedious demands of his office. Political opportunism also set in, with yet others seeing the mishap as an “I-told you-so moment”, openly voicing their belief that the President's main opponents in the last election - Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi (particularly the latter) – would not have suffered that fate, given their presumed better physical fitness.
Some of these remarks were, undoubtedly, uncharitable – especially in the lead-up to the Muslim festival of Id-el-Adha (or Sallah) just a few days away. President Tinubu is, of course, a Muslim. As a fellow human being, he deserves our sympathy and prayers for sound health – an indispensable requirement for the rigours of that job, popularly believed to be one of the most demanding and powerful in the world. With power surely comes huge responsibility and citizens' expectations for performance. Whether the President scores a pass mark or not in terms of job approval rating is for history (or posterity) to judge. One year is certainly too short to make the conclusion that he has failed. So, let us collectively hold our fire and bid our time. But even at that, no one can deny the fact that Nigerians are in theirs worst years, dying of hunger,squalor and wretchedness. The middle class has been wiped out with less than one percent of state captors enjoying national largesse.Perhaps, the second year in office would be a more appropriate time to asseess him to determine whether the IMF and World Bank-induced economic policies will boost production, create jobs,bring down prices and alleviate the suffering of the Nigerian masses. Suffice it to say that to me,it is yet still early in the day and the jury is still outl.
This is all the more so, in my opinion, because, history is replete with world leaders who put a physical foot (or both feet) wrong (some more than once) and got up, dusted themselves and forged ahead, stamping their feet (pun intended!) on the sands of time, leaving indelible footprints and track records of achievement and performance on the job and in history.The following are a few examples:
I. President Joe Biden: He has famously stumbled on the steps of Air-Force One on at least three occasions, getting back on his feet each time, unassisted and moving on. He is 81 and warming up to run for a second term against maverick Donald Trump.
II. Former President Gerald Ford: One of the most accident-prone world leaders ever , dead or alive,was former US President Gerald Ford. His catalogue of falls spanned virtually every surface, including aircraft steps (again!) while on a visit to Austria in 1975 when his bum knee gave way. He even fell on the stairs of the White House. Though the official reason for this was a bad knee gave way, this did not stop cynics from tagging him as something of a bumbling klutz! Yet, Ford is remembered for managing the worst economy in the four decades after the great depression augmented by spiralling inflation and recession.
III. Ronald Reagan: Yet another former American President, he also endured a similar indignity in 1984 in Seattle, Washington. Luckily for him, it was not captured on video and only still images thereof exist of his so-called pratfall. But he went on to impact on America with his Reaganomics,overhauling the income tax code exempted millions of low income earners.His charm, eloquence and courage after the assassination attempt on him remarkably revived America's pride in the presidency and the nation.
IV. Barack Obama: This first black American President whose grandfather was a Kenyan cattle rearer also came a-cropper when, sometime in 2015, his trademark sprightly confident jaunt failed him while disembarking from Air Force One. He ended up in a heap, needing no less than 12 stitches to his hip.
V. Hillary Clinton: While the husband of the former First Lady was dodged more by salacious ex-marital stories than physical falls, his wife probably took ‘the Fall’ (pun intended!) when, as Secretary of State to former President Obama, she stumbled while on her way to her car at the State Department, fracturing her elbow in the process.
VI. Robert Mugabe: Sometime in 2015, the former Zimbabwean President Mugabe was famously captured prostrate on a red carpet following a fall at a public event.
VII. Margaret Thatcher: Britain’s first female Prime Minister ( "iron lady" ) also came ‘crashing down’ sometime in 1982 while on a trip to China, as she made her way out of a Town Hall (no pun intended!).
VIII. Thorning-Schmidt: Also in 2015, the then Prime Minister of Denmark (also female) lost her footing and landed on her knees as she disembarked the stairs of the Elysee Palace in Paris, France.
IX. Xi Jinping: the incumbent President of China, came close to falling down during the International Economic Forum in St. Petersburg in Russia in 2019, but for eagle-eyed aides who stepped in at the last moment.
X. Boris Johnson: Another former British Prime Minister, he also lost his balance when he tripped and fell during a military commemorative event in 2015.
XI. Vladimir Putin: Russia’s long-reigning president also fell during a game of ice hockey in Moscow in 2019 when he (ironically) tried to applaud spectators.
Even former Vice President Mike Pence tripped while running up the steps of Airforce One in a remarkably similar circumstances as President Joe Biden. In July, 2023,Fiji Prime Minister, Sitiveni Rabuka,was forced to cancel an official visit to China after falling and hurting his head.
The foregoing shows that President Tinubu is in good company when it comes to presidential falls and that, as stated by a famous sage, it is not falling that matters, but rising each time you fall. However, beyond merely getting up and forging ahead, it is the kind of legacy one lives behind - what one will be remembered for-that counts. Therefore, let us all collectively and individually join hands in the spirit of goodwill echoed by the words of our old (now new) national anthem, in wishing the President a successful (and accident-free!) tenure. We cannot afford for him to fall and fail because we shall be the worse for it and bear the brunt together. The circumstances of his fall, are, however, reminders of the labors of our heroes past (a verse from our now discarded national anthem!) – this time the presumed winner of the June 1993 President, Chief M.K.O. Abiola,who was matyred in redemptive messiahnism.
In this connection, I commend former President Muhammadu Buhari ( as I did in 2018,even though he was not my idea of a good president) for ensuring that the National Assembly passed the requisite law, by which June 12 of every year ( rather than May 29) is marked as a public holiday. I recall my remarks on this issue 6 years ago, on the passage of that law, when I observed as follows;
“On June 12, 2014, I moved a motion at the National Conference that, not only should June 12 be declared a national holiday and the real Democracy day, but that Chief M.K.O. Abiola and all the souls of the faithful departed of those who gallantly lost their lives fighting for the realization of June 12, be remembered and immortalized. I demanded for one minute's silence for those heroes. The leadership of the Conference led by Justice Idris Legbo Kutigi agreed with me and a minute silence was accordingly observed. To me, it is not the right argument that PMB, did it for political reasons. Yes, he may very well have done it to shore up his battered political image and fast dwindling democratic credentials. But, the inescapable fact is that he has done the right thing for which history will remember him. This is the more reason, I believe the argument should now go, why he should retire quietly to his Daura home, having done one great thing for which he would be remembered.” ( see https//:diplomaticwatch.com,june-12-as-nigeria's-democracy-day-president-buhari-has-done-the-right-thing-for-which-hhistory-will-rremember-him-ozekhomee-san , june 8,2012).
Lessons of June 2012
I believe that the best way President Tinubu can demonstrate that he has learned the lesson of the tragic events in our national history which that day represents is captured in my advice a year ago. As they it still very pertinent, I would like to reiterate it here:
“What this present government led by President Bola Tinubu should borrow from the June 12 lesson, is good governance of peoples’ policy and not anti-people's that will further impoverish the already beleaguered people, who are already prostrate on their bellies. Policies that will make life better for the people. But, most importantly, Tinubu must listen to this, even if it is few things he can do. He must take steps to give Nigerians, a peoples’ Constitution, people-driven Constitution made by the people themselves, subjected to a referendum. You cannot amend the present Constitution which is a schedule actually attached to Decree 24 of 1999. It’s a militarily imposed Constitution. No amount of amendment can cure it of its original sin for being made by the military and not by Nigerian people. Even the preamble that says we the peoples of Nigeria do hereby give to ourselves the following Constitutions tells a lie about itself. Therefore, Tinubu must take deliberate steps, to ensure that the Constitution drafting committee, through a constituent assembly of the people, is established and the product that will emerge from it will give Nigeria a true federal system, not the present unitary system where the Federal government controls 67 items on the exclusive legislative list up to how you conduct your marriage through the marriage Act. Until he (Tinubu) makes a people's Constitution subjected to referendum which will enjoy peoples’ legitimacy as was done in Iraq, Iran, Eritrea, South Africa, Egypt, Tunisia, Kenya,until he takes that deliberate step, Nigeria will continue to suffer of perpetual motion on its axis without progress.” ( see https://www.naijanews.com/2023/06/12/democracy-day-what-tinubu-govt-should-borrow-from-june-12-lesson-ozekhome,12th June,2023). It is clear to me therefore that there is no nexus between the falling of a President and his failure or success. We have all,at one point in time or the other tripped and fallen. It has nothing to do with age-whether old or young. It is just a natural phenomenon to lose balance and fall. Isaac Newton's Law of Motion regarding gravitational force teaches us that much. It is therefore unhelpful to make a big issue of Tinubu 's misstep and fall on June 12,Democracy Day. Given the excruciatingly difficult times we are in,we appear to have completely lost our decency, humanity and sense of empathy,care and affection one for the other.It does not matter whether it is the President or the common man.We must desist from this ungodly trajectory and allow our religious teachings temper our political cravings for blood and vendetta with Godliness.God bless Nigeria.
IN 1987, the then Federal Military Government led by President Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida IBB set up an electoral body – the National Electoral Commission NEC to midwife a robust transition to civil rule political programme. This columnist was deployed from the Nigerian Television Authority NTA, to serve as the pioneer Director of Public Affairs of the Commission.
This positioned me to observe a number of things about politics and elections in Nigeria. I once came across a pamphlet titled ‘future heroes of Nigeria’s democracy’ compiled by a non-governmental organization identifying some well-known politicians that would likely succeed the military. But from my interactions with several politicians, I had huge doubts that many of the listed political leaders would readily choose to undergo danger and pain for the sake of democracy.
One sign that my fears were real was how the political class managed the emergence of political associations that would later be registered as political parties. The anti-democratic practices by which our leading politicians implemented the subject were disheartening. For example, to establish a huge followership, the 13 associations presented several large boxes containing membership lists as part of the requirements for registration as political parties.
During the verification of samples of the lists, the electoral commission found bogus submissions populated by fake and ghost names. Even when two of the 13 political associations – the National Republican Convention NRC and the Social Democratic Party SDP were eventually registered as political parties, there was no evidence that our politicians were prepared to play the game of politics by its rules.
While there was a point in the criticism that the military’s transition programme was circuitous, I saw clearly that the political class largely abetted the meandering nature of the programme. For instance, the first of the party primaries held by the NRC and SDP which were won by Adamu Ciroma and General Shehu Yar’Adua respectively were cancelled by government only because on a daily basis, party members and defeated candidates came forward with reports of a plethora of unwholesome practices which they claimed aided the winners. Why did democrats introduce anti-democratic practices into party prima- ries which they themselves conducted?
The annulment of the famous June 12 1993 presidential election was no doubt an error by the military, but several so-called democrats were also active participants in the conspiracy. During the collation of election results, representatives of the NRC- the party that lost the election – were fully aware that Moshood Abiola, the candidate of the SDP was the clear winner of the election. Yet, many of their members colluded with ambitious soldiers to scuttle the election. In addition, signs that the annulment could happen were already clear to the politicians some 48 hours earlier when the electoral commission was stopped from further posting election results on the big score boards installed by its premises for public viewing. Painfully, the expectation that the political class would close ranks and thereby dissuade the military from annulling an election recognized internationally as Nigeria’s best, simply evaporated.
Instead, unlike principled democrats, they exploited the stalemate to pollute the environment with false allegations. Indeed, officials of the SDP, the victorious party, were themselves too scared to claim their own victory. It is thus quite laughable to see some of such officials claiming today to be heroes of democracy when they did not put up any opposition to the emergence of an unelected interim government led by Chief Earnest Shonekan. In other climes, true democrats would have unanimously and unequivocally denounced all the undemocratic activities especially the mandate of the convoluted interim government to arrange for the conduct of fresh elections.
A few months later, the military, in line with their own script, returned to government under the leadership of General Sani Abacha. Again, officials of the NRC and SDP accepted to serve as Ministers of such an anti- democratic government amidst the continued efforts by MKO Abiola to pursue his mandate fully given by the electorate. The arguments of such opportunistic appointees that they were advised to join the government so as to fight for democracy from within or that Abiola gave them his consent were ludicrous especially when compared with the upright stance of the irrepressible human rights activist, Gani Fawehinmi against continued military rule. In fact, Gani publicly revealed that he turned down General Abacha’s offer for him to serve as Attorney- General and Minister of Justice adding that he told the General to hand over power to MKO Abiola if he wanted history to be kind to him.
With many so-called democrats as willing partners, General Abacha stabilized as the new head of state of Nigeria from 1993 to 1998. He even organized a transition programme designed to succeed himself using many politicians as fronts and agents. Indeed, all the five registered political parties at the time agreed to nominate Abacha as the flag-bearer of each of them! If General Abacha had outlived his self-succession programme, Nigerian politicians would have happily crowned him the first elected civilian president after military rule. The point must however be made that as military head of state, Abacha ruled the country with iron fist. He arrested and detained MKO Abiola who eventually died in detention and harassed into exile, every politician who refused to support his transition programme just as the few who remained at home were greatly traumatized.
It is from this latter group that we can find heroes of democracy led by Abiola. But there is doubt if such heroes are as many as people claim or that many of them were actually altruistic. I am unable to accept, for example, that anyone who served in Abacha’s military government can be counted among heroes of democracy. It is similarly unfair to recognize as heroes, those who went into trenches to fight military rule but returned later only to become enmeshed in undemocratic practices. Such persons readily belong to a group that only struggled to get into government to garner materialism and other perquisites of office. It would amount to a substantial derogation of democratic heroism to by whatever imagination elevate such pseudo democrats to the position of heroes of democracy.
The first feature of democracy is the sovereignty of the people. Everything done in a democracy is expected to be done on behalf of the people to whom all power belongs. In a democracy, the people are the subject and never the objects of governance. Can Nigeria, where the people’s representatives live in affluence at the expense of the toiling masses be described as a democratic society? The rule of law, a second feature of democracy which presupposes the equality of everyone before the law has never happened in Nigeria. Instead, office-holders often criminalize political dissent using a variant of the obsolete colonial law of sedition to arrest and detain anyone who seeks to hold them accountable. On their part, those who lose elections that should energize democracy through robust opposition, merely decamp to the ruling party for appointments.
Free and fair elections which constitute another feature of democracy have remained unattainable in Nigeria. To start with, each ruling party always assaults the independence of our electoral body by including politicians in the body which is legally expected to be an impartial umpire in the game of elections. Why must huge sums of money that would have been better deployed towards societal development be unnecessarily squandered on phoney elections especially at local government level? Although the judiciary had held in 2014 that the military should not be part of elections, the situation is yet to change just as our police have continued to wrongly disallow pub- lic protests which are an integral part of democracy.
For putting a blind eye to legislators’ inexplicable sal- aries/allowances, fake constituency projects and budget padding, our executive branch is left unchecked by the legislature contrary to what obtains elsewhere. Even loans to be repaid by future generations are hardly scrutinized to identify their probative value before approval. In the Judiciary, many judges are entangled in conflicting judgments that put them far away from their traditional rating as bastion of democracy. Searching for true heroes of democracy in Nigeria is thus a herculean task. Those involved in the search must strategically apply empirical criteria so as to avoid the likely possibili- ty of an inadvertent mix-up of political gladiators with true heroes.
One of the personalities I had expected to pump hands with at the dinner marking the 2024 Democracy Day in commemoration of the June 12 struggle, was the former chairman of the National Electoral Commission, 82-year-old Prof Humphrey Nwosu. His absence filled the State House Banquet Hall as if the pillars holding the rafters of the celebration were missing a couple of rods.
Without the street-wise academic whose principled commitment to transparency and accountability ensured the conduct of what has now been acknowledged as the freest and fairest electoral exercise in the history of Nigeria, there would have been no June 12.
Nwosu was appointed in the midst of the turbulence occasioned by the insistence of the irresistible military force of the Babangida machine to subvert the immovable resoluteness of the highly respected Prof Eme Awa whose removal as chairman of NEC created the vacancy that Nwosu filled.
Somehow, it seemed the hand of fate was at work. Nwosu had been Prof Eme Awa’s student at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka. The first time I saw the affable Nwosu was shortly after his appointment when he visited his former teacher, Awa, at his Ikoyi residence for his blessings and advice. My crew and I were at Awa’s residence to conclude a chat we had been having with the respected prof.
At first, the nation did not know what to make of the ever smiling Nwosu. He was reported to have said that what Nigeria needed was good governance based on a centrist philosophy of ‘A-little-to-the-right-and-a-little-to-the-left’. It tallied with General Babangida’s preaching of evolving a ‘home grown’ philosophy, a kind of socio-capitalism, an ideological bat which was neither a rodent nor a bird.
At that time, those of us who had had the experience of tangling with the military warned Nwosu not to believe a fox declaring its conversion to vegetarianism because after the declaration, every goat and lamb would be classified as modern vegetables.
It says a lot about Nwosu’s emotional maturity that he seemed to play along with Babangida’s duplicity while working hard to deliver a transparently free and fair electoral process. Among several options, he chose the open ballot system which he called Option A4 — a method of voting where voters would openly queue behind the posters of their preferred candidates. Voters on the queue were openly counted and the result publicly recorded.
The system also stultified the usual practice of the use of thugs by politicians to snatch ballot boxes, steal ballot papers or destroy critical documents related to the polls. There were no ballot papers, no ballot boxes, no polling booths. Voters simply went to their designated polling centres to queue behind the photographs of their preferred candidates. They were counted and the result of each polling booth was immediately recorded on the official sheets and declared there and then.
Naysayers swore that the polling was destined to fail. It was the rainy season and if it rained, that would be the end of polling for many people because there would be no hiding place. Secondly, a massive use of thugs to inflict serious bodily harm on supporters of the opposing party on open queues could ensure that others fearful for their lives would take to their heels. Some critics even said that the system would put tenants at loggerheads with their landlords in instances where a tenant was on the opposing queue from his landlord’s. But it did not rain; neither was there any kind of organised violence. As a matter of fact, polling Day, June 12, 1993, witnessed a carnival-like atmosphere as supporters of SDP’s MKO Abiola and NRC’s Bashir Tofa turned out in colourful regalia.
Halfway into the collation of results, an Abuja High Court halted further announcement of election results. A big board displaying all results had already been mounted at the headquarters of the electoral commission. The whole country knew the results: MKO Abiola had won. Eventually, after using professional traitors like Arthur Nzeribe and pliant judges to muddy the waters, General Babangida annulled the elections and thereby destroyed what would have been his greatest legacy to Nigeria: a free and fair election.
With hindsight, I think it is fair to say that if General Babangida had had the slightest inkling that Nwosu’s Option A4 would be such a resounding success, he would not have allowed the polls to hold. It seemed that the calculation of the military was that after they had failed to use Prof Awa to deliver a flawed democratic process, Nwosu would not want to be removed like his predecessor and would ‘cooperate’. But Nwosu knew he was having a rare handshake with history and he chose to side with the people rather than be a military lapdog.
That is why Humphrey Nwosu is a hero of democracy today. He ought to be used as a beacon of patriotism and integrity for the younger generation.
When former President Buhari was declaring June 12 as Democracy Day and honouring Chief MKO Abiola and some of the leading lights of the National Democratic Coalition, it did not occur to him that Humphrey Nwosu was alive and well and should have been celebrated just like those who were given national awards at the time. (Even Abiola’s running mate, Babagana Kingibe, who had abandoned the June 12 cause, was given the second highest national honour!)
Abiola would not have been the hero he turned out to be if Nwosu had not conducted the most transparent election in Nigeria. No election before or after that epochal electoral exercise has come close to Nwosu’s Option A4 in transparency and acceptability!
There are others, too, who ought to be remembered and honoured at a time of historical significance such as the Democracy Day; for example, the veteran human rights activist and former president of the Nigerian Bar Association, Chief Alao Aka-Bashorun who had to escape to Benin Republic, as well as many activists in Radio Freedom, Radio Kudirat and NALICON.
What about the quartet of June 12 activists: Richard Ogunderu, 19; Kabir Adenuga, 18; Benneth Oluwadaisi, 20; and Kenny Rasaq Lawal, 19— all students of the Federal University of Technology, Akure (FUTA)— who spent nine years in a Niamey (Niger Republic) prison for hijacking a plane to press for the validation of the annulled election?
I was expecting to see Col. Abubakar Dangiwa Umar in the front row on Democracy Day. Take a bow, great officer and principled gentleman!
June 12 was a pan-Nigerian struggle headquartered in (but not restricted to) the Southwest.
I remember some of the activists who stood firmly on the side of June 12: Commodore Dan Suleiman, Dr. Beko Ransome-Kuti, Shehu Sani, Rear Admiral Ndubuisi Kanu, and, if I may remember some of those whose paths crossed mine in those days of goggled evil: Eze Mark Odu, BK Ogala, Moshood Fayemiwo, Jimmy Imo, Joe Igbokwe, Eddy Okparaoji, among others.
It was such a joyful sight seeing Kunle Ajibade, George Mbah and others whom the gods had snatched from the jaws of destruction. They’ve all paid their dues. The ways of the unmade maker are wondrous, I told myself, as I looked from one erstwhile classified enemy of the state to the other: ’fugitive’, ‘terrorist’, ‘dissident’, ‘NADECO spy’, ‘guerrilla journalist’, ‘NALICON informant’…. Now they’re all gaily turned out for dinner — in the State House!
They are ordinary people who did extraordinary things. As Christopher Reeve notes, “A hero is an ordinary individual who finds the strength to persevere and endure in spite of overwhelming obstacles.”
I wager that President Tinubu will not need any further nudging to decorate Humphrey Nwosu, Abubakar Umar Dangiwa and other heroes of the June 12 struggle with the national honours commensurate with their service and sacrifice.
The Bola Tinubu administration is at loggerheads with the states over local government autonomy. The federal government filed a lawsuit against the 36 governors at the Supreme Court seeking an order to allow federation allocations to be credited directly to the accounts of the councils, to stop the governors from constituting caretaker committees to run council affairs, and to restrain the governors from receiving, spending, or tampering with funds released from the federation account for the benefit of local governments when no democratically elected system is in place. In one word, the federal government wants the local councils to be autonomous — like the states themselves.
While we await the ruling of the Supreme Court, I have been reading arguments on the merits and demerits of council autonomy. Those in support of autonomy argue that being the closest government to the people, councils should be politically and economically independent, with democratically elected leaders. Those against autonomy think the councils could go on the loose with public funds, like state governments, if they have unfettered access to allocations. President Olusegun Obasanjo once called them “774 stealing centres”. There seems to be not much rigorous diagnosis of why the councils are weak. We tend to think it is all down to autonomy or lack of it.
To resolve my dilemma, I have tried to understand the place of councils in federal set-ups across the world. For a federal system — or any system whatsoever — to connect properly with the people, there must be a well-run grassroots governance which is devoid of any other layer between the government and the communities. It can be called local government areas (LGAs), municipalities, counties, councils, boroughs, whatever. They typically do drain management, sanitation, waste collection, street lightning, roads, and other essential services delegated by superior governments. The devolution of power across the world is effected mainly through the empowerment of councils.
Some advocates of federalism will say there are only two tiers in a federal system. That is 95 percent correct. Federalism is a union of two equal tiers of government — the centre (federal) and the states (subnational). Councils are an administrative, not federative, unit. But things are changing with the need to deepen democracy. In his article, ‘Local governments in federal systems: deepening federal democracy?’, Prof Nico Steytler, a South African scholar, notes that “local government is increasingly recognized in federal constitutions as an order of government, alongside the federal and state governments, with the right to a measure of autonomy regarding the affairs of the local community”.
In 1988, for instance, the Federative Republic of Brazil elevated councils (“municipio”) to a tier of government and granted them total autonomy from the states. In the Commonwealth of Australia, which is also a federation, local governments are treated as the third tier but with limited autonomy. Its federal constitution does not expressly mention local governments. Attempts were made to include them in the federal constitution but the referendums in 1974 and 1988 did not succeed. As things stand, every state constitution recognises local governments in its own territory. However, in Germany, Spain, and Switzerland, local authorities self-govern but they are not a federative unit.
In opposing the idea of council autonomy in Nigeria, some campaigners argue that the LGAs were created by the military and the numbers disproportionately favour the north. They posit that because the north has more LGAs than the south, granting councils autonomy and releasing their federation allocations directly to them will entrench injustice and imbalance in the political economy. I really don’t understand this logic, but I admit that emotional arguments are usually like that. I prefer we focus the debate on how to reform the councils to deliver governance to the grassroots — including a functioning primary health care system and improved enrolment in primary schools.
It is argued in some corners that Lagos and Kano used to have the same number of LGAs but Kano has now more than doubled the size of Lagos state. Kano has 44 and Lagos has 20. Jigawa, which was carved out of Kano in 1991, has 27. This takes the old Kano state to 71 LGAs “whereas Lagos remains stuck at 20”. On this basis, some are opposed to council autonomy “until Nigeria is restructured and the injustice is rectified”. However, some of these figures are incorrect and the comparison of Lagos with Kano only shows how data can be deployed to validate bias. In fact, at no time did Kano and Lagos states have the same number of LGAs. In 1979, Lagos had eight LGAs and the old Kano had 20.
At independence, the LGAs were called Native Authorities. Actually, there were a total of 246 NAs as at 1950, with the north alone having 144 (59 percent). The West (today’s south-west plus Edo and Delta states) had 55 and the East (south-east and south-south, minus Edo and Delta) had 47. That was what we inherited from the colonial masters. It is, therefore, disingenuous to hold the military responsible for the configuration. I am not sure of the criteria used in creating the LGAs, but I do not think landmass — which advantages the north — was the sole consideration. Otherwise, Toro LGA, which is about the same size as Lagos state, will not be just one local government in Bauchi state.
Although, the Lagos/Kano comparison is whipped up perennially to enhance the argument about northern domination of Nigeria, I do not think we should discount it. It serves a purpose. Without these debates, there may not be serious attempts to even things up in the federation. However, we cannot stretch the Lagos/Kano too far. The old Oyo state had only 11 LGAs at creation in 1976 but now has 33. Add that to the 30 LGAs in Osun state, which was carved out of Oyo state in 1991, and the old Oyo state now has 63. The old Imo had 20 LGAs in 1979. Today, it has 27 while Abia, carved out of the state in 1991, has 17. That is a total of 44. Ebonyi, partly carved out of Imo in 1996, has 13.
We can spend so much time arguing over “northern domination” of the national cake and then forget the real issue at stake: how to make the councils work better for the grassroots and for our democracy. If the councils do well, many things we complain about will be fixed: the roads in front of our houses, the drainage on our streets, the attention at the primary health care where basic treatments and drugs are supposed to be available, the sanitation of our environments and the enrolment of children into primary schools. If the councils continue to function like they do, we will continue to suffer from governance deficit. That is what we should be discussing, not Lord Lugard.
Even though I have a dilemma over the issue of local government autonomy, I still have a bias. I try to be as practical as possible because of the way we are. Given our history and practice of federalism and democracy in Nigeria, council autonomy will not work. The capacity is not there. The governance structure is weak. Pouring trillions of naira directly to the local governments will change nothing. We would just end up with a new generation of political billionaires. We are already dealing with waste and corruption at the federal and state levels. Only very few councils are manned by competent hands. That is the reality — the unfortunate situation we have found ourselves as a people.
I tend to prefer the Australian model for the councils. In Australia, LGAs are not treated as a tier of government and do not have direct relationship with the federal government. Rather, they operate as administrative units for the states to deliver household services to the grassroots. They build infrastructure, provide community facilities such as libraries and parks, maintain local roads and handle town planning and development approvals. I seem to prefer an amendment to the Nigerian constitution to define and place the councils as administrative units of the states. Let the states “own” the local councils and deploy them as their foot soldiers for service delivery to the people.
Nonetheless, there should be a democratic system of electing the officials to manage the political affairs of the councils, though this will be influenced by the governors. What we call council elections today are appointments made by the governors and formalised through the ballot. There is no need to deceive ourselves. But, still, there should be periodic elections. Enough of this caretaker joke. I think that every state should create as many councils as it wants as long as it can fund them. India, with a population of 1.1 billion, has 250,000 councils. The US, with a population of 328 million, has 90,000. Switzerland, with eight million people, has 2,775. Nigeria, with 200 million people, has 774.
Finally, I also think that the state joint local government account — into which councils’ allocations are paid and which the states habitually sit upon — should be abolished. All federation allocations to the councils should go to the states directly. Let them develop an equitable sharing formula in line with their priorities. Fair enough, councils have tax handles allocated to them in the constitution, so they can also generate revenue in addition to whatever they get from the federation through the states. I do not know if my suggestions would solve the problems at hand, but the reality on the ground is that the current system is not working for the people. We need to try something new.
AND FOUR OTHER THINGS…
EMPIRE STRIKES BACK
Days after Mrs Simisola Fajemirokun Ajayi, an aide to minister of foreign affairs, alleged that Mr Ibrahim Lamuwa, the permanent secretary of the ministry, sexually harassed her, the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) curiously invited her for interrogation over an allegation of corruption that was not in the public domain. The timing of the invitation is provoking suggestions that the system is trying to protect one of its own. Empire always strikes back. That is why women hesitate to report rape and sexual harassment. Now, the onus is on the ICPC to prove that this probe is not being deployed to shut her up or harass her. Co-incidence?
‘TINUBU LULE’
President Tinubu missed his steps and fell while trying to mount the parade vehicle at the Democracy Day celebration on Wednesday. The usual suspects immediately engaged the celebratory button. It was a good thing that he got up immediately and performed the rest of the ceremony without any incident. At the dinner event, he found time to deliver some self-depreciating humour, saying he was not dancing “buga” but only “dobale” (prostrated) for democracy. The incident is now behind us but rumours of ill health will surely continue. Swimming against the tide of the mockers, Mr Peter Obi courageously put politics aside, sympathised with Tinubu and said it could happen to anyone. Class.
FINIDI JUDGED
It has taken only two competitive matches for many Nigerian football fans to conclude that Finidi George is not the man to lead the Super Eagles to the promised land. A 1-1 with South Africa now seems to be a great result compared to the 2-1 loss to “little” Republic of Benin a few days later. Nigeria faces an uphill task to qualify for the 2026 World Cup. The Nigeria Football Federation (NFF) appears to have admitted it made a mistake with Finidi’s appointment by announcing its plan to engage a foreign coach. This fire brigade approach is obviously an attempt by the NFF to save face as we face the prospect of missing another World Cup after failing to make Qatar 2022. Quagmire.
NO COMMENT
Nigeria sent the highest number of registered delegates to the International Labour Conference (ILC) in Geneva, Switzerland, according to a statistical analysis by the boffins at TheCable. Of the 187 countries represented at the conference, Nigeria — a country claiming to be cutting the cost of running government — topped the table with 289 delegates. Government alone sent 108 registered as “government delegates”. It is a tradition we have created and sustained for decades. Last year, Nigeria invaded the 28th Conference of Parties (COP28) in the United Arab Emirates with 1,411 delegates. The Geneva jamboree has further demonstrated our resolve to cut costs. Wonderful.
There is a miraculous deliverance coming for you now! Listen, you are not alone in this. Many have gone through more difficult situations and God faithfully delivered them. Joseph’s brothers envied, mocked, betrayed, disrobed and dumped him in the pit to die, but God miraculously rescued him. His trouble was as a result of the deep, grievous envy and hatred by his step brothers. They hated him because he was reporting their crimes to their father. They hated him because their father loved him. They hated him because their father made a special coat of many colours for him. Add he added salt to injury when he stupidly shared his God-given dreams about his destiny with them. God had shown him dreams that he would be exalted and blessed above his brothers and instead of him keeping it to himself, he began to broadcast it. Many of us destroy ourselves by talking too much or exposing so much to people and to our enemies. It is not everything you see that say out. Stop taking. There are things God will tell you to share with others and also there are some he will want you to keep to yourself and watch over. Joseph exposed so much and so early and almost paid with his life. Most people, including your good friends and loving relations may not be very happy to learn that you are divinely or humanly being tipped ahead of them. Shut your mouth if you want to live long! Did you hear me?
Many people have been harmed, attacked, robbed, poisoned, betrayed and killed because of this. Many great destinies have been delayed, diverted or totally destroyed. Envy, jealousy and covetousness account for most of the wickedness and murders you see in our society today. Most people naturally don’t want others to overtake them in life. Don’t mind the make-up cheers and congratulations. True. Pharaoh enslaved and tried to destroy the Israelites because of envy. King Saul did everything to destroy David because of envy. Jezebel and Ahab murdered Naboth and Cain killed his brother Abel for it. Aaron and Miriam revolted against Moses their brother because of envy and covetousness. Satan pulled down Adam and Eve for it. Jesus was hunted from birth, harassed, betrayed, sold and eventually killed because of this. His own brothers; the Jewish establishment didn’t want him, so they handed him over to the Roman authorities to be crucified! We can go on and on. In fact, the whole universe is in turmoil today because of this. Remember Satan coveted God’s throne and planned to overthrow him and when it was discovered he was chased down with his host of disgraced angels. Envy and covetousness will always breed hatred, betrayal, wickedness, disloyalty, rebellion and destruction. Run away from it. Now, back to Joseph. When the innocent boy brought the food for his brother in the field they unfortunately saw it as an opportunity to stop him by all means. Just read this, “When Joseph’s brothers saw him coming, they recognized him in the distance and made plans to kill him. ‘Here comes that dreamer!’ they exclaimed. ‘Come on, let’s kill him and throw him into a deep pit. We can tell our father that a wild animal has eaten him. Then we’ll see what becomes of all his dreams!” Genesis 37: 18-20. My God! Did you hear that? Envy! Hatred! Their problem was that he was dreaming to be great. Their own kid brother who came to do good to them? It is only envy and bitterness that can make people think of such evil for a brother who volunteered to come and feed them in the wilderness. He travelled all the way from valley of Hebron to Shechem and to Dothan to see them. Paying evil for good? But the word of God took care of this when it said that those who pay evil for good will sure have evil come to live permanently in their house. What you sow is what you will reap. It is an immutable law. And you already know that the harvest is always much greater than the seed. Be careful! Sow only good seeds!
Nigerians have raised their concerns after President Tinubu lost his footing and fell at Eagle Square during the Democracy Day event. For many, this incident overshadowed the significance of the day and President Tinubu's speech. Such incidents are not completely uncommon, with similar events involving American Presidents Joe Biden and Gerald Ford and Chinese President Xi Jinping. Ordinarily, this should not be a source of concern unless it becomes a frequent occurrence.
During his speech, President Tinubu paid tribute to the heroes and heroines of democracy as Nigeria celebrates 25 years into its democratic journey. He also promised to protect the rights and freedom of citizens, reiterating that the current reforms, though challenging, are for the betterment of the country's future. Additionally, President Tinubu pledged to have a listening ear and said an executive bill on the New National Minimum Wage would soon be sent to the National Assembly.
While the President’s speech was filled with assurances and hope, Nigerians are asking for results and evidence of progress. As Nigeria marks 25 years of democracy, the critical question is how this has positively impacted the lives of Nigerians. The saying, "na democracy we go chop?" highlights the need for tangible benefits from democratic governance. The country, once known for saying, "Money is not the problem, but how to spend it," is now struggling to survive. Many ask;’’ how did we get here?’.
Implementing an improved national minimum wage is seen as a crucial step toward alleviating the suffering of Nigerians. Apart from providing salary workers with decent pay, it is expected to stimulate the economy by increasing people’s purchasing power, and workers’ productivity. Business owners would benefit through stimulated demand and the government would receive more taxes. Long-term benefits to the nation include a reduction in crime and insecurity.
If the proposed Executive Order on “Inflation Reduction and Price Stability (Fiscal Policy Measures) Order 2024” is signed by the President, it will bring relief to both citizens and businesses. The proposal includes suspending import duties and other tariffs for six months on staple food items, raw materials for manufacturing, agricultural inputs, pharmaceutical products, poultry feeds, flour, and grain. While the government will lose some revenue, there are questions about what will happen after the six months.
The government should intensify its efforts to improve infrastructure, particularly in areas of transportation and power. A significant challenge remains insecurity, which has gradually crippled the country. Agriculture and mining, crucial sectors for economic diversification, are most affected. Nigerians are looking for immediate impact in job creation. With high unemployment rates, particularly among the youth, the government’s economic reforms must prioritize creating job opportunities. Improving citizens’ access to quality healthcare and education is also essential for national development.
Corruption continues to be a major obstacle to Nigeria's development. The government needs to increase its efforts to combat corruption, ensuring that public funds are used efficiently and that individuals involved in corrupt activities are held responsible. Transparent and accountable governance will help to establish public confidence and garner support for the government's initiatives.
As Nigeria celebrates 25 years of democracy, speeches alone are not enough. Nigerians desire results and improvements in their lives. They want to see more concrete actions and outcomes from the promises made. While celebrating the journey, the government must deliver on its commitments and ensure that democratic governance translates into better living conditions for all citizens.
The journey of democracy is ongoing, and while celebrating milestones is important, the true measure of success lies in the improved living standards of the people. Nigerians are not just looking for assurances; but for results that will make a real difference in their daily lives. The government must rise to the challenge and deliver on its promises to build a better future for Nigeria.
Author: Kenechukwu Aguolu FCA, PMP, CBAP
Business Analyst | Project Manager | Chartered Accountant | Public Affairs Analyst
Abuja, Nigeria This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.
In the evening of August 17, 2023, twelve Akwa Ibom persons were abducted along Sokoto-Zamfara expressway as they travelled to Sokoto. Eleven of them were young men and women reporting for their NYSC camp for the mandatory one-year service, while one was the driver of the Akwa Ibom Transport company-branded bus in which they were travelling. Months passed, and one by one, the captives were released as the abductors received huge sums of ransoms from the families of the abductees. By the middle of June, 11 abductees have been released. I have followed this story with the keenness of a brain surgeon. On November 27, I wrote a piece titled, ‘’100 days in captivity: the story of the abducted corps members’’. I followed it up with another one on December 23. I asked the authorities, including the NYSC management, to do all in their power to get them out. I argued that the government of Akwa Ibom State had a moral responsibility to intervene and facilitate their release since they were only going to serve their motherland. I also made efforts to reach the NYSC DG and hear from him on what the agency has been doing.
Last week, I met with one of the abducted girls. It was facilitated by one of her professors. Outwardly, she looks like any other young Akwa Ibom lady, but inside, she carries a scar, an emotional wound. She sobbed intermittently as she recalled the traumatic experience in vivid details. For obvious reasons, I will conceal her identity. Her story:
‘’I graduated in business administration in 2021 and was called up in 2023 for the NYSC scheme. I was posted to Sokoto State and I really looked forward to serving the country. I love the NYSC scheme; the khaki trousers and white vest; the parades; the drills; the opportunity to travel to other parts of the country, meet other Nigerians and see the vastness of the country and all that. We boarded the bus at the AKTC terminus in Uyo in the morning of August 16. We were all would-be corps members; some of us were heading to Abuja and Kano, but 11 of us were going to Sokoto. We arrived Abuja in the evening and spent the night at the AKTC terminus there. Early the following morning, August 17, we set off to Kano where some people disembarked; and eleven of us proceeded to Sokoto.
‘’Around 7.40 pm, on the Sokoto-Zamfara expressway, we ran into a roadblock mounted by kidnappers, on both sides of the expressway. They fired sporadically into the air and ordered all 12 of us (11 would-be corps members and the driver) out of the vehicle. As we were being marched into the bush, three of us escaped, leaving nine of us (four men and five women) with the captors. We walked all night in the bush till we got to their camp where there was a hut, but we slept in the open, on the ground, in the bush, in the rain and sunshine, day and night. I was released on December 7, after spending three months and two weeks with the kidnappers in captivity. I turned 27 in captivity on Friday, December 1. It was the worst experience of my life. We were beaten every day, mostly in the mornings, with iron rod; fed once in two or three days with rice which we cooked without ingredients – just white rice no salt; no pepper; nothing. We slept on the bare ground in the bush, in the same clothes that we had on when we were captured. We had our baths once in two or three weeks in a stream about a kilometer away. A lot of us fell sick and nearly died. I was very sick too.
On December 7, I was released with another girl - two of us. They led us back to the expressway. I was very sick and could barely walk. On the road, NYSC officials and military personnel were waiting for us. They came in armoured military vehicles, picked us and took us to a hospital in a nearby town where we spent two days before we were taken to a military hospital in Kaduna where we spent about three weeks.
I enrolled in the NYSC scheme after I left the hospital and I am now serving at (name withheld). I understand that the bus driver was released early this year.
My father is late, but my mother is alive, dealing in petty business. My elder brother raised money, sold things and borrowed money to pay for the ransom. He travelled to Zamfara twice, bringing the money to designated point along the expressway for the abductors. We were released randomly as the kidnappers did not even identify the abductee on whose behalf ransoms were paid.
I thank God for keeping us alive and rescuing us from captivity. I still suffer from trauma. I feel unsafe and I’m always afraid, anxious and apprehensive. I salute the NGOs, activists and journalists like you who worked for our release. I have not been contacted by any official of Akwa Ibom State government, but I am grateful to the management of the NYSC for doing all they could to rescue us. I pray for the remaining person in captivity’’.
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A LOT of mischief is going on in the banking sub-sector of Nigeria’s financial ecosystem since the Central Bank of Nigeria, on June 3, 2024, announced the revocation of the banking license of Heritage Bank Plc.
The not so subtle campaign by some faceless groups to demarket an otherwise solid financial institution like the Fidelity Bank Plc., however, has not escaped the attention of the discerning banking publics. But it is a mischief taken too far.
In revoking the banking license of Heritage Bank, the CBN made it clear that its board and management has been unable to improve the bank’s financial performance, a situation which the country’s apex bank says constitutes a threat to the country’s financial stability.
A statement by Mrs. Hakama Sidi Ali, Ag. Director, Corporate Communications of the CBN, said it acted in accordance with its mandate to promote a sound financial system in Nigeria and in exercise of its powers under Section 12 of the Banks and Other Financial Act, BOFIA, 2020.
Many Nigerians, particularly those abreast of the goings on in the banking industry did not raise any eyebrows at the news of the revocation and subsequent appointment of the Nigeria Deposit Insurance Corporation, NDIC, as the liquidator.
But since then, mischief makers have been bandying the names of other banks – Fidelity Bank, Wema Bank, Polaris Bank and Unity Bank – that will go the Heritage way. To make their spurious claims seem real, they recirculated a circular issued by CBN on January 10, 2024, notifying the public about the dissolution of the Boards of Union, Keystone, and Polaris banks as though it was issued on June 10, 2024.
And even when the CBN, while insisting that the case of the now defunct Heritage Bank was an isolated one, stated unequivocally that allegations of further revocation of licenses prior to the completion of the bank recapitalisation exercise were mere fabrications of those who didn’t wish the banking sector well, such insinuations have persisted.
But the question that continues to concentrate the minds of many Nigerians is: Why Fidelity Bank? Of course, the question is pertinent considering the fact that even if the January 10 notification memo dissolving the boards of Union, Keystone and Polaris banks is taken to mean that the banks were in trouble, Fidelity Bank was not one of them.
It is, however, instructive that this mischief has become more strident in the last one week since Fidelity Bank signed the necessary documentation to raise about N127.1 billion from a public offer and rights issue to its existing shareholders to raise its capital base in line with the CBN’s fresh capitalisation directive.
The bank is eyeing N97.5 billion fresh funds from its public offer and N29.6 billion from its rights issue which offers existing shareholders one new ordinary share for every 10 ordinary shares held as at January 5, 2024, at N9.25 per share. For the Public Offer, 10,000,000,000 ordinary shares of 50 Kobo each will be offered to the general investing public at N9.75 per share when the acceptance and application lists for the rights issue and public offer open on Thursday, June 20, 2024.
Speaking at the signing ceremony which held at the board room of the bank’s head office in Lagos on Wednesday, June 5, the Managing Director and Chief Executive Officer, Nneka Onyeali-Ikpe, disclosed that “the proceeds of the combined offer will be applied towards investment in IT infrastructure, business and regional expansion, and investment in product distribution channels.”
With an international operating license from the CBN, Fidelity Bank is mandated to raise its capital base to N500 billion within the next two years and for a bank that is sure of its business fundamentals, it is not a surprise that it has effectively positioned itself at the forefront of achieving the revised minimum capital requirements for Nigerian commercial banks. No other bank is yet to embark on the process.
Could that be the reason for the campaign of calumny? If it is, then those on this demarketing campaign are tactless and dim. They would have known that the campaign died even before it took off.
But the dim-wittedness of the agents of doom beggars belief. If not, how could one envisage that one of the high flying financial institutions in Nigeria could be at the verge of being liquidated? What explanation will even the CBN give for taking such a step because the truth remains that if Fidelity Bank is declared insolvent today, then no other bank is safe.
Why?
Since Fidelity Bank was incorporated in 1987 and began operations in 1988, it has not looked back. Though it started with a Merchant Banking licence, it converted to a commercial bank in 1999 in a deliberate push to grow as a private limited liability company. Yet, not satisfied with playing the second fiddle, the bank transmuted into a Public Limited Company in August of the same year. Since then, it has grown from being a marginal player to one of the industry giants, securing its universal banking license in February 2001.
In 2005 during the Chukwuma Soludo-engineered consolidation exercise, Fidelity Bank acquired the then FSB International Bank Plc. and Manny Bank Plc. to become one of the top 10 Nigerian banks. Six years after the consolidation, the bank was ranked not only the seventh most capitalised bank in Nigeria but also the 25th on the African continent. In 2011, it obtained its international banking license and following its renewed retail and digital banking drive, was ranked the fourth best bank in Nigeria in the retail market segment in the 2017 KPMG Banking Industry Customer Satisfaction Survey, BICSS.
Today, Fidelity Bank has presence in all the states and major cities in Nigeria and continues to rank among one of the ten main banks in the country by tier-one capital of nearly $1 billion.
In a report on April 11, 2024 titled, “Fidelity Bank in 2024: A Peek Under the Banking Bonnet,” Proshare, a financial services information provider wrote: “In two decades, Fidelity Bank has sweated its assets to grow gross earnings to N337.05 billion in FY 2022, with an average annual growth rate of 30.3 per cent. The group has diversified its gross earnings, averaging 16 per cent from non-interest income and 84 per cent from interest income. The consistent rise in digital income and foreign exchange gains appears to have supported the continuous rise in the lender’s non-interest income, providing a buffer for rising operating costs.”
Proshare analysts also estimated that Fidelity Bank will rise to full Tier 1 status in its next Tier 1 Banking Sector Report even as it currently leads second-tier banks in gross earnings, profitability, total assets, customer deposits, loans and advances.
In its report on the best performing banks in Q1 2024 based on pre-tax profit, Nairametrics, an online business magazine, said: “Fidelity Bank Plc. posted a pre-tax profit of N39.5 billion, marking a 120 per cent growth from the N17.9 billion pre-tax profit recorded in Q1 2023. During the quarter, the bank posted a net interest income of N99.6 billion, marking a 90 per cent YoY growth from Q1 2023. Fidelity Bank posted gross earnings of N192.1 billion during the quarter, as it also recorded a net income of N31.4 billion, up by 101 per cent YoY from N15.7 billion as of Q1 2023.”
Based on its outstanding financial performance, the bank was voted the most trusted wealth management company for 2023, earning top rankings for “financial soundness, quality of products and services, protecting privacy and security, and sensitivity to customer needs” by Investor’s Business Daily.
The odious attempt to precipitate a run on Fidelity Bank is financial sleight of hand of the worst sort. While the bank is not at any risk considering its very robust fundamentals, the banking industry may be worse such invidious campaign if unchecked.
Those who are trying to instigate instability in the country’s financial ecosystem should desist. Competition must not be a sleight of the hand battle.
THE on-going right wing shifts in European parliamentary elections give the impression that there are seismic shifts in the plates of its politics. Please don’t worry yourself. There are no possibilities of earthquakes. These are mere rumblings in the belly of its body politic.
It is said that Europe’s far-right gained historic grounds in the elections, but the lesson for us in the underdeveloped countries is that it is better to view the right parties as becoming essentially the same. The lines between the right, centre right and far right, are becoming blurred.
Yes, the so-called far-right made political gains in Germany, Netherlands, Spain, Italy and France. But also, some centre-right politicians made moves to the far-right, especially to fight against migration.
In France, for instance, tougher legislation was passed in December 2023 against migration. President Emmanuel Macron who claimed to have been fighting the far-right in his country over the years, was on the same page with them. He rationalised his anti-migration shift as “a shield that we needed”.
But that did not shield him and his party at the European polls. Expectedly, the National Rally in France made gains at the expense of President Macron. Also expectedly, Macron switched into panic mode. Dazed by the defeats, he called legislative elections in France this month; three months early. Don’t mind the gambler.
In Germany, the right wing, Alternative for Germany, AfD, beat Chancellor Olaf Schoz’s centre left Social Democratic Party, SDP, in the elections by 16 per cent.
Although the far-right made gains, its 150 seats in the European parliament of 720, does not amount to any dramatic shift; what it does is to announce that significant populations in Europe are beginning to shed their toga of human rights and liberal disposition.
Before the elections, Europe which is never tired of talking about partnerships and shared prosperity with Africa, Asia and the Middle East, had been quite busy virtually criminalising migration.
To be sure, they are not opposed to European migration or continued occupation of other parts of the world. Just last month, France violently put down protests in New Caledonia, a colony in in the South Pacific. France does not only want a continuation of the so-called right of its citizens to migrate to that territory, but also, the French parliament voted that recent French arrivals in the territory would have the right to vote in provincial elections. The simple plan of France is to flood the colony with its citizens and eventually in “democratic elections” out-vote the indigenes and, transform the colony to a full French territory.
So, while Europeans think they have the right to freely migrate to other parts of the world, their political leaders are using any means possible, including criminality, to keep people from the underdeveloped countries from migrating to Europe. This includes consciously letting would-be migrants who can be saved, to drown in the turbulent seas. The Italian government of Premier Giorgia Meloni has a policy of denying ships with endangered migrants, safe harbour. It is a crime in that country for a ship with rescued migrants to rescue other migrants from the waves no matter the danger they face.
Europe has been quite busy perfecting policies of denying migrants their fundamental human rights by paying third parties to do the dirty job. For instance, the Rapid Support Services, RSF, which has been primarily responsible for the genocide in Darfur since 2003 and, is engaged in war crimes in its on-going battles against the regular Sudanese military, has received millions of Euros from the EU. They are payments to stop, by the use of brutal force, Sudanese, Somali, Eritrean and Ethiopian migrants from travelling to Europe from Sudanese soil. With such funds, the RSF buys arms and continues to carry out war crimes against the Sudanese. There are now over 10 million displaced Sudanese and double that number in need of urgent food aid. The EU had, in order to fund the militia, branded the RSF killing machine as a “border force”. As recent as Wednesday, March 6, 2024, the British Foreign Office was in secret talks with the RSF allegedly to persuade it to allow peace to reign.
In Euro-Asia, the EU under its March 18, 2016 Pact with Turkey, agreed to pay the latter, six billion Euro to accept migrants forced to leave Europe, especially Greece. The job of Turkey is to force such migrants into mass concentration camps and shut the gates of Europe against them. Additionally, Turkey is given the task to stop fresh migrants, especially from Syria, reaching Europe. One of the carrots dangled before Turkey was accelerated EU membership. Interestingly, this has failed to materialise eight years later. However, with massive crackdown, the flow of migrants into Europe through Turkey was reduced by 95 per cent in two years.
Taking advantage of the near-anarchy in Libya, Europe pays the Libyan ‘government’ to keep migrants by force from reaching Europe. Under a Memorandum of Understanding signed on February 2, 2017, the Italian government funds Libya to secure its borders and prevent migration.
The EU offered Tunisia, 105 million Euro for “border management” in a so-called partnership programme. This money is simply a contract for the Tunisian government to stop migrants from crossing to Europe from Tunisian territory.
One of the EU’s most successful outsourcing of brutality on migrants heading to Europe, is the business deal with Morocco. In exchange for substantial EU financial payments, Morocco in 2023 stopped 75,000 migrants from reaching Europe. It has also tried to use the migration gambit to join the EU as a member. But the latter rejected the Moroccan application on the basis that it is not an European state.
In the case of Britain, it signed an April 14, 2022 “Asylum Partnership Agreement” with Rwanda. Under this, thousands of migrants are to be deported to that African country for a fee of $146 million. But the July 4, 2024 election in Britain has caught up with the deportation plans. So, Prime Minister Rishi Sunak says the forced deportations will come after the elections.
In its own case, Australia in Oceania has been quite busy honing anti-migration policies. It out-sourced migration to Papua New Guinea where vast detention camps were established. Before these open prisons for migrants were closed, some had spent up to five years in detention.
What the European parliamentary elections tell us in Africa is that the gloves are coming off. There will not just be tougher migration to Europe, but tougher times for non-White people, even if they are European citizens.
Circa 2005. Early evening in London. After initial commitments, some Western nations seemed to be reconsidering the debt deal with Nigeria. Italy was one such nation. After agreeing to an appointment to discuss the next steps, the country’s finance minister became unreachable. His assistants who had arranged the meeting claimed ignorance of his whereabouts. Progress seemed impossible. “Do you know where he’s staying?” Okonjo-Iweala asked Edith Jibunoh, my colleague who had been communicating with the Italians. The answer was yes. “Let’s go there,” Okonjo-Iweala said. Informed that there was no way of knowing if the minister was in the hotel or when he’d arrive, Okonjo-Iweala declared, “We’ll wait for him.” And so, the Finance Minister of Nigeria waited at the hotel’s reception for several hours for her Italian counterpart. The elusive gentleman finally walked into the lobby late in the evening. He couldn’t hide his shock when Okonjo-Iweala walked up to him with a smile. “Hello, your excellency. What a pleasure to run into you!” she said to the apologetic Italian. The meeting held, and progress was made.
“What kind of person is Madam Ngozi? Who is she, really?”
This is a question I am often asked about Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, who turns 70 today. I’ve heard it from people of all walks of life, ages, and demographics, especially young people – professionals, undergraduates, secondary school students, and even children. Youths, in particular, are fascinated by Okonjo-Iweala. Soon after meeting her, she becomes their adopted aunty or mentor.
But young or old, many people want to know the person behind the visible aspects of her personal brand – the big eyes behind the glasses, the passionate and emphatic style, the rigorous yet simple communication that demystifies and humanizes difficult economic concepts… and of course, the unique fashion taste that has made local fabrics a staple in the wardrobes of society women.
The questions are not strange. In this era of heightened celebrity-dom, there’s a fascination with discovering the authentic persons behind the social media-crafted personas. So, who is Okonjo-Iweala, really, and what makes her tick? The story above gives an idea. Okonjo-Iweala is not only brilliant and high-achieving; she’s also passionate and focused on delivering results.
Let’s start with what the world already knows: Okonjo-Iweala is exceptional. It is not an exaggeration to say that she is one of the most visible and consequential public servants in the history of the country, widely admired and respected across the continent and the world. She was a 49-year-old Vice President at the World Bank when she was appointed Obasanjo’s second-term Finance Minister. In the intervening 21 years, Okonjo-Iweala has evolved to become the face of world-class, high-performing Nigerian technocracy in Africa and the world, a profile cemented by her current role as the Director-General of the World Trade Organization. And typically, she is doing unprecedented things at the WTO. Her leadership has energized the institution, boosted its profile and role as a key player in the global multilateral space. In words and deeds, she demonstrates a fact often forgotten: trade is a vital force for lifting nations and improving lives worldwide. Under Okonjo-Iweala, WTO member nations, after two decades of gridlock, agreed to reduce fisheries subsidies and expand vaccine production to combat COVID-19 and future pandemics.
The first woman to serve as finance minister and the only person to serve twice in that role, as well as the pioneer Coordinating Minister for the Economy, Okonjo-Iweala has blended high performance with a unique style and personality. Someone has described Okonjo-Iweala as the nation’s loving and lovable big sister who has your back but insists on the highest standards.
The evidence of her positive influence can be seen in the documented facts of her transformative contributions during the cumulative eight years she spent in government, as distinctive as her scarf. The positive impact of the policies and programs she helped conceptualize and implement, the projects she led, and the initiatives she inspired are still felt in national economic parameters, company income statements, on family tables, and in the pockets of individual Nigerians. The reforms and institutions she midwifed and supervised remain pillars of prosperity. Even now, in less prosperous times, they serve as bulwarks without which things would have been much worse. Many Nigerians still remember with nostalgia the four frenetic years she served as Finance Minister under Obasanjo when the superstructures of the modern Nigerian economy were conceptualized, fleshed out, and operationalized. As chair of the Economic Team, she led a strong team of technocrats in implementing wide-ranging reforms that restructured the economy as a viable and productive component of the global economy, harnessed hidden strengths, recharged the private sector, restructured the public sector for better performance, and raised household incomes.
The Obasanjo reforms, which came after two bleak economic decades under the military, changed the nation’s socio-economic landscape in unprecedented ways. Okonjo-Iweala played a starring role in this process. Nigeria is a nation with a short memory. We often forget how awful things were before Obasanjo. A friend once related on Twitter how her mother’s university lecturer colleagues were using ropes to hold up their trousers. Their pay was that bad. Under Obasanjo, their remuneration and working conditions improved significantly, and lecturers not only threw away the ropes but also bought second-hand cars and land. One cannot talk about Okonjo-Iweala’s first time as Finance Minister without mentioning the historic debt deal with the Paris Club of Creditors, which lifted the heavy decades-old debt burden, enabling the economy to stand, rise, and fly so well that it weathered the 2008 global financial crisis better than many developed countries.
Okonjo-Iweala’s return as Finance Minister under Jonathan with the additional portfolio of Coordinating Minister of the Economy was not universally hailed. As related in her book, Fighting Corruption is Dangerous, some powerful forces opposed her comeback because of the expertise and credibility she would contribute to a government they didn’t want to survive. And it took a dark turn that has become a part of our history. Despite the challenges, Okonjo-Iweala left a solid account that is being appreciated more and more. Economic management was robust and effective. In fact, as the Jonathan government was departing, global analysts were projecting that Nigeria, along with China and Qatar, would be among the top-performing economies in the world. Beyond the macroeconomic accomplishments, Okonjo-Iweala, with Jonathan’s approval and working with ministerial colleagues and the economic team, also conceptualized and executed one of the most productive economic expeditions in the country’s history to China. Based on a thorough audit of the nation’s infrastructural needs, she led the first delegation and then accompanied Jonathan’s delegations to Beijing on a trip that produced enduring results, reflected in some of the key current and future infrastructure we have in the country today: Abuja-Kaduna, Abuja light rail, four international airport terminals, and the Galaxy Backbone project, among others.
Another notable accomplishment was the number of key institutions that Okonjo-Iweala midwifed during her second stint in government. These include the National Sovereign Investment Authority, also known as the Sovereign Wealth Fund, and the Development Bank of Nigeria (DBN). During this period, the iconic Youwin entrepreneurship program for youths and Project Act Nollywood, a support scheme for boosting technical skills in the movie industry, were also launched. At least 40 films produced by alumni of the program have been aired on Netflix.
The foregoing is in addition to countless other policies, programs, and initiatives to which Okonjo-Iweala has applied her unique blend of passion and professionalism, benefiting the country and its communities. This brings us back to the question, who is the woman behind the accomplishments?
The story at the beginning of this piece gives an idea, but there are many more. Okonjo-Iweala is not just a formidable technocrat and professional; she is also one of the realest and kindest people on the planet. Several years ago, as we were walking away from the plane after a Lagos-Abuja flight, we heard someone shouting, “Madam, madam!” It was the pilot. “I just wanted to thank you for boosting my confidence on my first flight ten years ago,” he said. He narrated how Okonjo-Iweala had come into the cockpit to congratulate him on a smooth flight. “Can I have another hug?” he asked. Of course, he got one from the nation’s favorite, brilliant aunty.
Nwabuikwu is a member of THISDAY Editorial Board
Many have celebrated, and others are preparing to celebrate, Fathers’ Day. Some men are busy grumbling that “their” day is not getting as much attention, and noisy approbation, as Mothers’ Day. Others are contending with a world that has become too busy with “father bashing” and “male gender bashing” to appreciate what needed to be appreciated. There are many men of genuine good faith, and fathers of exceptional inclinations who would put all father bashers and men bashers to shame and to flight. But let us leave all that and get on with today’s business. Please note that there is not an ounce of fiction in the following narrative.
This piece about a certain father was written at the behest of Rev Father George Ehusani. The reverend gentleman is a Catholic priest and a friend who has consistently invested in anything and everything that would improve the quality of any human being he encounters, advance the spirituality of the wider society and create future leaders who would be exemplary in every sense of the word. So, I am here doing his bidding, since he wanted me to put in the public domain a true story of a man who was a father and a spiritual guide to his son.
“Prof”, Ehusani said over the phone after the initial pleasantries, “as fathers’ day is being celebrated in some places around this time, I would like you to write about … (identity withheld for now), whom you have often spoken about in some of our public engagements. Please, you need to share some of that moving reality you are privy to via your newspaper column. Yes, many people need to hear about fathers who were true fathers, as are many toiling, unsung and misunderstood fathers today. The general denigration of men and fathers, as well as the growing pretence that parenting now depends on how any adult feels about it, is doing incalculable damage to society”. So, here we are, to talk about a certain father.
The man was such a benign and edifying influence on his son, that the latter easily recalls, very vividly to this day, how this man often sat with him in front of the house one evening after another. It was during one of such evenings that the boy, a primary four pupil, brought his Michael West English dictionary in order to anchor the question he had for his father. This was not unusual, because whenever the boy came to join him in those solitary moments he sometimes inflicted on himself in the usually cool breeze that blessed School Road in Umuahia, it was like the unburdening of a soul to a trusted guide.
These moments were the boy’s favourite opportunities for asking his father the meaning of new words he had read about, and of asking him about anything whatsoever on which he needed clarification. A soberly quiet and clear-headed man of uncommon perspicuity and his son, all by themselves in the evenings, more often than anyone would expect of a father and son in the city. The man’s simple, patient and unassuming nature belied his deep knowledge of life and so many other things. The boy simply saw an older, and very dependable friend and nothing more – even though he called him father.
On that fateful evening referred to above, the boy had come to discuss the meaning of names. The word teacher spoke of clement weather and inclement weather during the boy’s lesson in Nature Study at school. He later checked his dictionary and it turned out that the word ‘clement’ meant “mild and merciful”. So, there he was with a simple question for his father: “Papa, did your parents know you were a very kind and gentle person before they gave you your name? His father’s name was “Clement”.
The man turned, looked at his son with some amusement and asked in return: “Why do you ask?” Then the boy explained what transpired in school earlier in the day.
Seeing the quizzical look on his father’s face the boy said, “Papa, that word is your name, and it describes you exactly. So, I have been wondering how your parents gave you a name that describes who you are”. The man smiled, rubbed the boy on the head and suggested that they went into the house. He did not answer the question.
When the boy was ready to proceed to secondary school, he took the Entrance Examinations for several boys-only schools. But he was posted to a mixed sex school, instead. He was in tears, because several friends and members of his church always said that people who attended such schools stood a much higher chance of going to hell. Well, he was determined not to go to hell!
During the long vacation, after the boy had just finished his first year in secondary school, he came to tell his father that he no longer wished to change his school to an all-boys school. Believing that one must avoid mixed gender secondary schools in order not to get corrupted and go to hell, the boy was in tears when he was posted to a mixed school after the general common entrance Examinations. Now, he wants something else.
Patient as ever, his father asked why. The boy explained that it was better for him to face the challenges and temptations of daily living and come out successful, than to avoid the real world that he would come out to face after secondary education. The man, seeming totally unperturbed, tried to convince the little boy to stick to his original decision, to no avail. Midway into the holidays, the boy’s mother brought up the matter of change of school in the parlour one evening. His father told her that they would discuss it later and decide how to go about it. Till date, the boy never knew what his parents discussed. But no one ever brought up the change of school issue again, until he finished with secondary school education.
When it came to university education, the teenager said he wanted to study philosophy. Everyone: uncles, aunts, and possibly even passers by who heard what the discussion was about, were dead set against it. The boy wanted knowledge of the meaning and purpose of life, but everyone else was talking about employment and earning money. The young man’s father said nothing when the latter bought a JAMB form and applied to study philosophy at the university of Nigeria, Nsukka. He said nothing when the young man said that he would rather get involved in his father’s printing and publishing business, than go to the university to study anything other than philosophy.
Then, one day, during one of those evenings in front of the house, which the years never took away from them, the man asked his son: “Did you consider studying psychology?” The boy said the subject had too many wrong answers about human nature. The man said nothing to his quick retort. He knew his son’s familiarity with all manner of subjects. He saw his teenage son switch from the sciences to the arts a few weeks before his final year secondary school examinations. He watched him spend his money on comics, esoteric literature and science books. He saw the boy subscribe to many publications, including Spaceflight, which is published by the National aeronautical Space Agency (NASA) of the United States.
Unbeknown to the boy, his father was ever closely watchful and attentive to his stirrings. He was feigning aloofness while keeping a close tab and acting as a gardener whose only concern was to ensure that “This plant” actualized its true potentials, rather than follow the wishes of the gardener.
He was always more of a friend and protector to his son and his siblings, than a father. He never showed his boy whether he had any flogging skills, or huge and scary frowns often used by most parents and adults to drive home their authority. He would rather calmly explain to you what is right and what is wrong. To make him admonish you was to disgrace yourself.
Going back again to the past, there was an occasion when the little boy stood before his father, helpless and confounded. He was facing judgment as a bad boy, for “smoking cigarette” at the age of four. “I learnt that you spent the entire evening smoking cigarettes, so I want you to tell me who taught you such a thing”, the father said. The boy was silent. “The entire evening” kept ringing in his head. Meanwhile all he did was put the stub of a cigarette he picked up from the pavement in front of the house to his mouth once. He was disappointed when no smoke came out. The taste was revolting! He ‘smoked’ it by blowing at one end. But nothing came out of the cold and foul-smelling thing.
Then came the verdict: “Since you have already taken your preferred meal, namely dozens of cigarettes, you will skip dinner”! The boy was aghast. Surely his father had been misinformed! Dozens of cigarettes? Unbelievable! And cigarette is not food. Now, his dinner is gone! What a calamity!
His father mercifully brought the episode to an end before midnight when he, along with the boy’s ever-gentle mother, woke him up and inflicted a meal on him. Awake, the boy starred around him in consternation. “How could adults behave like this?” he wondered. His dinner was apparently hidden away somewhere all the while! And everyone made him believe that he was going to feed on cigarettes for the rest of his life. The same people who said you should not tell lies? Oh, the world must be coming to an end.
Bigman was 88 when he came to spend the Christmas with his son, as he promised. He only just stopped driving himself, at his children’s insistence, four years earlier. He was as happy as a baby on arrival. All his practical jokes came with him by the truckload. It was now him sitting with his son in front of the latter’s house. He was impatient for ‘a conversation’, from the moment he arrived. As they talked into the night, laughing and throwing jokes at the wind, Bigman began to say something specific, including messages, concerning all of his children.
Later, the same day, he was gone! When the bereaved called his childhood friend, Paul, who made the travel arrangements for Bigman’s last trip to Abuja, the latter exclaimed: “Oh dear! Okey, Papa’s last statement to me as he left for Abuja was ‘Paul, under no circumstances should there be any misunderstanding between you and your brother, Okey, or I would come from wherever I am and beat the hell out of you both”.
I am grateful to God Almighty for the parents he gave me. As for fathers’ Day, Bigman’s “Legacy” is ever-present for me. He was an insightful, firm, considerate, non-indulgent and very understanding father.