IN his 1961 book, The Theatre of the Absurd, Martin Julius Esslin, a Hungarian-born British journalist and professor of drama, lamented what he called absurdism, “the inevitable devaluation of ideals, purity, and purpose.”

Esslin, who died in London, United Kingdom on February 24, 2002, aged 83 years, couldn’t have had the oil-rich state of Rivers, Nigeria, in mind when he wrote his famed book 63 years ago.

But nothing captures the state of affairs in Rivers State today more profoundly than Esslin’s “theatre of the absurd”.

What manner of democracy is this where one man captures an entire state and all citizens become mere pawns on his political chess board?

Adept at self-deceit, on June 12, the Federal Government rolled out the drums in celebration of democracy. At the end of the day, it amounted to idolisation and deification of the powers that be with the unveiling of a large painting portrait of President Bola Tinubu at the Eagle Square, Abuja, touted as a message of hope for Nigerians and the African continent.

How a painting, even if it is the world’s largest painting portrait on a canvas as claimed by the promoters could translate to a message of hope for Nigerians and the African continent beggars belief. But it is typical of the theatrics of the new kids on Nigeria’s power bloc and the country’s descent into the odious valley of hero-worshipping. But I digress.

Back to Rivers State where the Federal Capital Territory Minister, Nyesom Wike, would rather let the state he ruled with iron-hand for eight years burn than let go his “structure of criminality,” apologies to Mr Peter Obi, the presidential candidate of the Labour Party in the 2023 election, be dismantled.

But dismantled, the structure must be, if the state will have any fair chance of breathing and making any appreciable progress. And this is not about Governor Siminalayi Fubara but the health of the country’s much-abused democracy and public good.

Truth be told, no one captures a state in the manner Nigerian politicians are doing and use same in promoting public good. It can only be for self-serving purposes and that is exactly what has happened in Rivers State.

This week, Rivers is burning and grenades are exploding, a very dangerous dimension to the lingering political crisis just because local government chairmen whose three-year tenure expired recently are refusing to gracefully bow out.

And they are demonstrating unchallenged because the police that had earlier warned against such public nuisance are looking the other way all because they don’t want Wike’s structure to be dismantled.

Like the axiomatic tortoise on a senseless journey, which said it will not return until it has been thoroughly disgraced, the former chairmen are spoiling for a war in defence of their godfather’s political structure.

Explaining what he did at a New Year luncheon in his country home, Rumueprikom, Obio/Akpor Local Government Area on Sunday, January 7, 2024, Wike said: “Those who open their mouths to talk don’t know anything. I was the one who paid for the forms for anybody who wanted to run for elections as governor, House of Assembly and National Assembly. Let one person raise his hand and say he bought forms.”

Nobody disputed his narrative because it is true. He also mentioned those who were at the meeting where he unilaterally took the decision to include 71-year-old Chief Onueze Chukwujinka Joe (OCJ) Okocha, OFR, SAN, JP, DSSRS, former Attorney-General and Commissioner for Justice, Rivers State, former President of the Nigerian Bar Association, NBA, life member of the Body of Benchers, former member of the National Judicial Council, NJC, and one-time Chairman of the Council of Legal Education; 72-year-old Sergeant Chidi Awuse, traditional ruler of Emuoha Kingdom and chairman of Rivers State Traditional Rulers Council; and 65-year-old Sir Celestine Ngozichim Omehia, a senior lawyer who was called to the Nigerian Bar in 1986 after obtaining a Masters Degree in International Law, LLM, from the University of Hull, England and former governor of Rivers State, who was already Commissioner for Education in 1992 when 56-year-old Wike was an undergraduate at the Rivers State University of Science and Technology.

Apparently, none of them saw anything wrong in the idea of a democracy where only one man usurps the role of the people in deciding who governs them.  

Boasting about how he single-handedly made Fubara governor, Wike thumped his chest: “If I had wanted another person, nobody would have stopped me. Nobody had what it takes to even be near me… If I wanted an Ikwerre man, nobody would have stopped me.”

This is not the language of democracy which is a government where people exercise the power of deciding who governs them.

Granted, godfatherism is a global phenomenon. But godfathers elsewhere use their personal resources to influence, not dictate, electoral outcomes. They support their preferred candidates by throwing their considerable weight behind them using moral suasion but they don’t foreclose competition because the ultimate decision lies with the people.

But here, those who have never worked anywhere else other than in government, corner the resources of the state entrusted in their care for the promotion of common good and use same to subjugate the people.

Take the case of Wike, for instance. He had barely graduated from the Nigeria Law School where he proceeded to in 1997 after obtaining a bachelor’s degree in law from Rivers State University of Technology before he became chairman of Obio Akpor Local Government Area in 1999. In 2007, he was appointed chief of staff to Governor Rotimi Amaechi and in July 2011, he became Minister of State for Education under the Goodluck Jonathan presidency, substantive Minister of Education in September 2013 and ultimately two-term governor of Rivers from 2015.

There is no evidence that he inherited any family fortune that would account for the wealth he is using to finance the structure that has become a problem for Rivers State.

Yet, as at the time Wike left Port Harcourt for Abuja to assume duty as the Federal Capital Territory Minister, the entire Rivers political superstructure that included governor, state lawmakers, federal lawmakers, judiciary, local government chairmen and council of traditional rulers, was in his pocket.

As it were, his godson, Fubara, was supposed to be in government, a mere figurehead, while he will be wielding the ultimate power from Abuja.

But there is no perfect crime. Wike didn’t realise that the man he thought would be the strongest link in that conspiratorial chain of state capture, Fubara, would fall through the cracks sooner than later and the minister is battling to reconfigure his political structure, which he has vowed not to surrender.

The people must ensure that that does not happen. For Rivers to survive, Wike’s political structure must be dismantled because it is not for the common good. The structure was set up in order for someone to maintain a vice grip on the resources of the state for personal aggrandisement and to service political loyalty.

The quarrel between Wike and Fubara is a divine intervention and the people cannot afford to sit on the fence. It is not going to be an easy battle because a lot is at stake but that is one battle that the people of Rivers must win and decisively too.

But beyond Rivers, Nigerians must fight against this cancer of malevolent godfatherism and culture of state capture, without which this democracy is doomed. Freedom does not come cheap. It has a price, which in the immortal words of Thomas Jefferson, philosopher, statesman, U.S. Founding Father, who served as the third president, is “eternal vigilance.”

Nnamdi Kanu was apprehended in Kenya in June 2021 by security agencies and brought home to face trial. First arraigned on 14th October 2015 before eventually securing bail and fleeing the country, the proscribed Indigenous Peoples of Biafra (IPOB) leader was slammed with an 11-count charge bordering on terrorism, treasonable felony, managing an unlawful society, publication of defamatory matter, illegal possession of firearms and improper importation of goods. Kanu was also accused of inciting violence through television, radio and online broadcasts that resulted in the loss of lives and property of civilians, military, paramilitary, police forces as well as the destruction of civil institutions and symbols of authority in the Southeast.  

Following his arraignment, I wrote a column, ‘The Tricky Trial of Nnamdi Kanu’ where I drew parallels between his travail and that of his friend-now-turned-foe, Mujahid Dokubo-Asari who was charged with similar offences under President Olusegun Obasanjo. “Because some people cannot differentiate between Biafra and the Igbos, Kanu has been able to create a ‘We’ versus ‘Them’ narrative on what remains an emotional injury in the Igbo collective psyche,” I wrote before reaffirming the point I made in my 1st October 2017 ‘Platform Nigeria’ presentation, ‘A Nation on the Edge: Which Way Nigeria?’, where I spoke about the danger Kanu posed to ethnic relations in Nigeria. “By his conduct and utterances, Kanu has succeeded in alienating many open-minded Nigerians (outside the Southeast) who appreciate the legitimate demand of Igbo people for fairness, equity, and justice in an inclusive nation they can call their own,” I pointed out while referencing a number of his reckless diatribes, especially against Yoruba people.   

Egged on by a mob, with online support from several of his kinsmen in the Diaspora, “Kanu was allowed to take hate speech to an unprecedented level. Even when he was presented a golden opportunity to champion the genuine grievances of his people with civility, following an ill-advised treason trial that catapulted him into national limelight and prominence, Kanu could not rise beyond the mediocrity of the adulation of some street urchins,” I had said at my 2017 ‘Platform Nigeria’ presentation. “Kanu felt that by making incendiary statements to offend, insult, intimidate and threaten people from other ethnic groups, he was helping whatever his cause was. At the end, he made a strategic miscalculation.”

Given the foregoing and other interventions, I cannot by any stretch of imagination be described as a fan of Kanu. In fact, in my first column in November 2015, ‘The Man from Biafra’, I made that very clear. But I also cannot deny that Kanu is a huge factor in Nigerian politics today or pretend that his continued detention is helpful in the circumstance in which we find ourselves. I am delighted that many critical stakeholders are gradually waking up to that reality.

Last week, no fewer than 46 House of Representatives members under the aegis of ‘Concerned Federal Lawmakers for Peace and Security in the Southeast’ wrote President Bola Tinubu, calling on him to invoke Section 174 of the 1999 Constitution (as amended) and Section 107(1) of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act, 2015 to release Kanu from detention. The membership of those who signed the letter cut across major political parties: the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), main opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) as well as the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), Labour Party (LP) and New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP). And the signatories represent all the six geopolitical zones in the country and from 19 states and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Abuja.

It is significant that the federal lawmakers who advocate Kanu’s release have chosen the civil approach of a letter to the president rather than the political option of a motion in the House of Representatives. “We collectively believe this is long overdue and would be instrumental in opening the door for much-needed conversations surrounding peace and inclusivity, as well as addressing the issues that led to the agitations, especially at this time when Nigeria is going through several constitutional reforms,” the House members wrote in their letter. “We resolutely believe that this singular act can serve as a pivotal gesture towards national unity, as it would address some of the political, security, and economic concerns in the region. It would encourage stakeholders from the Southeast to engage more actively in the national discussions on the renewed hope agenda, thereby promoting inclusivity and addressing long-standing grievances. This, we believe, will also help dismantle the apparatus of violence and restiveness that has plagued the region, allowing for a focus on economic growth and development. This comes at a time when the nation-state is under enormous pressure, including but not limited to unemployment, insecurity, hunger, and poverty, thereby de-escalating tension from all sides.”

After reminding the president that a similar gesture led to the release of Omoyele Sowore and Sunday Igboho, the members concluded their letter with what the administration stands to gain by Kanu’s release: “…the benefits of such a bold and compassionate act are manifold. It would pave the way for peace initiatives, economic revitalization, and a renewed sense of belonging among the citizens of the Southeast. It would also enhance your administration’s legacy as one that prioritizes national unity, peace, and progress. We are hopeful that you will consider this request with the gravity it deserves and take the necessary steps to bring about a new era of peace and inclusivity in Nigeria.”

Incidentally, just a week earlier, Ijaw leader, Chief Edwin Clark, had made a similar appeal, also in a letter to the president, where he stated that “…the political freedom of Nnamdi Kanu will no doubt complete the reconciliation of Nigeria and bring an end to the needless Monday sit-at-home order, which has disturbed businesses and civil activities in the South-East.”  

One point I have consistently made over several years is that ours is a fragile polity where many of our citizens are yet to imbibe the values of group living or how to compete without resorting to primordial hate when they do not prevail. But given the numerous appeals made by Ohanaeze Ndigbo, now joined by members of the House of Representatives, President Tinubu must consider the political option on the Kanu issue. While it may be difficult to conclude that his release would put ‘unknown gunmen’ out of business in the Southeast, there is no doubt that it would aid the process of finding a solution to the security challenge that plagues the region.

I subscribe to the sentiment expressed by the House members. Despite the challenges we face today, not even the most implacable enemies of Nigeria will deny its socio-economic potential and the enormous capacity of its people. Yes, we cannot dispute the fragility of the Nigerian state. But there is a country in our consciousness that many indeed want to see—a Nigeria that works for citizens and would take her rightful place as the leader in Africa. That dream is also shared by many of our Diasporans despite the toxicity of a few on social media.

I returned to Abuja yesterday after two weeks visiting Canada and the United States. Perhaps because I attended more social events in the two countries—graduation ceremonies, birthdays, church services etc.—than at any point in the past, I encountered several young Nigerians. I could hear the longing for home, even by those who are doing very well for themselves and their families. My conclusion: What we need to do is put our act together to reverse the ‘Japa’ syndrome to our advantage. But we are not going to do that if we cannot rise above certain prejudices. That is why I join in the plea that Kanu be released. We need all stakeholders onboard to rebuild our country for peace and prosperity. In any case, three years of incarceration is enough punishment, even if we discount the September 2017 military ‘Operation python dance’ that wreaked havoc at his family compound in Abia State.

In the famous 26th August 2000 speech delivered by then visiting American President Bill Clinton to the Joint Session of our National Assembly which I once referenced on this page, he raised certain critical issues about our country. “I know that decades of misrule and deprivation have made your religious and ethnic divisions deeper. Nobody can wave a hand and make the problems go away. But that is no reason to let the idea of one united Nigeria slip away,” Clinton admonished while speaking to those who delight in magnifying artificial differences. “After all, if we started trying to redraw the map of Africa, we would simply be piling new grievances on old. Even if we could separate all the people of Africa by ethnicity and faith, would we really rid this continent of strife? Think of all the things that would be broken up and all the mountains of progress that have been built up that would be taken down if that were the case.”

Where there is much deprivation and too little tolerance, according to Clinton, “differences among people will always seem greater and will always be like open sores waiting to be turned into arrows of hatred by those who will be advantaged by doing so.” President Clinton then reiterated the point many have also made about our national potential and the global expectation of Nigeria as the most populous black country. “The world needs Nigeria to succeed. Every great nation must become more than the sum of its parts. If we are torn by our differences, then we become less than the sum of our parts. Nigeria has within it the seeds of every great development going on in the world today, and it has a future worth fighting for.”

The ultimate responsibility now lies with President Tinubu. But there are growing concerns. Having caught the Buhari disease, most critical appointments are going to Lagos and in the process, he has created for his administration the impression of an excessive Yorubaness or what a friend from the Southwest has dubbed ‘Lagosification’ in the distribution of opportunities. Releasing Kanu may relieve the president of some of the ethnic burdens he has unwittingly placed on himself. He may also need to be reminded that he cannot build a restorative presidency by positioning only his Lagos loyalists in the front row of national ‘renewed hope’! That, of course, is an issue for another day.

I don’t know whether Kanu still sees Nigeria as a ‘zoo’ rather than a country, but it really doesn’t matter. What is important is that his continued incarceration is now pointless. And for those who peddle the nonsensical ‘let the law take its course’ line, the Australian deal with the United States that saw Tuesday’s release of Wikileaks founder, Julian Assange is proof positive that even the most powerful of countries can be pragmatic in dealing with such matters. Therefore, all factors considered; President Tinubu should take the high road on Kanu. The IPOB leader should be allowed to go home.    

On the evening of Tuesday, 16 January, 2024, an explosion rocked Ibadan, the capital of Oyo state. The location of the explosion was later identified as Aderinola Street, Adeyi Avenue, Old Bodija Estate. The explosion was of such magnitude that people in the vicinity thought the world had come to an end!

Close to 100 houses were seriously damaged or totally reduced to ground zero while not less than seven lives were immediately lost to the blast. Other losses owing to collateral damage caused by the blast followed. Hundreds of people suffered various degrees of injuries while property valued at billions of Naira were lost.

According to the Oyo state governor, Seyi Makinde, preliminary security findings indicated that the explosion was caused by illegal miners who had stored Improvised Explosive Devices (IEDs) in the house they lived in, in the area, thereby causing the blast. Makinde vowed that those responsible would be “brought to book” and that the victims would get the back of the government.

A statement posted on the governor’s verified Facebook page read as follows: “I have directed that the medical bills of all victims be covered by the government. We will also be providing temporary accommodation for those whose houses were affected and ensuring that they are supported to rebuild their lives” That was six months ago.

On Tuesday, 6 February, 2024, Gov. Makinde received an official report of the incident. A news medium reported the event thus: “Oyo State Governor, Seyi Makinde, on Tuesday received an official report of the January 16, 2024 explosion at Adeyi Avenue, Old Bodija in Ibadan, the state capital.

"The report, however, said three ‘persons of interest’ have been identified in connection with the cause of the unfortunate incident, adding that they will face the full wrath of the law based on the investigation carried out.

"It will be recalled that five persons died, 77 others sustained injury and 55 houses were damaged during the explosion that rocked Aderinola Street, Adeyi Avenue, Old Bodija, Ibadan.

The report, which comprises findings of the Medical, Security and Engineering teams, was submitted to Makinde, on Tuesday, at the Executive Chamber, Governor’s Office, Secretariat, Agodi, Ibadan.

" Addressing newsmen shortly after the presentation of the report, the Special Adviser on Security to the Governor, Fatai Owoseni (retd. CP), said, “Three persons of interest have been identified in connection with the cause of the unfortunate incident, and they will face prosecution based on the investigation carried out.”

He explained that a Closed Circuit Television in one of the affected houses gave footage of how the incident happened, insisting that the state government would bring the perpetrators to book.

“The character of the explosive is known as 'Water Gel Type Based Explosive' and the explosion was triggered by an electric spark. The government will check on the immigration status of all the people of interest since a majority of them are from Mali. The street where the incident happened was Aderinola Street and not Dejo Oyelese Street, as earlier reported. The epicentre of the tragedy is No. 8A and No. 8B…

“The EOC has so far collated information, data of things that happened there and some of the data collated include census of the respective houses and the fatalities that were affected, including the extent of losses suffered. As of 6 p.m. on Friday, February 3, which was the 18th day of the incident, a total of 335 affected persons had registered at the emergency centre, including 16 companies or business operators, churches, mosques, three schools and the University College Hospital also approached the centre to report on their losses.

“The losses reported also include fatality, injuries of various degrees, damages ranging from total collapse and submerging of houses, houses that suffered collateral damage and the ones that suffered minimal damage…

The Head of the Emergency Operation Centre, Temitope Alonge, said 80 victims in total were managed across various hospitals following the incident but that only five patients were on admission as of the time of the press conference. He explained that four of the patients are being treated at the University College Hospital and are at various levels of recovery, while one patient is at the Redeemers Hospital being managed for spinal cord injury”.

As with everything Nigerian, the explosion attracted attention from far and near. The Minister of Mines, Dele Alake, vowed a diligent investigation to get to the roots of the matter. He also pledged that explosives storage rules would be reviewed. Despite official investigations and statements, all manner of conspiracy theories were still flown like kites. And the victims of the blast also accused the government of neglecting them. All is quiet now on the Ibadan front. Everyone is back to their daily chores. Statements made in the heat of the explosion now belong to the archives while the victims are left to lick their wounds.

Early this month - Friday, 7 June to Sunday, 9 June, 2024 to be precise, I was in Oyo state, together with other top Nigerian journalists, on a facility tour of some of the legacy projects of the governor. We visited a plethora of projects. I took advantage to ask Makinde questions on the explosion. Yes, he made promises to the victims and is ready to fulfill them but the Federal Government is tardy with coming clean on its own promises. Makinde has written letters, paid visits and made efforts - all to no avail. In the event that the FG continues to drag its feet on the matter, Makinde said he would go ahead and give what he has to the victims and close the chapter. That will be sad!

I also asked the governor questions on the Strabag precious stones (gems) international market located at the Ojoo area of Ibadan where foreigners, their local godfathers and fellow felons strip the state of precious gems, with nothing beneficial accruing to the state. Is Makinde aware? My first report on that saga was in April 2021 and a special adviser to the governor at the time got in touch with me to say they were aware and were doing something about it. Makinde confirmed they were aware but Federal policies that tied the hands of State governments on the issue of mining made them impotent on the matter. Now that the Bola Ahmed Tinubu administration, mercifully, has reviewed the law, States can now acquire mining licences and tap into their God-endowed natural resources. Has Oyo state began to reap in this regard? Not yet, said Makinde, but efforts were in the pipeline.

This is one area where Labour leaders and our egg-heads in the Ivory Tower should focus attention instead of fighting over the peanuts they call minimum wage. I heard one Labour aristocrat complain that some state governments were yet to pay the old minimum wage of N30,000 per month and now you want them to pay N250,000 or whatever! Sit on the neck of state governors to begin to take advantage of the new policy by Tinubu to tap into the mineral resources of their respective states and create wealth for their people, instead of the present system where Malians and other foreigners are those making hay with our gems and precious stones.

Why are the states not getting licences to mine gold, gems, etc? I have it on good authority that rather than apply for licences in the name of their state governments, many governors are doing so in their private capacity as individuals! Traditional rulers and top politicians are also involved in illegal mining all over the country. These are real issues that Labour leaders should concern themselves with.

The Ibadan trip opened my eyes to the quality of leaders that the Western Region had in the First Republic. At the Government Secretariat, we saw the Independent Power Project (IPP) that the Action Group government of Chief Obafemi Awolowo conceived and was constructing as far back as at that time. The structures stood solid after decades, despite wear and tear and the forays of the elements. At Fashola farms in the Oke-Ogun area of the state, we saw relics of Awo’s farm settlements (including cattle ranches) of yore, with the structures still standing solid, weathering the storm and neglect of decades.

Makinde echoed Chinua Achebe repeatedly: There was once a country! “With the vision of the leaders then, there was a country!”, he said. His government was expanding the scope of the IPP and would restore and preserve other Awo-era structures at Fashola, including files and documents recovered from them. “The buildings are still standing after decades. It shows the integrity of the buildings and of the leaders of that time. We will restore and preserve them so that people will know that there were men and women of vision in this country. There were men and women of diligence and integrity”, he added.

The first military coup of January 15, 1966 and successive military coups and governments truncated the only leaders with vision that this country ever produced. Military incursion into politics is the greatest havoc visited upon this country. Unfortunately, present-day politicians give no one cause for cheers. To whom, then, do we turn?

On Friday November 18, 2011, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, former Lagos State Governor and National Leader of the Action Congress of Nigeria, ACN, called for a referendum to gauge the preference of Nigerians on the two national anthems that the country has had since independence.

Asiwaju Bola Tinubu made the call while presenting a paper, titled “MANAGING NIGERIA’S PLURALISM FOR PEACE AND NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT”, at the Nigerian Institute of Policy and Strategic Studies, NIPSS, Kuru, Jos, Plateau State.

According to Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, managing Nigeria’s pluralism for peace and national development is an issue that should be deeply examined.

“From the beginning of our journey to nationhood, the founding leaders built a country diverse but united. The opening lines of the national anthem we had at independence in 1960 drove home this diversity and our fraternal resolve to build one nation” he stated.

Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, however, explained that the pogrom in the mid-60s in some parts of the country and the attendant civil war showed that as a people, we have failed to live up to the spirit of that anthem.

“It showed that the leaders and the followers at the time only paid lip service to the injunction of the anthem: Though tribe and tongue may differ, in brotherhood we stand. We failed miserably to deploy this mantra for peaceful co-existence and national development, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu said.

The ACN leader said abandoning the post-independence anthem, which arguably evoked a strong spirit of patriotism and brotherliness, to compose a very drab replacement, is far less inspirational.

“It was an example of the inconsistency in government thinking; moments when our leaders make unjustifiable about turns as Fela, the afro-beat musician would have put it” he stated.

The ACN leader challenged the graduating class and the alumni of NIPSS to develop new ideas towards accelerating national development and promoting peace in the country.

“In several areas, Nigeria is stuck in the past, applying decadent policies to new, and more virulent problems. But at moments like this, the nation turns to the National Institute for new ideas that should make us break from the moribund past” Asiwaju Bola Tinubu stated.

While marking his first anniversary as President of the nation on Wednesday 29th May, President Bola Tinubu signed a Private Member Bill on National Anthem. With the signing of the Bill, he turned the old anthem to a new one and the new one to an old one. 

The old anthem of the NIGERIA WE HAIL THEE was adopted as Nigeria’s National Anthem on October 1, 1960. The anthem’s lyrics were written by Lillian Jean Williams, a British expatriate who lived in Nigeria when it achieved independence. Frances Brenda composed the music for “NIGERIA, WE HAIL THEE.” She got a prize of $280 American dollars for composing the song. Six Judges made the selection of Frances Brenda’s entry as the winning music for “NIGERIA, WE HAIL THEE.” The Judges were Professor Fela Sowande, Mr. O. Omideyi, Mr. T.K.E. Phillips, Mr. W.C. Echazona, Mr. M.C. Majekodunmi and Mrs H. Lawson.

One of the Judges, Professor Olufela Obafunmilayo “Fela” Sowande MBE (29 May 1905 – 13 March 1987) was a Nigerian musician and composer. Considered the father of modern Nigerian art music, Sowande is perhaps the most internationally known African composer of works in the European “classical” idiom.

Professor Sowande was born in Abeokuta, the son of Emmanuel Sowande, a priest and pioneer of Nigerian church music. As a child he sang in the Choir of the Cathedral Church of Christ, Marina, Lagos. He studied at the C.M.S. Grammar School and at King’s College, Lagos. The influence of his father and Dr T. K. Ekundayo Phillips (composer, organist and choirmaster) was an important factor in his early years. Through Phillips, Professor Sowande was first exposed to European church music like Bach and Rheinberger. At that time, Professor Sowande was a chorister and was introduced to new Yoruba works being introduced into the churches. Under Phillips’ tutelage, Professor Sowande earned the Fellowship Diploma (FRCO) from the Royal College of Organists. At that time, he was also a bandleader, playing jazz and popular highlife music.

In 1952, Professor Sowande became musical director of the Nigerian Broadcasting Service; in 1955 he was appointed MBE in the 1955 Queen’s Birthday Honours for this work. In 1962 he travelled to the United States on a Rockefeller Foundation fellowship. In 1968, he moved to Howard University in Washington, D.C., then to the University of Pittsburgh.

His colleagues included Samuel Akpabot (1932-2000), Ayo Bankole (1935-1976), Lazarus Ekwueme (born 1936), Akin Euba (1935-2020), Adam Fiberesima (1926-1975?), Josiah Ransome-Kuti (1855-1930) and Ikole Harcourt Whyte (1905-1977).

He composed several songs including his famous song OYIGIYIGI OLU ORUN, ATOBAJAYE ATOBIJU, a popular gospel Yoruba song.

The Anthem lasted till October 1, 1978 when General Olusegun Obasanjo GCFR, discarded the “NIGERIA, WE HAIL THEE” and replaced it with “ARISE O COME PATRIOTS”.

ARISE, O COMPATRIOTS was the national anthem of Nigeria used from 1 October 1978 until 2024 after NIGERIA, WE HAIL THEE was relinquished. On 29 May 2024, “ARISE, O COMPATRIOTS” was officially relinquished and replaced by the first national anthem, “NIGERIA, WE HAIL THEE” which was earlier used from 1960 until 1978.

General Olusegun Obasanjo changed the National Anthem on October 1, 1978, twelve months before handing over to President Usman Aliyu Shehu Shagari GCFR (25 February 1925 – 28 December 2018).

In 1978, General Obasanjo, initiated moves to change the national anthem of “NIGERIA WE HAIL THEE”. He called for entries. He said at that time that a new national anthem was required because the previous one was composed by a British expatriate. The lyrics of the anthem were taken from five of the best entries in a national contest. The winners were P.O. Aderibigbe, John A. Iliechukwu, Dr. Sota Omoigui, Eme Etim Akpan and B.A. Ogunnaike.

A police officer, Benedict Odiase (August 25, 1934 – June 11, 2013) was tasked with putting the poem to music. He did this by creating a melody that would capture the patriotic and aspirational spirit of the poem.

 In 2001, he received the Order of the Niger Award by President Olusegun Obasanjo for his composition of the National Anthem.

However, General Olusegun Obasanjo did not change the lyrics of the National Pledge which was created by Professor (Mrs) Felicia Adebola Adedoyin in 1976. Professor Adedoyin who was born on the 6th of November, 1938 is the second of 6 children and a princess from the Iji ruling house of Shaki in Shaki West Local Government of Oke Ogun area of Oyo State.

Her children were already acquainted with reciting the Oath of Allegiance in their school in New York, USA and also the State Pledge (Which was introduced on 1 June, 1976) in Achimotu School in Accra Ghana.

Instinctively, out of childhood inquisitiveness and assertiveness, they sought to know why they didn’t recite any Pledge while they were in Nigeria. Of course their mother told them the home truth; their fatherland had no National Pledge. They eventually provided the necessary challenge that propelled their mother to conceive and originate a National Pledge for Nigeria, which she achieved in June 1976.

Her creative work while aged 38, was featured in the Daily Times of July 15, 1976 in an article titled “Loyalty to the Nation, Pledge”.

Barrister Adewusi who was a mutual friend of the Adedoyins and Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo, read the Daily Times article and eventually presented it to General Obasanjo in August 1976.

Gen. Obasanjo, who was then Head of State, accepted the work and modified it.

In September 1976, he decreed that all school children should recite the Pledge in their assemblies daily. Gen. Obasanjo acknowledged this in his book “Not My Will” (1990 at pg. 118).

On May 23, the House of Representatives passed a Private Member Bill to revert to the old National Anthem. The Bill quickly passed first, second and third reading within minutes. It was unprecedented. The lead debate for a return to the old anthem by the House Leader, Professor Julius Ihonvbere, pointed to the need for Nigerians to see the anthem as a national symbol and sign of authority, one which does not deny the realities.

On May 28th, the Senate passed the same Bill into Law. It was introduced by the majority Leader in the Senate, Senator Michael Bamidele Opeyemi(60) from Ibedoyin quarters Ward B, Iyin Ekiti in Irepodun/Ifelodun Local Government Area(Araromi LCDA) of Ekiti State. At present he is representing Ekiti Central in the Senate.

Asiwaju Ahmed Tinubu has always been his Godfather. He made him a Commissioner in Lagos state and he has always piloted his political career till date.

His 406-page book titled “LEADERSHIP THROUGH COMMMUNICATIONS”, in two volumes with ten chapters, is a good read.

The man who hurled a flaming spear into a hornets’ nest by sponsoring the bill on National Anthem is Professor Oluwakayode Julius Ihonvbere (68), a man who is always on the move. He is representing Uzebba in Owan Constituency in the House of Representatives.

Uzebba is a Town in the Owan local council of Edo State. Uzebba, along with its neighbouring towns and villages, Avboisi, Okpuje, Ukhuse-Osi, Ukhuse-Oke in Owan, Etsakor, and Akoko Edo, are known as Afemai. They collectively make up Edo-North Senatorial District.

Uzebba is the last border post between Edo state and Ondo state. A long bridge separates Uzebba in Edo state and Ifon in Ondo state. The last time I passed through that road in 2006 was when I attended the funeral of the former Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Chief Gray Adetokunbo Eromose Longe, who served as SGF between January 1 1984 and January 11 1986, at Sabongida Ora.

Owan has produced eminent sons and daughters including Frank Aigboje Aig-Imoukhuede, Grace Alele-Williams, Francis Abiola Irele, Olusegun Olutoyin Aganga,Mai Atafo Yisa Braimoh, Michael Imoudu, Dele Momodu, DJ Neptune, Aize Obayan, J. D. ‘Okhai Ojeikere, Modupe  Ozolua, Mabel Segun, Ambrose Vanzekin and others.

Professor Ihonvbere was born in the ancient city of Oyo in Oyo state. He attended CMS Primary School in Oyo, St. John’s CAC School, Warri, and Edo Boys High School in Ugbowo, Benin City, where he obtained the West African School Certificate. He took his B.A. Combined Honors degree in history and political science from the University of Ife (now Obafemi Awolowo University).

He is a disciple of Professor Claude Ake (February 18, 1939-November 7, 1996) from Omoku in Rivers State, the famous novelist who died in a plane crash. Professor Ihonvbare is also very close to Mr. Patrick Ayodele Aderinwale, executive director Leadership Forum in Ota, Ogun state.  who is equally close to former President Obasanjo. He was one of the speech writers of the former President. The two others were Mr. Ad’Obe Obe and Dr. Stanley Macebuh, who died on March 7, 2010 at 67.

In THE VILLA then, the speech writers were designated as special advisers to the President on Policy and Programmes Monitoring. While Mr. Ad’Obe Obe published a book “A NEW DAWN” in three volumes, Professor Ihonvbere published “STANDING TALL”. In a foreword to the book, which was published in March 2005, he declared “Politics is more than just elections, counting th votes and being sworn into office. To be sure, these aspects of politics are important. However, in developing social formations, politics should and must be about people, community and society. Politics must reflect the basic elements of service, mobilization, education, inclusion, and healthy competition for power. It must be about platforms and programmes as well as training for new leaders. Politics must be an opportunity for the marginalized and voiceless to reach some accommodation with their leaders and for political parties to identify, select and present the best candidates for political office. Electioneering campaigns, through ultimately about the contestation for power, should be about health rivalry, articulation, processing and delivery of realistic and sustainable programmes that will impact on and improve the lives of the majority. Finally, politics, in plural societies like Nigeria, must be about opportunities to construct and nurture bridges between not just the islands of integrity but also between communities and constituencies.

Unfortunately for many countries, they never go near these attributes or features of politics. Political opportunities are simply squandered on the altar of political greed and rascality, policy indiscipline, intolerance, limited vision, and the subversion of a sense of a nation. The net result, quite often include the delegitimation of the state, its institutions and custodians, the reification and abuse of power, misplaced priorities, instability, corruption, and uncertainty. The implications of these trends and tendencies are very well known to many Nigerians as have gone down this path before.

However, history can be kind to a people, though not for too long. Some luck nations even get a second chance to put things right, learn from the past; restructure the present and reposition society for a progressive future. This is the case with Nigeria. We are getting not just a second, but a third chance to reposition the country for the greatness that God has rightly given to us and for which we have sacrificed so much in the past.

There are of course, several obstacles to repositioning Nigeria for growth, stability, and democracy. First is the rather pedestrian understanding of democracy. Often, Nigerians confuse it with its ephemeral features thus neglecting the deepening and grounding that is required for consolidation and sustainability. Second, is that the long years of military dictatorship, political rascality among the elites, insensitivity to the plight of the poor and the cultivation of culture of waste and corruption had built in the people an attitude of “I know everything,” “all public officers are thieves,” “it will soon fail,” “ and “dem go soon taya”.

Trust, tolerance, mutual support and confidence have been eroded from the system through bas governance and poor leadership. A third problem is that Nigerians, over the last four decades got used to doing things the wrong way, came to like it and found easy scapegoats for their failures. Consequently, people have designed extra-legal coping mechanism and strategies for survival in an increasingly tough socio-economic environment. The direct consequence of this strategy of survival is that less attention is paid to safety nets, productivity, accountability, and due process.

Fourth problems with Nigeria is the reliance on impunity and the arrogance of power. This can be found in the famous “wetin dem fit do syndrome” or “na we dey for power, na m talk am” approach issues. So we privatise the state, the instruments of coercion, subvert the judiciary, and rely on manipulation, violence, shortcuts and intimidation. The legal order is weakened while those with power get away with almost every offence. For ordinary people, they tend to build and sustain all sorts of real and dubious patron-client relationship just to ensure that impunity does not wipe them off face of the land.

Finally, because we have built a direct and diabolical connection between power and accumulation of wealth, all focus is shifted away from production to corruption, from investing in ideas and people to celebrating mediocrity and opportunism, and from due process and the rule of law to political brigandage and ruthless abuse of power.This is where corruption, inefficiency, waste, and all forms of indiscipline take over. The consequences are there for us to see in our academic institutions, parastatals, ministries; even the private sector was easily trapped. For instance people set up banks just to manipulate interest rates and play around with government funds! No wonder, Nigeria was on the precipice of total collapse by May 1999”.

Professor Ihonvbere is a master in computer hence former President Olusegun Obasanjo was fond of him. However, he was not part of President Obasanjo’s DREAM TEAM that comprised of Mallam Nuhu Ribadu (63), Mallam Nasir Ahmad El-Rufai (64), Dr. Obiageli “Oby” Ezekwesili (61), Professor Charles Chukwuma Soludo(63) and Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala (70).

The “DREAM TEAM” was the intellectual think tank of President Obasanjo, who designed his policies especially in his second term but Professor Ihonvbere belonged to a group which someone described as LEAGUE OF RELIABLES from which former President Olusegun Obasanjo drew advice and counseling. Those of them still alive are still loyal to the old man till today. The LEAGUE  included Professor Oladipo Olujimi Akinkugbe (17 July 1933-15 June 2020) from Ondo city in Ondo state, Dr Christopher Olusola Kolade (91) from Ido Faboro in Ekiti state, Oba Adebiyi Adegboyega Adesida, Afunbiowo II (5 December 1950- 1 December 2013), the late Deji of Akure, Taiwo Ojo from Igbo-Ora in Oyo state, Bodunde Adeyanju from Ado-Ekiti in Ekiti state, Major General Abdullahi Mohammed (rtd), former Chief of Staff, Chief Ufot Ekaette (1939-2019), former Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Professor Emmanuel Chukwuma Edozien (1937-2019), Otunba Oyewole Fasawe, Asiwaju of Owo, Ambassador Taofeek Olawale Oseni (SCOP), Professor Onaolapo Olusegun Soleye (11 November, 1933-15 November 2023), Professor Abraham Babalola borishade (7 March 1946 – 26 April 2017) from Usi Ekiti, Mrs Oluremi Oyo(1952-2014), Colonel Lateef Kayode Are (rtd.), who served as Director of State Security Service between 1999 and 2007, Chief Onyeama Ogochukwu (80), Andy Uba, Chief Tunji Oseni (1942-2004), Senator Liyel Imoke(62) and others.

In those days in THE VILLA, Professor Ihonvbere was regarded as one of the UNTOUCHABLES. He flew with President Olusegun Obasanjo in all his trips both foreign and local. His ambition was to be Governor of Edo State. He lost in the PDP primaries to Professor Oserheimen Osunbor (73) SAN from Iruekpen in Esan West local government area, who later also lost to Comrade Adams Oshiomole in the Court of Appeal on November 11, 2008, in a judgment delivered in Benin by five judges of the Federal Court of Appeal—Justice Umaru Farouk Abdullahi (President), Justice John Fabiyi, Justice Amina Adamu Augje, Justice Ayo Salami and Justice Uzor Anyanwu. The judgment nullified the April 14, 2007 gubernatorial election held in Edo state.

Governor Oshiomole later appointed Professor Julius Ihonvbere as Edo state Secretary to the State Government on November 12, 2012.

 His sponsorship of the bill to oust the National Anthem adopted by his former boss, General Olusegun Obasanjo, is still a mystery to political observers. Anyway he said in his book, “The truth is that Nigeria is changing”, the change or rather the transformation, has affected Professor Ihonvbere no doubt.

Even the Greek philosopher Heraclitus is credited with the idea that the only constant in life is change.

The issue is that if the national Assembly could get a bill approved and assented to by the President in less than a week, certainly our legislators could get many things done if they so wish.