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[OPINION] Who Needs Azu’s New Book? - Muazu Elazeh

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On two separate occasions I attempted writing a book and dropped the idea shortly after mulling it, simply for want of time. Of course, I have since resolved to suspend writing the book till such a time when I would be able to take a fairly long leave to a serene environment. Like I’m planning to win the World Series of procrastination, you may say!

And so, when I see busy folks like Azubuike Ishiekwene write books, I doff my hat for them and always wonder how they are able to do it in spite of their tight schedules.

Anyway, I am already exploring the possibility of selling my book idea to him or, better still, ask him to tutor me on how to navigate between my current work schedules that hardly avail me time for social life and creative adventure.

Ishiekwene’s new book, ‘Writing for Media and Monetising It’, is not just timely; it is a classic that provides a step-by-step guide and mentoring on how journalists, content creators, bloggers and even ‘citizen journalists’, among others, can make money through writing for the media.

Amid a shrinking white collar job space, with hundreds of graduates of not just mass communication and journalism studies, but of other disciplines being churned out by our tertiary institutions annually, there is the need to creatively think out of the box. To survive the current times, graduates must learn skills that would enable them survive, writing is one of such skills they must learn.

But is there really money in writing for the media in a competitive world like ours where the survival of the fittest is the law of the concrete jungle? In Nigeria, there are no fewer than 100 universities and polytechnics-both public and private-producing graduates in mass communication every year, with the existing media organisations being unable to absorb all of them.

Among the few that are lucky enough to be offered jobs by the media organisations, a majority of those with the privately-owned media houses are having challenges with prompt salary payment.

And then to survive, some journos engage in all sorts of unethical practices, thereby denting the image of the profession. While it is true that poor or lack of pay to journos is not a justification for unethical practices, the ‘brown envelope’ culture is a great incentive.

If most media organisations do not only pay workers paltry salaries but also owe their workers, how can one ascertain the possibility of making money through writing for the media? I am one of those who often wonder if it is possible for people to earn money through writing for the media. It may be in other climes, certainly not in Nigeria. But reading Azu’s book provided me a new perspective.

Azu’s new book soared my mind to previously unattainable heights of insight on how journalists and even non-journalists alike can earn money writing for the media. But what do you expect from an editors’ editor, a media entrepreneur, a wordsmith who has spent over three decades doing what he knows how to do best: writing for the media.

The quintessential Azu

Azu, to use the almost worn-out cliché’, is different thing to different people. But one thing that almost everybody who really knows him well can attest to is the fact that he is a very prolific writer. This columnist with over 30-year experience in journalism practice has written, week in, week out, about virtually everything in Nigeria.

Like Max Amuchie said, Azu “writes about Nigeria, its history, the state of the union, and its place under the sun”. I have since made it a point of duty to read his column every week and I am privileged to read it even before it is officially published.

And his style is enthralling. A media entrepreneur, author and attested essayist, Azu is also a teacher who has taught pro bono at the Department of Mass Communication, University of Lagos, and also at the Nigeria Institute of Journalism (NIJ) Ogba-Lagos. His love for writing and the passion to see writers live a decent life by making money through writing, are no doubt, part of the reasons why he authored ‘Writing for Media and Monetising It’.

What’s in the book?

In this book, Azu not only tells us how to make money through writing, he also teaches us how to be better writers. To master the art of writing, he recommends, like good writers before him always do, that one needs to read voraciously. While harping on reading, Azu noted: “I expanded my reading list by adding some of my favourite and evergreen writers like Charles Dickens and Mark Twain. I also returned to some leading African writers, especially Chinua Achebe and Camara Laye”.

The book tells a writer how to select what subject to write on, how to create his/her style, how to connect with audience, how to find and use literary resources and, of course, how to mind the law. In chapters 9,10,11,12 and 14, Azu dwelt on using artificial intelligence, syndication, writing for global audiences, how a writer can brand his content and reinvent his or herself in changing times.

To my mind, chapter 13 is the most interesting. It talks about the central theme of the book which is, making money. Here, Azu examines the likes of Linda Ikeji, Abdulsalam Idris, Tunde Ednut and Adeola Fayehun who are making it big through content creation. Interestingly, the author provides, in pages 133-134, seven tips for anyone wishing to make money through content creation.

But who needs the book?

The book provides guide on how to improve one’s writing and also make money from content creation. To that extent, this is a book that should interest not just students of mass communication and their literary studies counterparts, but also journalists, journalism teachers, content creators, bloggers and media entrepreneurs. As a matter of fact, the book offers something for anyone in clear, simple writing. Therefore, I recommend this didactic book that is intended to expose financial opportunities to this category of people.

[OPINION] Tax and African prosperity - Abimbola Adelakun

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Sometime in 2022, we (some friends and I) were driving through a village in Kenya when I saw this giant billboard with the face of a presidential candidate named William Ruto. The tagline was, “Every hustle matters!” I thought it was a funny slogan for a presidential candidate, and a friend (who would vote Ruto) gave me a quick rundown of his candidacy. It boiled down to the usual platitude deployed to justify voting a candidate: he is on the side of the people, the masses, the common man (and whatever pejorative labels we assign). I recall thinking, I know how this ends. From Dr Goodluck Jonathan’s “I had no shoes” to Muhammadu Buhari’s claim of 150 cows, politicians like to frame what they have in common with the common man until they actually need to demonstrate it.

The belief was that Ruto who, having once hustled his way to the top, would empathise with the people eking out survival was punctured with the introduction of a tax bill that would increase taxes even on essential commodities such as bread, cooking oil, and diapers. During the stand-off between the leader and the led, it came to light how much Ruto had extended his legendary hustle to public funds. Out of the window flew the image of a man who, having once suffered, would innately understand what it meant to stretch the Kenyan Shilling until its frail edges cover up your nakedness. Ruto eventually backed down from signing the bill, but much had been lost. The protest took the lives of about two dozen protesters and fractured Ruto’s relationship with Kenyans.

Overall, the Kenyan protests should be a lesson for African leaders like Ruto and his Nigerian counterpart Bola Tinubu who think they can tax their way out of the economic troubles. To some extent, their resort to taxes is understandable. The prognosis of the post-COVID is—depending on the rung of the social ladder you occupy—a gloomy one. Africa, which was barely doing well before COVID, is now seriously reeling from the effects of the global pandemic. People are similarly facing dire times in countries around the world, and our social, political, and even spiritual lives are being rapidly upended by the reality of the economic crunches.

Even the United States, with its thriving economy, still presents the contrast of a post-COVID recovery. While the figures show that their economy is strong, millions (especially people of lower income range) are held down by inflation. African countries that were not doing that well before COVID are vertiginous from the global downturn. Countries are urgently looking to recapitalise, which is why leaders like Ruto came up with the very innovative idea of taxing people more. In Nigeria too, we have witnessed a similar strategy. In addition to abruptly withdrawing (at least going by official pronouncements) the subsidies on fuel and forex, the administration also stopped subsidies on electricity. Energy costs have since gone up, stratospherically increasing the cost of darkness. The same administration also introduced the Green Tax, Import Tax Adjustment Levy, Expatriate Tax, and the Cybersecurity tax, some of which had to be reversed either because it made no sense or was ill-timed.

Unfortunately, Africa cannot be taxed out of its economic morass. People are too poor—just too poor—and the national economic means are too singular for people to come up with the taxes necessary to bridge the gaps in revenue generation. The country has a lot of debt to repay, yes, but those borrowed monies never did anything for those being asked to contribute. If those loans had truly impacted their lives, we would not be groaning as much over the mounting tax regimes. Government officials are the ones who take hefty loans, mismanage them, make a public show of pursuing their cronies who stole the money, and after they deem everyone sufficiently amused by the drama of anti-corruption, they pass on the costs to those who had nothing to do with it. It is those who did not enjoy any part of the loans they took that are frequently squeezed to pay; never their friends, many of whom still living large from the stolen wealth.

In serious societies, taxes have meaning because they are used to fund public amenities. But in a society like ours, what good does it do? Our Nigerian public education system is comatose because we barely fund it. Consequently, “private schools” mushroom in every corner of the country. Cheap and unstandardised, they freely toy with the future of millions of children. The same applies to public health. In fact, every aspect of our lives now has to be privatised because the government that will squeeze taxes out of the hands of the dead does not make judicious use of them. Many communities across Nigeria provide their own electricity, security, water, sewage, and even the social governance system. It is an unfortunate truth that in Nigeria, every household is its own government. Amidst all these supplementing of governance, we still pay taxes to a government increasingly indifferent to our plight!

It is almost trite to point out that nobody in the world likes taxes, and Kenyans would likely have resisted anyway. The US is an example of how taxes influence democracy. Their wealthy class typically supports the Republican Party because those ones will cut their taxes and Democrats—when they win—will reinstate it. Presently, rich people are throwing money at the Republican candidate Donald Trump because of his promise to cut taxes. So, yes, while taxes are always political, what we have in our own societies is a case where the people who are already impoverished are still being taxed for simply existing. Taxes are useful when an economy is thriving, not when people are already scraping the bottom.

For Africa to boost its capital, our leaders will need to transcend the loans-and-taxes economies they presently run. We are impoverished because many of the countries on this continent operate extractive companies, solely relying on natural deposits. We are one of the most naturally resourced continents, yet our leaders lack the vision to utilise these resources for our own development, instead choosing to use them as collateral for foreign loans. This undervalues our resources and results in a lack of control over what should be enhancing our value. It requires significant innovation and hard work to act otherwise, but our complacent and unimaginative African leaders seem content with the bare minimum of borrowing. African countries have created a situation whereby they borrow money from China to build the public infrastructure that ultimately serves in transporting the finished products also imported from the same China!

Finally, several commentators on the Kenyan crisis have pointed out the role of international organisations such as the IMF in the tax bill. Indeed, Ruto purported the bill to cover Kenya’s approximately $80 billion of the country’s domestic and external debt. About half of that amount is owed to China, IMF, and the World Bank. It is easy to demonise foreign organisations for their role in taxing already burdened Africans, but the truth is that they do not owe us that much responsibility. Global capitalism is not founded on sentiments, and its administrators are not our elected leaders. They do not live among us, and they perhaps have only a remote idea how hard our lives are already. The people who should know better are our African leaders. Unfortunately, their actions always leave the impression that the only skill they have honed in the decades of interacting with global capitalist institutions is to beg. If they have no sense of obligation or duty of care to us enough to develop the sophistication and savviness to negotiate better deals, why should those institutions act any differently?

[OPINION] Wetin Concern Nigeria with Kenya? - Olusegun Adeniyi

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The half dozen men gathered at a mutual friend’s house yesterday expressed opinions on every political issue they thought I should write on. But as it often happens on such occasions, the discussion soon dovetailed into how husbands can navigate ‘supplementary budgets’ being demanded by our wives due to situation reports from the market. I found it remarkable that almost all my friends know the prices of tubers of yam, ‘kongo’ of garri, sachets of milk, crates of eggs, ‘Mudu’ of rice and even the different variants of ‘Ponmo’. But the greatest concern was the price of cooking gas.

Being creative people, it did not take long before a solution was put forward to tackle the challenge. One reported that somebody told his cousin who shared the secret with his auntie who then confided in his uncle, from where he got the information, that jollof rice cooked with firewood is far more delicious and nutritious than one cooked with gas. As the theory goes, the smoke that comes from the firewood is what makes all the difference, hence ‘smoky jollof rice’ is now preferred to the regular ones in Abuja, Lagos, and major cities. So, the conclusion at our meeting is that our wives should spare us the gas ‘budget item’. I am therefore delighted to announce: For peace in our homes in the age of ‘Emilokan’, cooking should henceforth be done with firewood!

Meanwhile, as we continued to discuss how to navigate the skyrocketing price of gas, someone asked why I haven’t written on the cost of living in Nigeria today. Especially with reports that many of our citizens are now so desperate, they are stealing pots of soup. In March this year, the Ekiti State Police Command arraigned a 20-year-old man, Ojo Monday, before an Ado-Ekiti Chief Magistrates’ Court. The police prosecutor, Inspector Moyosola Adesola, told the court that the defendant broke into the house of one Ajala Modupe and stole Indomie noodles, Maggi seasonings, salt, onions, fufu and a pot of soup all valued at N300,000. She noted that the offences contravened Sections 322 and 302(1) (a) of the Criminal Laws of Ekiti State 2021. Just a few weeks later, a man identified as Baba Bola, was given the beating of his life while attempting to steal a pot of soup in Byazhin community, Bwari Area Council of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT). But following his escape, Baba Bola mobilised hoodlums and allegedly returned to kill the woman whose pot of soup he attempted to steal. In the continuing attacks by his ‘comrades’ who reportedly wielded machetes, clubs, and stones, two innocent passers-by, a woman and a young boy, were also killed.

To say that countless Nigerians are going through harrowing times is to put the situation rather mildly. But to be fair, stealing pots of soup didn’t start yesterday. I recall a 2020 case in Ebonyi State during the Covid-19 stay-at-home period. “We received report of a stolen pot of soup and Jollof rice. A woman was cooking and went inside to take something and on coming out, her pot of soup was stolen, and this shows that there is hunger in the land,” then Police Public Relations Officer (PPRO), Loveth Odah told reporters. Given what the policy options of the past one year have done to many Nigerians, one can only imagine the extent of the ‘hunger in the land.’

Unfortunately, Nigerians hardly focus on any problem for long. While we were still lamenting the hard times, the same man who raised the issue reminded us that it was exactly a month since the collapse of a mining pit in Galkogo, Shiroro Local Government Area of Niger State, where several miners are still trapped. He wondered why I had not written about them. “Is it because they are poor people?” he asked. In a nation where it is now almost one day, one tragedy, how many issues can a reporter address at the same time? But I got his point about the class dimension to the neglect. Many Nigerians do seem oblivious to the plight of their compatriots who were working inside a 400-metre-deep pit owned by African Minerals and Logistics Limited when it caved in on June 3 following a heavy downpour.

Last weekend, Daily Trust published an on-the-spot report where the families of victims narrated their harrowing experiences. “We are confused…my younger brother is among the victims. There is no day that I don’t go to that site. The recovery team has not been able to bring his body out,” Suleiman Isah, whose younger brother is among the trapped victims, told the newspaper. “They said his left leg had already been cut off because of stones that fell on his head. Under his corpse, three other bodies have been sighted. But until they can remove my brother, they won’t be able to bring out the ones under him.” According to Isah, the mining company had been abandoned in the recovery efforts, without any help from either the state or federal government. “What they do is to remove stones and pass them on to one another until they take them out,” Isah explained. “It is the same way they are bringing out the dead bodies because excavators cannot stretch inside the ground to take out stones that fell on the victims. With this, when will they finish bringing out the victims?”

I could not help feeling for the families of the trapped mine workers. Some, I understand,have already conducted prayers for the repose of souls of their loved ones, having concluded that they must be dead by now. We were still lamenting the plight of those trapped miners when someone drew our attention to the television relaying the news that the nationwide demonstrations by the youth of Kenya have not abated despite President William Ruto’s decision not to assent the controversial Finance Bill 2024 that triggered the anger of the people. “I hope you are following up on the Kenya protests”, he quipped. Of course, I am. How could I have ignored Kenya given the parallels one can draw with the situation in Nigeria? On Tuesday, the capital city, Nairobi and the second largest city, Mombasa were literally on fire as protesters carried placards and beating drums while chanting ‘Ruto must go!’

Following the passage of a controversial Finance Bill 2024 that would have increased taxes and cost of living, protesters stormed the federal parliament in Nairobi on June 18 and the police allegedly fired live ammunition that resulted in the loss of several lives. 23 deaths were confirmed that day although the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights (KNHCR) has put the total number of fatalities resulting from the protests at 39. Like the 2020 EndSARS riots in Nigeria, the protesters have no official leaders with coordination done through social media. “People are dying in the streets and the only thing he (President Ruto) can talk about is money. We are not money. We are people. We are human beings,” one of the protesters, Milan Waudo reportedly told Reuters in Mombasa. “He needs to care about his people, because if he can’t care about his people then we don’t need him in that chair.”

In a piece published in The Guardian of London on Monday, Nanjala Nyabola, a Kenyan writer and author, said outsiders don’t understand the real import of the crisis in her country. She painted a picture of leaders insensitive to the plight of the people. “…In addition, the offices of the first lady, the deputy first lady, and the spouse of the prime secretary – each with a budget, an office and staff – were created to great public fanfare. Many elected legislators in the country routinely flaunt their wealth on social media, sharing videos on TikTok of expensive cars and homes, or giving obscenely large donations to religious organisations and charities,” Nyabola wrote, as she explained what many Nigerians could relate with. “Kenyan legislators are the second-highest paid in the world relative to GDP and would be exempt from many of the new taxes because of their status. The finance bill was described as austerity, but this is not austerity: this is a cash grab from the poor to sustain the lifestyles of the rich.”

Last night, presidential spokesman, Hussein Mohamed said in a statement on X that Ruto has ordered the Treasury to review pay and benefits for all state officials and lawmakers. “The president has emphasised that this is a time, more than ever before, for the executive and all arms of government to live within their means,” Mohamed said. But the protesters are not letting up. To compound the situation, the Deputy President, Rigathi Gachagua and the National Intelligence Service (NIS) Director-General, Noordin Haji, are openly trading words. In what appears an opening of the country’s delicate faultlines, critical stakeholders are taking sides. It all started when Gachagua addressed the media, accusing Haji of failing to inform President Ruto of the seriousness of the protests, which could have prompted an appropriate response. Gachagua also claimed that Haji was undermining competent officers in the NIS and replacing them with cronies, thereby compromising the country’s national security.

In a populist speech that hints at frictions within the government, Gachagua said that “Withdrawing the Finance Bill 2024 is the beginning of acknowledging that there is a disconnect between the people and the government,” and that “the president, myself, and elected leaders are servants of the people. Going forward, this should be the norm, listening to the people.” He then put the blame for what happened on the Kenya security agency. “The organization paid for by the Kenyan public should have briefed the president on the feelings of the Kenyan people,” Gachagua said. “We have a dysfunctional National Intelligence Service that has exposed the government and the people of Kenya.” After accusing the NIS boss of “always being on business trips and never in the country,” Gachagua said Haji “must take responsibility for the deaths, mayhem, failing President Ruto and Kenya for not doing his job. He must do the honourable thing, not just taking responsibility but resign.”

In response, Haji attacked Gachagua, asserting that his primary responsibility is to report directly to President Ruto and not his deputy. “The DP’s actions and words suggest that he has a personal interest in the intelligence briefs revolving around the protests. Could it be that he is worried that the NIS may have pinned responsibility at his doorstep?” Haji asked. “The DP is still bitter that many of his tribesmen who were serving in the NIS, but sabotaging H.E. President William Ruto were removed from the service. It can only mean that the DP’s desire is to sabotage the President in the hope that if the President falls, he can benefit from it.” Haji then warned that the NIS has “files and extensive information” about Gachagua’s “power-hungry designs” in their custody. “We invite him to shed off the DP tag so that this service can show him what a personal fight looks like.”

While we were still debating the problems in Kenya both on the streets and at the presidency, a Distinguished Senator of the Federal Republic of Nigeria walked in. One of us asked him whether it is true that the lawmakers are going to approve a new presidential jet for the president, wondering why the Senate President, Godswill Akpabio would describe those opposed to the idea as blackmailers. The Senator seemed provoked by the question. “What is wrong with that? Are you one of the people wishing our president ill? Are you one of those people who think you can blackmail our uncommon transformer in the senate?” Apparently taken aback by the senatorial aggression, our friend explained that he was only concerned about public perception because of what was going on in Kenya where young people are protesting the same sort of insensitivity to their plight. And the Senator thundered: ‘Wetin concern Nigeria with Kenya?’

In total agreement with the ‘Distinguished’, I looked at my friends with a gesture of resignation. And I am sure they perfectly understand why I would not be writing this column today. But the senator apparently misread my mood. Turning to me, he said, “Segun, don’t tell me you are also one of the blackmailers on this presidential jet matter”. I instantly expressed my support for the idea. In fact, I recommended that all the ten aircraft in the presidential fleet be replaced with new ones. And to further demonstrate my loyalty, I stood up and asked other friends in the room to join me in the rendition of what should have been the new national anthem had the National Assembly members been more patriotic. Facing the direction of Aso Rock presidential villa, and to the delight of the distinguished Senator, we sang: “On your mandate we shall stand…”

[OPINION] Wanted: a long-term development plan for Akwa Ibom State - Etim Etim

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About four decades after its creation, Akwa Ibom State urgently requires its first ever long-term development plan with a lifespan of 40 years, broken into four-year medium-term goals and designed in such a way that the whole state would be developed in a coordinated, systematical and well-planned fashion. Gov. Umo Eno should put together a committee of eminent engineers; city planners, development economists and strategic thinkers from various walks of life with commensurate exposure and experience to design such a plan for the state, after which it should be adopted by a cross-section of the people and enacted into law. Legislating the plan into law means that its implementation would be binding to all the succeeding administrations till 2064. The fact that the plan shall have four-year medium plans built into it means that each governor, including the incumbent, shall run his or her administration and the yearly budgets based strictly on the provisions of the plan. This will put an end to the past behaviours when a governor would attend a wedding in a village and announce, out of excitement, ‘’I shall dualize the road to this village tomorrow. Where is my Commissioner for Works?’’. The 40-year development plan shall have no room for such a whimsical arbitrariness.

Akwa Ibom has grown rapidly, especially in terms of physical infrastructure, in the last two decades. It is the first state in Africa to establish and manage its own airline which has become the nation’s major carrier. The state owns and runs a modern airport and is building the first of its kind MRO in West Africa (only Egypt and South Africa has a similar facility in size and sophistication). There is also a modern football stadium as well as good medical facilities; two five-star hotels and a golf resort. We have the second-best road network in the federation after the FCT. The state is blessed with the longest beachfront in the country and very green, lush and arable land. In terms of security, Akwa Ibom is one of the most peaceful and safest states in the country. These facilities, I am afraid, were not built in a well-coordinated manner although they have all fit perfectly well into the state’s overall developmental needs. It is therefore time to codify the overall assets, resources, potentials, topography, vegetation and developmental trajectory of the state in the next four decades into a long-term development plan that would be implemented religiously by the next three governors in such a manner that the whole state becomes one modern big city.

The 40-year plan will therefore detail out our developmental focus on important sectors like infrastructure; health; education; agriculture; tourism and recreation and industrial development. It will point out residential areas; shopping areas; recreational areas; agricultural areas; industrial areas; power plants; sewage plants; cemeteries, etc. In other words, the strategic plan will define for us what Akwa Ibom should be known for and how we can grow along those lines. Should we be a tourism and recreation capital of Nigeria or should we focus on industrialization; commerce and distributive trade; agriculture? What is our comparative advantage and how can we leverage on that in the next 40 years?

A development plan is simply ambitious and deliberately planned set of goals that may take a substantial period of time to achieve, but is designed to provide a strategic direction for the state's developmental endeavours.

Lagos State is notable for its well designed and well implemented long-term development plan in Nigeria. It is one of the few states that has embarked on a well-articulated long-term development planning and has adopted a comprehensive Lagos State Development Plan (LSDP) 2022-2052, building upon the foundations of a predecessor, LSDP 2012-2025. The LSDP 2022-2052is a 30-year vision that aims to establish it as Africa's model mega city and a global economic and financial hub by 2052. Other states like Kaduna and the North Eastern states of Adamawa; Gombe; Yobe; Borno and Bauchi have also developed their own plans. North Eastern States Transformation Strategy (NESTS) is the first comprehensive, medium-term development plan for the six states.

Some states are approaching long-term development on sectoral basis. There is the Edo State Basic Education Sector Transformation (EdoBEST) program driving investment in that area while Gombe State is making commendable achievements in health and education, leading to improved outcomes in these sectors. There is also the Gombe State Development Plan (GSDP) 2021-2030, which is aligned with the SDGs. There was a feeble attempt some 13 years ago by the South-South states to implement a regional developmental agenda. The governors set up a body known as the BRACED Commission (BRACED being an acronym for the six states), but it was short-lived, no thanks to immature politics, ego and lack of foresight.

At the national level, there have been several national development plans for the country since independence. These include the first four National Development Plans (1962-1985); the National Economic Empowerment and Development Strategy (2004-2007); the Vision 20:2020 and National Transformation Agenda (2010-2020); the Economic Recovery and Growth Plan (ERGP) 2017-2020; the National Development Plan (NDP) 2021-2025 and Nigeria Agenda 2050. We can debate on the success rates of these plans, but there’s no doubt about the importance of long-term planning. This is why I am calling on Gov. Umo Eno to take the first steps today in initiating the development of a long-term plan for Akwa Ibom state. Future generations of our people will remember him as the leader with a vision.

[OPINION] Nigeria's unknown, unsung, and unlionized heroes - Bola Bolawole

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While marking his second June 12 or Democracy Day last June 12, 2024, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu tried to remember the labours of our heroes past, so that their sacrifices may not appear to have been in vain. Good as his intentions were, he, nonetheless, stepped on toes. He did not remember the names of all the heroes or he could possibly not have mentioned all of them. In this, he stirred the hornets nest and attracted the ire of many.

For example, the Fasheuns were upset that Tinubu forgot or glossed over the original founder of the Oodua Peoples Congress (OPC), a man with whom Tinubu himself matched on the streets, arms locked together in a show of comradeship and defiance of military dictatorship. How dare Tinubu forget such a man as Dr. Frederick Fasheun and his heroic contributions to June 12? A man who was harassed and detained and whose means of livelihood were incessantly put in jeopardy for his pro-democracy activism! True, then, are the words of Josef Goebbels, Adolf Hitler's chief propagandist, that human memory is very short!

Another example is my brother and professional colleague, Dr. Festus Adedayo, who, in his FLICKERS column in the Sunday Tribune of 16 June, 2024, angrily exploded in Tinubu's face! "Tinubu, Ibadan is angry!", he cried. Festus reeled out the heroics of Ibadan pro-democracy activists too numerous to mention and the many unknown (like the unknown soldiers) and unsung pro-democracy activists brutally murdered and martyred in the streets of Ibadan.

Ibadan, in fact, has a history of activism long before June 12, 1993. It was, in those days, the hotbed of activism. Who can forget the role played by Comrade Ola Oni, Dr. Bade Onimode both of the University of Ibadan, and Comrade Laoye Sanda of The Polytechnic, Ibadan in the 1978 Ali Must Go student protests? Who can forget the heroics of Niyi Oniororo (blood brother of Comrade Ola Oni), an accomplished activist in his own right, and many others?

But we must forgive Tinubu. He cannot possibly remember, know or acknowledge everyone. The list is endless. Many are not known and may never be known. That is why I am not angry that Tinubu did not mention my own name! Does he still even remember me? Here was a man who, while in exile, sent one press statement after another to me for publication as editor of The PUNCH! Here was a man who sent me letters saluting my courage for publishing all the incendiary statements he was sending home from exile and which I was publishing without fail! Some of those letters will form part of my soon-coming memoirs.

In fairness to him, Tinubu sent me the gift of a wristwatch, which has long gone out of use but which I still keep as mementos. Akintola Benson Oke, his aide at the time, who later became a commissioner in Lagos state under Gov. Akinwunmi Ambode, was Tinubu's emissary to me. But, like I said, we must forgive Tinubu, especially so for anyone whose contribution to our renascent democracy was borne out of conviction and not propelled by any hunger for material gains or personal recognition from any quarters.

Now, the story you are about to read is about another set of heroes neglected, heroes forgotten, heroes snubbed, and heroes unappreciated. But that does not make them less heroes anyway!

I will forever remember Prof. George Obiozor, one-time Director-General of the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs (NIIA), who lamented that Nigerians do not celebrate their heroes. Obiozor is now late but that statement of his I have kept in my heart - although I did not agree with his choice of heroes on the occasion of that lecture held at the NIIA, Victoria Island, Lagos. That was a long time ago, when I was a Foreign Affairs correspondent.

"Nigeria, honour your heroes!" 0biozor moaned repeatedly. A nation that does not honour its heroes cannot be great. And a nation that chooses the wrong set of heroes is perfidious and on the road to perdition.

Now to the story: "As important as this story stands in the history of our nation's struggle for democracy, it is a shame that not many of our teenagers know much about it… On October 25, 1993, four dissatisfied Nigerian teenagers hijacked a Nigerian Airways Airbus A310 that was flying from Lagos to Abuja and diverted the plane to Niamey, Niger Republic.

"They were dissatisfied with the annulment of June 12 elections by the military Head of State, Gen. Ibrahim Babangida. The young Nigerians were: Richard Ogunderu, 19; Kabir Adenuga, 18; Benneth Oluwadaisi, 20 and Kenny Rasaq Lawal, 19. They were students of the Federal University of Technology, Akure (FUTA).

"They all… boarded the flight at MMA alongside other passengers. About 16 minutes before landing, they waited until the pilot had announced that passengers should fasten their seat belts and prepare for landing. Next thing the passengers heard was: 'Ladies and gentlemen, this plane has been taken over by the Movement for the Advancement of Democracy. Remain calm, we will not harm you. You will be told where the plane will land you. You do not move or you die'.

"The leader of the hijackers, Richard Ogunderu, walked into the cockpit and seized the process, and then one other hijacker followed. The two others remained to watch over the passengers. When he got to the cockpit, the pilot knew immediately this was an attack, so he had to obey instructions given to him.

"Ogunderu asked the pilot to divert the aircraft straight to Germany. The pilot convinced him the plane did not carry sufficient fuel to cross the Atlantic and then suggested they divert to a nearby country, Niger, or they would crash and everybody would die. The two hijackers told the pilot what they wanted was where they could give publicity to their reason for the hijack. They told him they wanted Germany because they could have good press coverage that would support their democratic cause. But that couldn’t happen because of the fuel shortage. They agreed to land in Niamey, Niger Republic.

"Upon landing, the hijackers found themselves surrounded by hundreds of armed Nigeriène soldiers at the airport. They had earlier distributed their demands in pamphlets among the passengers calling on the Nigerian government to overturn the annulment of the June 12 election. They gave the government 72 hours to meet their demands or else they would set the plane ablaze. To show they were not ready to kill anyone so long as the government listened to them, they released 34 of the 193 passengers, among whom were top Nigerian government officials.

" The leader of the hijackers spoke to a BBC correspondent. The correspondent asked what they were fighting for, and he told him they wanted to actualize the mandate given by the Nigerian people to M.K.O Abiola. The Nigerian government sent 24 delegates to talk to the hijackers but none of them entered the aircraft to talk to them; instead, they were in the hotel, asking the hijackers to come down.

"The Nigeriene soldiers did not storm the plane because the hijackers claimed to have rigged the plane with explosives. And so began negotiations, keeping the remaining passengers hostage. For three days, the hijackers and the passengers fed on coffee & biscuits. At some point, they ran out of water for coffee, and one passenger demanded water. Under the guise of bringing them water and food, the Nigeriène soldiers eventually realized the hijackers were not armed, and under the cover of darkness, they stormed the plane.

"The four teenagers were arrested, cuffed hands behind their backs and taken straight to a prison cell. The hijackers spoke neither Hausa nor French and nobody made any attempt to question them in English.They were denied food for days. The hijackers were remanded in Niamey prison for nine years before they were released in 2001.

"The Nigerian government did not even request for them to be extradited. They wanted them away from Nigerian soil to prevent them from becoming a symbol of resistance to Nigeria's youths.

"These teenagers represented the generation of Nigerian youths of 1993: Intelligent, bold, patriotic and courageous. They courageously believed they could save Nigeria from the tyrannical steel claws of the military Junta. Even as teenagers. They placed their lives on the chopping block to save Nigeria. They weren’t asking for what Nigeria could do for them, they thought of what they could do for Nigeria.They were only teenagers, yet they wore the chest of warriors"

But we must forgive Tinubu. He cannot possibly remember, know or acknowledge everyone. The list is endless. Many are not known and may never be known. That is why I am not angry that Tinubu did not mention even my own name! Here was a man who, while in exile, sent one press statement after another to me for publication as editor of The PUNCH! Here was a man who sent me letters saluting my courage for publishing all the incendiary statements he was sending home from exile and which I was publishing without fail! Some of those letters will form part of my soon-coming memoirs.

Now, the story you are about to read is about another set of heroes neglected, heroes forgotten, heroes snubbed, and heroes unappreciated. But that does not make them less heroes anyway!

"The Nigerian government did not even request for them to be extradited. They wanted them away from Nigerian soil to prevent them from becoming a symbol of resistance to Nigeria's youths.

The story was forwarded to me by one John Faluyi. Of course, I was familiar with the story when it broke, being the editor of The PUNCH at the time. But where are the guys? Dead or alive? How has life or, better still, how has Nigeria treated them?

But whatever is the situation, they have etched their names in gold. And for as long as there are pens and biros and platforms to recall their heroism, official recognition or not, they will remain heroes in our hearts, like Princess Diana, who metamorphosed from being the Princess of Wales to becoming the more prestigious and longer-lasting Queen of Hearts!.

[OPINION] For Love Of Nation And Of Democracy An Imaginary Withdrawal Speech By Joe Biden - Anthony Kila

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My dear fellow Americans and lovers of democracy worldwide, I speak to you today as the presumptive nominee of the Democratic Party and as President of the United States of America, a great country and land of opportunities, a beacon of hope for many and a standard of democracy for all.

Our country is about to embark on elections slated for November 2024. The stakes are high, and those elections can shape the future of America and the world as we know it.

In America, we have an important choice to make and a crucial question to answer: Do we give the number one position in America to a man who is a self-serving liar, bully and narcissist and allow those who think it is okay to disregard and disrespect all we stand for or allow hope and peace, respect and honesty, liberty and progress to continue.

I know Donald Trump; I debated and defeated him four years ago. Together, we stopped him from destroying our country and corrupting the world even when he desperately violently tried to destroy our age-long democratic institution for his reckless and blind ego, pure personal material interests and his innate inability to play by the rules.

That victory allowed us, in the last four years, thanks to an inclusive team of diverse, talented and dedicated Americans, to rescue the economy and change the course of the pandemic, put more people to work than any time in the history of the USA, rebuild our infrastructures across the country, lower the costs of every day expenses for most Americans, produce more in America and expanded benefits and services for toxic exposed veterans like it has never been done in the history of America.

Now, there is a man who is clearly a danger to democracy and unworthy of the public trust going about the country spreading lies, fear and hatred, trying to deceive people into giving the key to the white house to serve his unhealthy and immoral interests and to destroy most promising things we stand for. Donald Trump is breeding a dangerous mindset and rearing a scary set of people who think it is OK to hate, lie, cheat and insult others. We must not allow that to happen.

Like many fellow Americans, I understand what is at stake, and we know how to stop this looming danger of hatred, recklessness, selfishness, tyranny, and opportunism.

As I did four years ago to stop Donald Trump, I have put myself forward again for the benefit, hope, and legitimate aspirations of the many against the immoral interests of the few. That is what democracy is about, and this is what our America is about. Democracy is about equality, hope, and transparency.

In my heart, I believe I can still do it; with your support, we can fend off this manipulator and continue the great things we started four years ago.

I know there are concerns about my age and vigour, but I disagree; I feel strong and capable. However, I will suspend my candidacy and allow my party to consult and represent a candidate for president of the United States of America. I will suspend my candidacy not out of fear or weakness but of love for our nation and democracy.

My suspension, which is not done lightly, will show Americans of today, those unborn and the rest of the world that in America, there are leaders who are not in politics for themselves but for the love of the nation and democracy and that when we say we listen, we genuinely listen.

The election is not about me. I have been privileged to serve my nation and democracy for decades in many capacities, and I have always done so patriotically and with dedication to the common good. That will never change.

I want you, my fellow Americans, and the world to know today that democracy is to be served, loved, and protected, not exploited for selfish interests, hatred, fear, and divisions like Donald Trump is trying to do in every step he takes and every word he utters.

It is heartbreaking to see that too many Republicans do not have the clarity of mind and courage of voice to vigorously denounce the menace and bag of deceit called Donald Trump, even after they have seen and heard him show his disregard for everything good about our democracy. I salute those who have done so. History will be kind to them for their efforts and courage to stand up for our nation and democracy.

Democracy is love for humanity, respect for the law, and hope in the people. This vision tells us that even when we think we can serve if truly serving is all we want to do, it does not have to be us and just us in the commanding position.

Love for humanity means we must always consider the concerns of our fellow human beings; hope in the people means we must trust not only the people’s vote but also believe that someone else is good enough among our people since we all abide by the rule of law. That is why we must all come together to fend off anyone who does not show love for humanity or hope in our people regardless of their colour or creed and does not demonstrate respect for the rule of law.

I call on all people of goodwill today to put aside our partisan differences and understand that for democracy and liberty to continue to thrive, we must all stand together against deceit, indecency, and immoral ambition and for the rule of law, freedom for all, tolerance, and decency.

Join me on Twitter @anthonykila to share your thoughts, ask questions, and continue these engaging conversations.

Anthony Kila is a Professor of Strategy and Development and a Director at the Commonwealth Institute of Advanced and Professional Studies.

[OPINION] Governors need a better knowledge of the National Minimum Wage - Owei Lakemfa

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GOVERNORS, so to say, are up in arms against a new National Minimum Wage, NMW. Individually and collectively, they have voiced opposition to the evolution of a new wage which may not be less than N60,000 as promised by President Bola Tinubu. While some have called for a confederate wage system, others have vowed not to pay the new salaries when passed by the National Assembly, NASS and signed by the President.

Former Minister and ex-Governor of Lagos State, Babatunde Raji Fashola, affectionately called BRF, introduced a dramatic twist when he submitted that the NMW is illegal. The learned Senior Advocate of Nigeria posited that the NASS is empowered to legislate on wages, not salaries. This is a moot and academic case. It is what one of my late mentors, Tony Engurube would call “Academic masturbation”.

But before examining the arguments of BRF, let us go to the current governors. The Southern Governors’ Forum said the ability of states to pay the new minimum wage should be considered. This is not just logical and commonsensical, but also traditional. This basically is why the NMW is a product of tripartite negotiations, not imposition.

In the current negotiations, the 36 states governors and governments are represented by six governors; those of Niger, Bauchi, Katsina, Anambra, Osun and Cross Rivers states. The presence of these governors in the negotiations is to represent the interests of their colleagues.

Except the governors think their representatives, including former Central Bank Governor Chukwuma Soludo, did not do a good job, they do not have any basis to protest after taking part in these quite lengthy negotiations. It is a given that unless the outcomes of negotiations are respected, confidence will be lost and industrial peace jeopardised.

The governors also demanded that “…the minimum wage should be reflective of the cost of living and that each state should be allowed to negotiate its minimum wage”.

In the first place, minimum wages are, fundamentally, reflective of the cost of living. In fact, one of the most famous minimum wage reviews in Nigerian history, that of 1945, was called Cost Of Living Allowance, COLA. This is why submissions on a new minimum wage demand a breakdown which reflects the cost of living. If the governors did not do that at the negotiations, they have nobody to blame.

Their demand that each federating state should be free to negotiate new minimum wage with its workers rather than the country having a national minimum wage, is reflective of their knowledge of what a NMW is about. The NWM which is practised worldwide, is not so much about each nation. Rather, it is an attempt at a universal minimum wage base below which no worker should be paid. So, it is not about the system of government; whether confederal, federal or unitary.

The contemporary concept of a NMW began on June 28, 1919 when the Versailles Peace Treaty, ending the First World War, was signed. It established the International Labour Organisation, ILO. The reason for this establishment, as reflected in the Preamble of the ILO Constitution, is that: “Conditions of labour exist involving such injustice, hardship and privation to large numbers of people as to produce unrest so great that the peace and harmony of the world are imperiled; and an improvement of those conditions is urgently required.”

To ensure this, the ILO established the Minimum Wage which it defines as “…the minimum amount of remuneration that an employer is required to pay wage earners for the work performed during a given period, which cannot be reduced by collective agreement or an individual contract.”

In other words, the NMW is the basic threshold, an irreducible minimum. It means that governments and the organised private sector can pay higher than the NMW, but not below it.

The ILO universal Minimum Wage Fixing Machinery Convention No 26, was passed in 1928.

The NMW in any country has multiplier effects as the wellbeing of families depend on it and, many economies are dependent on it. In Nigeria, for example, except for Lagos and possibly, Rivers State, the economy of the states depend on the well-being of the public service, hence they are referred to as ‘Civil Servant States’.

The argument that not all states in the country are equally buoyant, is trite. The NMW is the base above which more buoyant states can pay. For instance, while the 2000 NMW was N5,500, the Federal and states like Lagos and Akwa Ibom, paid N7,500. Today, with the NMW being N30,000, Edo State which was paying N40,000, has increased the minimum wage in the state to N70,000.

The ILO, which is the United Nations specialised arm for Labour, prescribes that the minimum wage “…is calculated for workers with piece rate pay, and if the minimum is an hourly and/or a monthly rate.” This makes phony, BRF’s arguments that our Constitution permits legislation only on “…minimum wage…It does not talk about salaries.”

He claimed that “…the NASS may have acted unconstitutionally by legislating on a SALARY(monthly payment) when they only have power to legislate on WAGES, an hourly payment.”

What is today referred to as wages or salaries, is a product of the Industrial Revolution which began in 1760 with people paid income in exchange for selling their physical and mental labour. This was, and is still calibrated in hours and paid hourly, daily, weekly, bi-weekly and monthly. That is why workers clock in and work for specific hours. While some work for varied hours a day and are paid daily, others work for minimum hours daily and are paid monthly. In Nigeria, the minimum hours of work daily is eight hours or 40 hours per week. But agreed payment is monthly.

In proven cases where the worker cannot finish the work in eight hours, especially in the private sector, the employer pays for the extra hours. This is called overtime or OT. This, irrespective of work arrangements, is also calculated hourly.

By the way, the eight-hour work day is rooted in history. Employers used to exploit workers making them work 12-18 hours daily. So workers demanded that in the 24 hours that make a day, workers should have eight hours for sleep and rest, eight hours work and the balance eight hours for food, transportation, socials and family life. An international strike was called from May 1, 1886 to back this demand. It was the killing of labour leaders in the United States over this strike that led to the institution of May 1 as International Workers Day or May Day.

I suggest governors should engage Labour Advisers to enable them grasp labour matters better and save the country avoidable industrial disputes.

[OPINION] Obaseki at 67: A legacy steeped in excellence - Crusoe Osagie

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When historians write about the exploits of great men, they are always careful about the details, ensuring to capture the elements that define a person’s epocal milestones. Most times, the stories are told of their triumph and victories, other times, of their frailties. But ultimately, these tales speak to the essence of a person’s greatest battles and how they overcome them and chart a new, definitive course.

When the story of Godwin Obaseki, who today turns 67, is told, it will feature a rich chapter dedicated to his triumphant foray into public service, with numerous pages preoccupied with showcasing his bold, courageous and eventful stay in office, where he wrestled principalities and laid the foundations to restore Edo’s glory – somewhat like a renaissance era in the 21st century.

Obaseki, no doubt, had an eventful career as an investment banker. His exploits are the stuff of legend in corporate Nigeria, where he strode like a colossus, amassing a dashing profile as an investment banker, helping companies raise capital, taking Nigerian businesses to the global stage and contributing to industry-wide reforms that continue to reverberate in the larger economy.

However, serving as Governor of Edo State, Obaseki showcased an unbridled appetite for development and progress. Apparently, a personal trait that many may have missed in their study of Obaseki’s character is an uncanny focus on delivering results. This much was apparent in the manner in which he administered the State.

In a careful analysis of his campaign promises, manifesto and policy documents placed side by side with his developmental strides, one sees an emphasis on ensuring that targets are met with clinical precision. It is as if one needs a particular angle of vision to truly appreciate his genius – a birds-eye view of the somewhat disarticulated activities on the ground level that ultimately leads to all pieces properly aligning to deliver the best of outcomes. In different spheres of development in the State, this eagle-eye view is apparent.

As a governor, he is not one given to noise, grandstanding or frivolous talks. He fought back and challenged ideas and personalities headlong. Even when many wonder what is driving his quest, they only come to appreciate his concerns when reality kicks in years after. Case in point is Nigeria’s current economic impasse occasioned by years of reckless economic mismanagement, which Obaseki warned about years ago.

As a governor, he pursued aggressive reforms. He also worked tirelessly to deliver on key policy changes that led to catalytic progress – from education to healthcare to agriculture and environmental sustainability, among others. Above all, what is incontrovertible about the governor is his stubborn belief in what is right and proper.

The governor will be completing his eight-year stint at Dennis Osadebe Avenue, in Benin City, on November 12, 2024. But what would be running through the minds of many is the legacy he would be leaving behind – what has defined his stay in government and what the generality of the people will remember him for. Such posers are expected given that he led the state through a period of transitions, from a point when the world was transiting to new modes of living and working to an era characterised by global upheavals with a slew of wars, climate concerns and economic instability.

Did Obaseki give a good account of himself? What would historians write in his own chapter in the annals of Edo history? Do Edo people really sit back to appreciate the extent of his reforms in changing the State’s development trajectory? Will he be celebrated after he leaves office?

First, it would be said that as Governor, Obaseki fought many battles. In many of these battles, he came tops. The harder question would be if the battles were necessary or if he should have taken a less confrontational or diplomatic path. In his reading, the governor has volunteered that he believes there was no other way to instill the kind of changes he has engendered. Many would defer. But that remains for posterity to unravel, especially given the peculiar nature of Nigeria’s political space.

Edo’s economy has grown by almost 150% in the last seven and half years since 2017, with the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) now in the region of $25bn. This can be attributed to concerted efforts to open up the economy and transit from a ‘civil service’ state to an industrialised economy. Some of the pieces that many have not taken into account in this puzzle is how fast it will grow in coming years on account of Obaseki’s reforms.

This is premised on a solid groundwork rooted in sound policies and programmes implemented in the last few years. Aside from providing quality education for over 400,000 pupils in schools and ensuring a pathway to sustain their current levels of literary and numeracy up till tertiary levels, the government has also set a template for driving productivity.

In boosting economic growth, the governor has fixed a crucial problem that plagues efforts at sparking industrial growth in developing countries, which is creating that essential link between producers of raw materials to processing business that need their inputs to produce finished and semi-finished goods.

So when allocating farm estates to interested businesses, the Edo State Oil Palm Programme (ESOPP) designed a model that would ensure that makers of Fast Moving Consumer Goods (FMCGs) got the land needed for their Backward Integration drive. As a result, some of the biggest FMCG brands in Nigeria are sourcing raw materials for their industrial plants from Edo State. Not only does this boost job creation and productive use of land that had been hitherto deforested due to years of encroachment on restricted forest reserves, the state is now better positioned to serve as a major source of raw material for local and international business concerns. The long term benefits of this scheme is that Edo would become the major supplier of raw materials and semi-finished goods.

The other critical investment is in the State’s digital infrastructure. Over 2000km of fibre optic cables have been laid across the State connected to healthcare, education and technology assets. This is strategic in positioning the state and its youths to take advantage of the Fourth Industrial Revolution. Already, the Edo Tech Park is training tech talent with youths getting upskilled and realising their goals of kicking off tech careers from Edo State. Investment in electricity and the rep operational modular refineries in the State also add colour to the firmament of industrial activities in the State.

This trend is replete in the other areas where Obaseki has made the most impact. The tradition of thinking of development in hubs is a peculiar feature of the Obaseki-led administration. There are at least six hubs that have been established in Edo cutting across Education, Health, Creative Economy, Agriculture, Technology, among others.

As he leaves office in November, the question remains: who will remember Obaseki’s legacy of excellence? Ask the 400,000 Edo children and their teachers who are covered in the Edo Basic Education Sector Transformation (EdoBEST) Programme. Ask investors and the several businesses along Sapele Road and other parts of Benin City who are hooked on Ossiomo Power. Ask pensioners and civil servants. Ask subscribers to the Edo Health Insurance Scheme. Ask the over 30,000 investors and citizens who have processed their Certificate-of-Occupancy (C-of-O).

It is undeniable that Obaseki is leaving Edo far better than he met it. What is even more enabling is that he has set in motion a 30-year development plan that would guide the state’s development trajectory. This speaks again to his unrivaled penchant to prioritise results and performance over rhetoric. He will remain, undoubtedly, as Edo’s most prolific reformers.

Osagie is the special adviser to Obaseki on media projects.

[OPINION] Cholera In Hard Times - Dakuku Peterside

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Yemen, a West Asian country in the Arabian Peninsula, reported one million cases of cholera in March 2018. The world shook. At that time, Yemen was in civil war, leading to the Stockholm Agreement between feuding parties. The cholera outbreak in Yemen was linked to conflict, lack of access to clean water, extreme poverty, and the collapse of the health system. An unholy marriage of a conflict and an infectious disease outbreak can render people and health systems powerless and defenseless. Compared to Yemen, Nigeria was recovering from COVID-19 in 2021 when it experienced cholera outbreaks in 29 out of 36 states, affecting 111,062 people. Key drivers of the 2021 cholera outbreak in Nigeria were flooding, poor health facilities, lack of access to clean water, reduced hygiene, and poverty, some of which are persistent challenges in Nigeria’s development equation.

As of 2023, Nigeria has reported over 60,000 suspected cholera cases, resulting in several hundred deaths. The outbreak has affected multiple states, with the North bearing the highest burden. By mid-2024, Nigeria is still grappling with cholera outbreaks. While Nigeria is not in a civil war like Yemen and is not experiencing flooding in 29 states, the country is dealing with cholera outbreaks of alarming proportions. Following a dynamic risk assessment, the Nigeria Centre for Disease Control (NCDC) has activated its emergency center as the death toll from the recent cholera outbreak, prevalent in 31 states, reached 53 nationwide. The situation is urgent and requires immediate attention.

Cholera is a severe diarrheal disease caused by the bacterium Vibrio cholerae, which can lead to dehydration and death if not promptly treated. Nigeria has faced recurring cholera outbreaks, often exacerbated by conflicts, displacement, and natural disasters. A multitude of factors contributes to the persistence and severity of these outbreaks.

Firstly, conflict and displacement exacerbate the issue. Ongoing conflicts, particularly in the Northeast region, have displaced millions. Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) camps often lack proper sanitation facilities and clean water, creating ideal conditions for cholera to spread. Secondly, the rainy season (usually from May to October) frequently leads to flooding, contaminating water sources and increasing the risk of cholera. Flood-prone areas and communities living along riverbanks are particularly vulnerable. Thirdly, while urban areas might have better healthcare infrastructure, rural communities often lack healthcare, clean water, and sanitation infrastructure. This disparity increases the disease’s impact in less accessible regions. Fourthly, Nigeria’s healthcare system faces significant challenges, including limited resources, inadequate infrastructure, and shortages of medical supplies and personnel. During outbreaks, these weaknesses hinder effective response and treatment.

The current cholera outbreak situation approaches emergency dimensions because the infection is spreading during an economically and socially challenging time for the nation. Hard times and infectious diseases are a devastating combination, making people more susceptible to infections. The poorest and most deprived are the most vulnerable. The challenge of hunger, malnutrition, lack of access to potable water, inability to pay for essential food items, and dearth of healthcare facilities is real in Nigeria. Unfortunately, our governors and federal government officials are engrossed in constructing roads and bridges that only the living can use. Somehow, we are deaf to the cries of poverty and hunger all around us. We only hear the sirens of politicians and the elite . Fighting epidemics like cholera and Lassa fever is not a priority.

NCDC has been outstanding in its work. The agency has consistently demonstrated what a proactive and functional government department can achieve. We are also fortunate to have two ministers of health who have the clarity and determination to tackle the most complex challenges. However, fighting an epidemic requires addressing the social conditions that make people vulnerable. Hunger and poverty are health hazards in themselves.

Current efforts in affected areas are primarily focused on seeking medical solutions rather than a combined approach. If people continue to consume unhygienic food and water, the risk of infections increasing to epidemic proportions and disease strains becoming more resistant is high. A combination of vaccination, access to potable water, food security, improved hygiene, enhanced nutritional value, and extensive public awareness is necessary. We must combat this cholera outbreak as if it were a war. Each of us has a role to play in this fight, from maintaining personal hygiene to advocating for better public health policies.

Some states have been proactive and exemplary. Under former Governor Dave Umahi, Ebonyi maintained a high vaccination rate, and the current Governor, Francis Nwifuru, has elevated vaccination efforts. States like Akwa Ibom, Enugu, Nasarawa, Niger, and Rivers have prioritized the health of their people over petty political considerations. Jigawa State, according to UNICEF and the Federal Ministry of Health, was declared the first open defecation-free state in Nigeria. This is a plus in the fight against cholera. Lagos has been exemplary in public health education . Their efforts are inspiring and demonstrate that change is possible. The Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) has also intervened significantly by providing cholera vaccines for nine states, in addition to offering free medical services in rural areas.

Vaccination offers immediate protection against cholera, reducing the likelihood of outbreaks and saving lives while also complementing long-term solutions. We must address the root causes of the issue—severe poverty, hunger, and the lack of clean water in 34 of Nigeria’s 36 states. These factors make people more susceptible to outbreaks like cholera. To break this cycle, we need targeted policies and initiatives to protect vulnerable populations while expanding health and social welfare services. It’s not just about treating the symptoms but addressing the underlying issues to prevent future outbreaks. It is also time we ramp up public health education as a crucial strategy for combating cholera. Apart from educating, it empowers people to take preventive measures and change behaviours that lead to a reduction in the spread of epidemics.

Cholera has been a recurring problem in Nigeria for decades, with significant outbreaks recorded throughout the country’s history, often linked to poor sanitation, lack of clean water, and displacement due to conflict or natural disasters. Given its recurrence, Nigeria should have developed better ways to prevent or mitigate its impact. We should have learned numerous lessons from previous outbreaks that would position us well to tackle this epidemic. Unfortunately, this has not been the case. The factors contributing to these outbreaks persist, and little or nothing has been done about them.

We only react when faced with an outbreak. We implement immediate measures, and once the outbreak subsides, we revert to our old ways, neglecting the long-term actions necessary to prevent cholera outbreaks. How can many cities in Nigeria lack clean, safe pipe-borne water for public use?

Clean water is a luxury in Nigeria. The middle class can afford so-called “pure water” or bottled water that is anything but pure, given its sources and the poor hygienic conditions under which some of this “pure water” is produced. The working class and the poor still consume highly contaminated water, and many need to be educated on how to treat this contaminated water. The inevitable outcome is cholera outbreaks.

Many poor Nigerians cannot afford safe water. One liter of bottled water costs about N200. For a family of six, consuming at least three liters per day, the family would spend N3,600 per day and about N108,000 per month on drinking water alone. As of my last check, the minimum wage in this country is still N30,000, excluding the cost of cooking water and other uses. It’s no surprise that there is a persistent and recurring outbreak of waterborne diseases like cholera.

Addressing cholera in Nigeria requires a multifaceted approach that addresses both immediate needs during outbreaks and the underlying causes perpetuating the disease. The government must strengthen healthcare systems to improve outbreak response and treatment capabilities, enhance water and sanitation infrastructure (especially in rural and conflict-affected areas), increase community engagement and education to promote better hygiene practices, and tackle broader socio-economic issues such as hunger, poverty, and widespread illiteracy. We must decisively win the war against cholera once and for all.

[OPINION] Nigerian Journalists And 'Brown Envelopes' Syndrome - Matters Arising - Adémólá Òrúnbon

Admin

In the Nigerian media space, the term "brown envelope" has become synonymous with corruption and unethical practices. It refers to the practice of journalists accepting bribes or "envelopes" filled with money or other incentives in exchange for favourable coverage or silence on certain issues. This culture of corruption has long been a stain on the reputation of the Nigerian media and has contributed to the loss of trust in the institution.

The history of the "brown envelope" culture in Nigeria can be traced back to the 1980s, during a time of political turmoil and economic instability. With limited resources and low salaries, many journalists turned to accept bribes as a means of supplementing their income. Over time, the practice became normalized and even expected in certain circles.

Despite efforts by media organizations and watchdog groups to stamp out this unethical behaviour, the "brown envelope" culture continues to thrive in the Nigerian media landscape. The consequences of this are far-reaching, as it undermines the credibility of the media and undermines its ability to hold those in power accountable.

Indeed, in media ethics, Brown Envelope Journalism (BEJ) is a term used to describe the practice of journalists accepting monetary or other incentives in exchange for favourable news coverage or the suppression of negative information. The phenomenon undermines journalistic integrity and the independence of the media, leading to biased reporting influenced by external interests. The practice is not limited to one country, rather it is observed in other African countries, namely Nigeria, Tanzania, and in Ghana where it is called soli and in Cameroon where it is known as gombo. The practice is also reported in Gulf countries such as Kuwait.

BEJ is often justified by journalists due to low salaries and inadequate compensation for work-related expenses. Brown Envelope Syndrome (BES) has remained a controversial issue in any debate centred on the Nigerian press, media professionalism, and media ethics. It is one of the major setbacks of media growth in Nigeria. BES is a system whereby journalists collect money or other material gifts from news sources, company executives, or event organizers to cover such events and probably give it the wildest publicity as the case may be.

In fact, this symbolizes the rot that has plagued the Nigerian media industry since the early 1980s to date. This paper therefore builds from an empirical study by the same authors, as well as literature materials to argue that media professionalism and the enforcement of the various ethical codes that preach professionalism are the practical ways to ensure ethical conduct and behaviour amongst journalists and other categories of media practitioners, especially in Nigeria where these are missing. This, according to the paper, is the missing link in the quest to rid the media industry in Nigeria from the monster called BES.

Brown envelope journalism is an unethical practice where journalists accept bribes or financial incentives, often concealed in envelopes to publish favourable stories or manipulate the news in favour of specific individuals, organizations, or businesses. The term “brown envelope” is used to represent the secretive nature of these bribes, as the money is typically handed over discreetly in a sealed envelope.

During Nigeria’s era of military rule, spanning from the early 1960s to the late 1990s, brown envelope journalism was prevalent. With the government under military control, the media encountered extensive restrictions and censorship. As a result, journalists and media outlets became susceptible to corruption, accepting bribes or inducements in the form of “brown envelopes” to favourably report on government officials and suppress dissenting voices. This compromised the integrity of the media and hindered the public’s access to unbiased information.

Thus, poor remuneration is a major contributing factor to brown envelope journalism. When journalists are not fairly compensated for their work and experience financial difficulties, they become susceptible to corruption and may accept bribes concealed in “brown envelopes.” This unethical practice compromises their journalistic integrity and impartiality.

When media outlets rely on financial support from the government, corporations, or other influential entities, journalists may encounter pressure to produce biased reporting or withhold crucial information in exchange for financial incentives. This compromises the integrity and objectivity of journalism, as reporters may prioritize the interests of those providing financial support over presenting truthful and unbiased information.

Media organizations heavily reliant on advertising revenue for financial support, journalists, and media outlets may experience pressure from advertisers to create content that favors their interests. Advertisers might use the threat of withdrawing financial backing to influence media organizations to produce favourable or biased content that aligns with their products, services, or agendas.

The lack of robust professional associations can contribute to brown envelope journalism. These associations play a vital role in maintaining ethical standards, offering guidance, and providing support to journalists. When these associations are weak or non-existent, journalists may face challenges in resisting pressures to participate in unethical practices.

This brown envelopes syndrome has also become norms among the media practitioners in the state of cradle of journalism, Abeokuta, the Ogun state capital, where the practice of 'O'sin be, O'bene' which means that You are not there, you can't benefit, with this syndrome, people now leave their place of work to appear or attend to guests invited for briefing or to account for his/her stewardship in some years back, all in the name of 'Brown Envelopes' everyone will be eargering to get their dough/monetary rebate at the end of the briefing by the guests or other political personalities, including Governor, Senators, Reps, Ministers and others, people will now storm the briefing venue, so as to have their share in the money given to them.

To eradicate unethical practices from the journalism profession, it is crucial for both private and government-owned media houses to prioritize providing journalists with fair and regular compensation. This step will create a conducive work environment, making journalists less vulnerable to engaging in unethical behaviour and allowing them to uphold the integrity of their profession.

Encouraging media independence is vital. Media outlets must aim for financial autonomy to avoid undue influence from external sources. Diversifying revenue sources can help decrease reliance on advertising revenue and other potentially compromising sources. This approach safeguards the integrity and impartiality of journalism.

To deter individuals from engaging in brown envelope journalism, it is pivotal to enforce stringent laws against bribery and corruption. Both journalists and those offering bribes must be held accountable for their actions. Legal enforcement serves as a strong deterrent, discouraging unethical practices and upholding the integrity of journalism.

Recognizing and appreciating ethical reporting serves as a potent weapon against brown envelope journalism. Publicly honouring journalists and media organizations that uphold strong ethical standards reinforces the significance of truthful and unbiased reporting.

Through awards, accolades, and recognition, ethical journalism becomes a source of positive motivation for reporters and media outlets. Providing stable employment contracts and job security can reduce the vulnerability of journalists to bribery and unethical practices stemming from the fear of losing their jobs.

Òrúnbon, an opinion writer, poet, journalist, and public affairs analyst, writes in from Federal Housing Estate, Olomore, Abeokuta, Ogun State.

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[OPINION] UK elections and lessons for Nigeria - Seun Awogbenle

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On Thursday, July 4, 2024, the United Kingdom will hold elections for the 650 parliamentary seats in the House of Commons. It is one of the more than 80 countries where elections are being held this year, in a list that includes some of the world’s biggest democracies. Barring any major shock, the Labour Party, led by Sir Keir Starmer, is expected to grab a majority of the seats, making it the first Labour government in 14 years.

Nearly all the polls have placed the Tories behind the Labour Party. Research and data analytics firm YouGov, in its latest poll results, predicts the Tories are likely to slump to the lowest number of seats since the party was formed. The polls place Labour ahead of the Tories with an over 200-seat majority. Alternatives like the Liberal Democrats, led by Sir Ed Davey and Nigel Farage’s Reform Party, are also expected to benefit from the Tories setback.

The UK is currently where Nigeria was in 2015, when it was anything but the ruling party. While I don’t particularly agree with all the propositions by Labour, I think it is in the nature of humans to seek change, and this is why the election is already a fait accompli. In any case, the Tories misfortune was long foretold—14 years of chaos, which reached its height with the folly of Boris Johnson and the ineptitude of Liz Truss. Without attempting to exonerate Sunak for the near total chaos, it appears that by the time he took charge in October 2022, the die had long been cast, and there was only so much he could do to change the situation.

Since the austerity of 2010, Brexit, COVID-19, and the Russia-Ukraine crisis, it has been a long and hard 14 years of Tory leadership. In retrospect, I believe that leaving the European Union (EU) and losing access to the EU single market, which previously allowed the UK free movement of goods and services with other EU countries, has been at the centre of the chaos. The situation was also not helped by the COVID-19 pandemic, which struck around the same time, and a war in Ukraine, which led to sky-high inflation and an unprecedented cost of living crisis. In response, the Bank of England has had to raise interest rates, which has impacted the cost of borrowing and mortgages.

Despite these social, political, and economic challenges, the pre-election campaigns have managed to stand out, demonstrating what is possible and offering an important lesson for emerging democracies like Nigeria. Since the day the Prime Minister announced the date for the election, campaigns by the political parties have been dominated by real issues and big ideas on the economy, the cost-of-living crisis, the National Health Service (NHS), immigration, climate action, and deepening public trust. They have managed to offer a clear roadmap on how they intend to address these issues if they are elected.

Even in situations where the proposals are considered outlandish or simply unrealistic, the parties still attempt to explain their thinking and continue to engage the public with their proposals. This practice is quite different from what you would see in Nigeria, where campaigns are never about real issues or big ideas; they are always about simple considerations like religion and ethnicity. Where they are charitable enough, they make it about slogans and rhetoric, but never substance or the issues that matter.

Apart from running a completely issue-based campaign, the leaders of the political parties have also been accountable by staying engaged in public debates and engagements to sell their ideas. This is unlike Nigeria, where people could win elections without attending a single debate or media engagement. In the last 4 weeks, Rishi Sunak and Keir Starmer have featured in the ITV debate, the battle for number 10, a Sky News leaders special held in Grimsby, and a BBC question time leaders special at the University of York. If you have watched any of the public engagements, you would probably agree that they are unabashed and unsparing. I sometimes feel some sympathy for the political leaders when they are grilled like school boys, but this is the beauty of democracy and the power of democracy in action. I think this also highlights the frontline role of the media in setting agendas and shaping conversation.

Another important lesson for Nigeria is how campaign manifestos are fully costed and funded. The political parties provide a detailed cost implication of their proposals and highlight where the money would come from. They explain how the government intends to raise revenue for their ambitious plans, either through new borrowings or by raising taxes. This is different from the situation in Nigeria, where political parties present manifestos that are bland and scant on details. They also fail to provide the cost and funding for their plans, this should no longer be acceptable. Political parties must back their proposals with costs and funding details.

Whatever the outcome of the UK elections, it is certain that the elections have enriched public discourse and strengthened British democracy. Emerging democracies like Nigeria can adapt some of the key learnings from this election. Nigerian leaders must not only watch; they must also take along the positives from the UK election, especially those of accountability, big ideas, and empirical proposals.

Awogbenle, a development and public policy professional, writes from the UK. He can be reached via This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it..

[OPINION] Abdullahi Liman and the making of a judicial scandal - Chidi Anselm Odinkalu

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In the month since May 23, 2024, when –during hours reserved by nature entirely for meetings of witches and wizards– he began sitting as Kingmaker for the Emirate of Kano, Abdullahi Liman, a senior judge of Nigeria’s Federal High Court, has handed down at least five rulings. Defying settled Supreme Court jurisprudence, he has asserted federal jurisdiction to decide for the people of Kano who their Emir should be; proceeded unperturbed even after being shown that the subject matter of his proposed decision-making had entered the docket of the Court of Appeal; and ordered the government of Kano State not to implement state law which he is incapable of invalidating.

The scandal about the course that Abdullahi Liman has chosen in his self-designated role as Kano’s federally-appointed Kingmaker is not in what he has done, however. It lies in what he has failed to do. The most significant thing, in this case, is the near certainty that there was no lawful case on the docket when the judge purported to remotely issue a night-time order on May 23, 2024, requiring the parties to “maintain status quo ante the passage and assent of the bill into law.” A more serious judicial scandal would be difficult to invent. It is, therefore, important to consider the facts that show that what has occurred in the court of Abdullahi Liman is judicial misconduct of the most spectacular kind.

Abdullahi Liman has been a lawyer for four decades and a judge for nearly a quarter of a century. Born February 11, 1959, he became a lawyer in 1984 and was in private legal practice in his home state, Nasarawa, and neighbouring Abuja, the Federal Capital Territory, until he was appointed a judge at 42 on July 27, 2000. He is presently the fourth senior-most judge of the Federal High Court. The week preceding his assumption of office as Kano’s sole Kingmaker, the National Judicial Council recommended Abdullahi Liman at the head of a list of 22 judges for elevation to the Court of Appeal. Whatever anyone may say of his work, judicial inexperience is not a charge that can be sustained against him.

The evidence of judicial malpractice in this case is compelling. Let’s begin from the beginning. On Thursday, June 20, 2024, Abdullahi Liman delivered a 22-page ruling precluding the substantive dispute before any opportunity to consider it. The ruling, which purports to nullify “every step taken” by the Kano State government under the Kano State Emirate Council (Repeal) Law assented to by the Governor on May 23, 2024, began as follows: “This Court on the 23^rd of May, 2024, made an order via virtual proceedings, which was enrolled on the same date.” Notably, the judge failed to say when the case was filed. His anger and the entire basis of his orders, as Abdullahi Liman claimed in his ruling, was that the Government of Kano “defiantly went ahead to implement the law that is sought to be struck down.”

It is standard practice for judges in Nigeria to begin their judgments and rulings by clearly reciting details of when the case was filed that they are called upon to decide. As Kano’s Kingmaker, Abdullahi Liman cannot be bothered with such routines. For context, a claimant who wishes to file a case will usually take the relevant papers to the court registry. There, registry staff will assess the necessary fees, which the person filing the case must pay. Upon payment, a Remita electronic payment record is generated as proof of payment and of the amount paid, together with a timestamp of when the payment occurred.

The working hours of Court registries in Nigeria are well known. On May 23, 2024, the Governor of Kano State assented to the law at 5:10 pm or 17:10 hours. At that time of day, the registry of the Federal High Court in Kano had long closed for the week. So, no case could have been filed thereafter on that day to challenge the law. The only other possibility was that the filing happened before the Governor indicated his assent. If so, that filing could not have provided any basis for Abdullahi Liman’s peregrinations later that night in a judicial coven.

The only basis on which he could have issued the orders that he did on May 23, therefore, must be that the case was filed after the Governor’s assent. As a matter of law, that is impossible in the absence of a record of a prior decision by the Chief Judge of the Federal High Court extending the opening hours of the registry. As a practical matter, the staff of the Federal High Court in Kano do not have any record of any such filing. Off record, some people close to the bench suggest unconvincingly that a Remita record for the filing exists at the Federal High Court Registry in Lagos. If so, no one has found it. Lagos and Kano are not in different time zones and the rules governing office hours for the Federal High Court in Lagos are presumably not different from those applicable in Kano.

Three weeks after his first order, on June 13, Abdullahi Liman finally ruled to claim jurisdiction over Kano’s Emirate tussle. In doing so, he considered the Supreme Court’s 1988 decision concerning the deposition of the Emir of Muri but dismissed it as “distinguishable with the facts of the instant case and, therefore, inapplicable.” He failed to say how or why.

One week later, when he ruled to nullify everything done by the Kano State Government since his implausible order of May 23, Abdullahi Liman clarified the basis of the case as concerning “traditional and cultural rights which are vested rights and which are penumbral to …fundamental rights.” He alone could understand this verbiage because the fundamental rights guaranteed by Nigeria’s constitution do not include any “traditional and cultural” or “penumbral” rights, whatever those may mean.

There is no human right in Nigeria to be a Kingmaker or a King. At best, a claim for such could be made by way of judicial review, not as a fundamental rights claim. But to concede that would be to admit that Abdullahi Liman lacked jurisdiction over the matter. That was not his brief.

The scandal in this case goes beyond the fact that there is no filing record to foreground or precede the order of May 23, 2024, around which Abdullahi Liman affects judicial hyperventilation; or his invention of enforcement for rights that don’t exist in Nigeria’s constitution. According to his claim, the hearing that preceded his order of May 23 was remote or virtual. He also says he “enrolled” the order on the same day.

It is indeed the case that the Rules of Court in Nigeria were adapted in the aftermath of COVID-19 to allow for remote proceedings in certain cases. However, there has to be a valid case filed to begin with. It is also not clear from where Abdullahi Liman procured for himself the power to extend remote hearings to include remote enrolment of court orders.

Reminded that his order of May 23 was not served on the Government of Kano State until May 27, four days later, Abdullahi Liman cited a 2002 decision of the Court of Appeal saying that “anyone who is served with or becomes aware of a valid order of court should ensure that he obeys it in full.” The underlining here is his not mine.

Disregarding the word “valid”, however, he proceeded to claim on 20 June that the question was whether the Government of Kano State knew of the order before May 27. For proof, he said his order was everywhere on social media. This was rank duplicity from a man who, only the previous week, on 14 June, refused to credit evidence that the Court of Appeal had entered an appeal against his assertion of jurisdiction, preferring instead to hurtle with malice aforethought towards a pre-determined outcome. Once he had procured that on 20 June, he adjourned the case indefinitely.

A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.

[OPINION] Rivers State crisis: Expel Wike, FCT Minister from PDP now – Uzoma Ahamefule

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The internal squabbles and power tussle in PDP because of Nigeria’s 2027 presidential election and who controls once the biggest political party in the history of Africa has boxed the party into a struggling state of suffocation and Armageddon.

While APC as a ruling party has continued to carry out its role of trying to suffocate PDP to a total submission, PDP on its own has failed woefully as a major opposition party.

There are many different groups and forces within the party trying to firmly dictate what happens, and some of them are very vicious. However, two groups led by Atiku Abubakar and Nyesom Wike are the most powerful amongst them. But one thing they have in common is that they are all scheming for their selfish interests.

For Wike, he has not hidden his interest to be the president of Nigeria especially after becoming the governor of Rivers State. His nursed desire of actually becoming president was propelled after his first ministerial appointment as education minister. All that have followed his political growth can testify that after that appointment he has tenaciously pursued his presidential vision calculatedly with all power and tools he could influence. The tenacity he attaches or his exhibition in pursuit of this dream drives down the impression of one who gives no fig, and this attitude appears to have been what led to his clash with Rotimi Amaechi (former Rivers State Governor), his predecessor. Amaechi who never knew that Wike had conceived the idea of occupying the same position he was scheming for in Aso Rock has in recent times confessed publicly in many occasions his regrets of having recommended him to be made a minister. Therefore, statistically, their political war of who controls Rivers State seemed anchored fundamentally on their selfish interests. It appeared like they wanted to have a very strong political and financial base basically to dictate things in their envisaged presidential election campaigns to their personal advantages. This interest was the genesis of their political enmity that led to the political militarization of Rivers State at that time. A similar scenario is again playing out between the current governor Similaye Fubara and Wike. The only difference for now is that Fubara has not shown any interest to occupy the number one position in Aso Rock like Wike.

Actions and unfolding events over the years seem to have continued to portray Wike as someone who is very desperate with his presidential ambition. He seems ready for any political adventure and can step on any toe as long as in his calculation it will bring him close to his desired destination of occupying the number one position in Aso Rock. That could be why it appears he wants to control every important political structure in Rivers State regardless of other stakeholders stand in the state, particularly Governor Fubara. The role he played in supporting President Tinubu of APC against his own party candidate Atiku Abubakar of PDP during the last presidential election was a huge betrayal and anti-party that called for a drastic punishment.

Wike succeeded in winning the political war against Amaechi in 2015 and taking total political control of Rivers State after the 2019 elections, he then critically considered the next thing that could be a hinderance to his presidential ambition in 2023. In his calculation, presumably, since PDP’s constitution does not allow the northern or southern part to produce the chairman of the party and at the same time the presidential candidate, the continuous stay of Prince Uche Secondus from south-south like himself as the national chairman of the party would be the obstacle or the biggest hinderance to his presidential aspiration. In his well thought out plan he smartly led the campaign of “Secondus must go” hiding under equity, and switched all his energy and resources in making sure that a northerner becomes the national chairman. The game was to pave way solely for the south to produce the presidential candidate, and he had believedconvincingly that he would be the one to emerge.

Having succeeded in influencing so much in installing a northerner as PDP’s chairman, Wike started the advocacy of the presidential candidate to be zoned to the south as stipulated by PDP’s constitution. As expected, it was obliged without any uproar. For the sake of equity, unity and inclusiveness some PDP stakeholders reasonably thought it wise that the zoning of the party’s ticket to the south should be exclusively reserved for the south-east. They argued that since the south-west and south-south had all produced presidents, it would be fair enough to also support the people of the south-east to produce a president. Wike who wielded enormous influence in PDP at that time refused the noble idea, because he wanted to be president. Consequently, party members from the north jettisoned zoning, and the party’s presidential candidate was then thrown open. This scheming and other political shameful dealings that allegedly took place in the party forced people like Peter Obi out of PDP.

During the presidential primary of PDP in Abuja Nwike was taught the political lessons of his life as he failed to the combined punches of political alliances and experiences’ of Atiku Abubakar. His later actions showed that he was disappointed and bitter from the outcome of the results, because he worked assiduously against the interest of his own party and Atiku Abubakar in favour of APC and Tinubu. In a normal working society and in a political party he ought to have been expelled or heavily sanctioned for such a grievous deed. But PDP is what it is, like Nigeria, many of them are the same in character. Some of them came from APC and may be planning to leave PDP and that is why they are silent in the face of the obvious spat, arrogance and insults from Wike.

Wike is presently fighting the governor of Rivers State who was elected under the platform of PDP. He is currently serving as a minister under APC, but it seems he is using the position against the interest of his acclaimed own party, yet members of PDP keep mute in a better described attitude of self-hatred and despair. After destroying the party he is likely going to dump PDP for another party like his loyalist in the State Assembly have been alleged to have done. So, his ambition is paramount and nothing else matters to him.

Wike wants to be the “Jagaban” of Rivers State politics and will not back down until he gets to his destination unless he is forcefully stopped by being knocked down politically. Remember, in his quest to actualize his presidential ambition, Amaechi and Secondus have all fallen victims. But the earlier Wike realizes that Fubara is a sitting governor and as such the landlord of Rivers State, the better for him. But Fubara mustseriously activate those powers he has as a landlord now or he goes down in history as an impeached governor. His moves to probe Wike’s administration is one of those commendable landlord’s moves, and his swearing in of the Caretaker Committee Chairmen of the local governments was a well targeted uppercut of a landlord. PDP must follow the same steps now, by expelling, suspending, or at least forcingWike to retreat his dangerous steps against Fubara and the interests of PDP.

Will Fubara suffer the same fate like Amaechi and Secondus in the hands of Wike? Will Wike be successful in his alleged indirect influence of impeaching Fubara? Or will Fubara succeed in finding Wike culpable of misappropriation of Rivers fund as he probes his administration? I see Amaechi coming back to PDP and giving Fubara the supports he needs, because all seems not well with him and Tinubu in APC. Time will unveil. But one thing is certain in this political war, as 2027 draws near, the reality of PDP members’ silence will forcefully confront them and regrettably compel them to face the injurious consequences of their unceasing lukewarm attitudes to Wike’s actions. Anyone who thinks that Wike as the FCT Minister under this administration will work against the interest of Tinubu or APC in favor of PDP or any PDP candidate is a political toddler – a neophyte. Expel him from PDP now before he does more damages.

Uzoma Ahamefule, a concerned patriotic citizen, and a refined African traditionalist, writes from Vienna Austria.

+436607369050 (WhatsApp messages only)

uzomaah@yahoo.com

[OPINION] Optimism as Nigeria tames inflation - Kenechukwu Aguolu

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According to the National Bureau of Statistics, Nigeria’s headline inflation rate stood at 33.95% in May 2024, the highest level recorded in 28 years. However, there is a glimmer of hope as the month-on-month inflation rate has decelerated since March 2024. The Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), Dr Yemi Cardoso, attributed this decline to the effectiveness of the Bank’s monetary policy measures; which includes an increase in the benchmark interest rate. The World Bank, however, has expressed skepticism about the hike in the baseline interest rate; if it will tame inflation. The private sector also raised concerns that it would lead to a hike in business costs in an already hostile environment.

2024	Month on month basis, headline inflation rate(Data from National Bureau of Statistics)
January	2.64%,
February	3.12%,
March	3.02%,
April	2.29%,
May	2.14%,

One of the significant factors contributing to the deceleration of inflation is the drop in the exchange rate from nearly N2000 to about N1500. Also, the country is gradually feeling the impact of the reduction in diesel costs, thanks to the production and sales of diesel by the Dangote refinery. Diesel cost is a significant expense for businesses due to inadequate power supply by the government. The decline in the purchasing power of individuals and the increase in the benchmark interest rate by the Central Bank of Nigeria (which is aimed at slowing demand, has reduced household consumption. Consequently, businesses are cautious about passing on costs to consumers, with some reducing their prices of goods and services to maintain sales.

When the new minimum wage is finalized and implemented, the CBN may need to raise the benchmark interest rate further to minimize the demand-pull inflation it could cause. It should be noted that the benchmark interest rate has its downsides, as it increases government domestic borrowing costs. Therefore, it should be a carefully considered process, especially in a country like Nigeria with very high debt servicing costs to revenue ratio

It is important to note that the impact of the new electricity charges is gradually coming to bear on the prices of goods and services. For example, many hotels have increased their bills, citing the new electricity tariff. Additionally, the recent depreciation in the naira in the last few days, signals that the battle against inflation may not yet be won. The government should ensure further decline is not experienced.

Nigeria’s inflationary woes cannot be solved through the central bank's monetary policies alone if Nigeria aims to achieve sustainable long-term results. The country needs to increase its revenue and improve its trade balance by aggressively diversifying the economy. Agriculture, solid minerals, and tourism are some sectors that have not been fully harnessed. Nigeria should boost its oil and gas production, get its refineries functioning, and deal with its insecurity woes as soon as possible. The role of the political will of those at the helm of affairs cannot be over-emphasised

An improved balance of trade will result in a stronger and more stable naira; thereby reducing inflationary pressures. An increase in Agricultural activities will also result in a drop in food inflation. The prices of diesel and premium motor spirit will drop significantly, If the local refineries are operational, and crude oil is supplied to them domestically. This has a far-reaching effect on the price of goods and services.

While the headline inflation rate in May 2024 is concerning, the month-on-month decline since March 2024 provides some encouragement. In order to tame inflation in the long term, a comprehensive approach is required. This includes further monetary policy adjustments, economic diversification, ramping up oil production, and addressing insecurity. The political will of people at the helm of affairs is a critical success factor.

Kenechukwu Aguolu FCA, PMP, CBAP

Abuja, Nigeria