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![[OPINION] Nigeria Hosts Nyerere’s One-party Ghost - Festus Adedayo](/media/k2/items/cache/685164770962799086bb05bfa8188eef_L.jpg)
It was almost impossible not to be infected by the joy writ large on the face of the One-party state Villa-fawning group this past week. It was akin to winning a tombola. The Mauritanian-Nigerian ex-spokesperson for the Arewa Elders Forum and until of recent, Special Adviser on Political Matters to the President, Hakeem Baba-Ahmed, would not allow these elated countrymen the benefit of a hard-earned Saturnalia. Momentarily, he made sitting comfy on a stool a punishing exercise for the group. As he tendered his letter of resignation from government, fire billowed from Baba-Ahmed’s mouth like Sango, the Yoruba god of fire. In a viral video interview, the Mauritanian – beg your pardon – the Nigerian, reached for his ancient Arewa pouch and brought out an insinuation of the North’s oft-mesmerizing demographic talisman.
If the North’s foe in Aso Rock Villa was gloating about a power of incumbency, he should remember that the North is a behemoth that anyone could ignore only at their peril, he reminded the president, until of recent his boss. “No politician can become president without northern support, making the region’s stance crucial to any aspirant’s success,” he warned, garnishing it with the usual obstinate northern threat, “If they plan to rig the election, they should be careful. It won’t be good for Nigeria.” As if the north had always been a saint when it comes to rigging. How come this same north closed its eyes when the ruinous Muhammadu Buhari almost ran Nigeria aground in eight years?
In a recent piece I did, I warned that, in the headship of today’s Nigeria, Nigerians had never met the kind of political wiles and deadly political machinations that are in the hands of the current occupiers of Aso Rock. Citing evergreen Yoruba Juju music superstar, King Sunny Ade’s imperishable line, “We m’ẹni o kò, Paddy…” I told the Nigerian world that by the time the current Taskmaster is done with us, we would be worn thin. So, last week, an ignited political bomb exploded. Governor of Delta State, Sheriff Oborevwori and his EFCC-harangued predecessor, Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) vice presidential candidate in the 2023 elections, Ifeanyi Okowa, shamelessly decamped from the PDP to the All Progressives Congress (APC). An equally shameless Akwa-Ibom State governor gave indication that he would stay within the PDP and rock its boat. Both moves were replicas of same act some 2000 years ago by that notorious man who asked for 30 pieces of silver to betray our Lord Jesus Christ. Political watchers say this political Iscariotism is a tip of the iceberg. More opposition party governors, they said, many of whom are first-termers, are having their buttocks placed on scalding-hot pressure cooker in the bid to make them leave their parties for the president’s. Chief among these, they say, are governors of Kano, Osun, Plateau, Rivers, Taraba, Akwa Ibom and Zamfara states.
The gleeful repertoire of conquest narratives from the presidency and the Villa fawning group fill the stratosphere.The glee was so thick you could cut a handful and swallow it. The defection fever threw National Chairman of the APC, Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, into a spasm. Reminiscent of Vincent Ogbulafor’s punctilious proclamation some years ago who, in his moment of uncontrollable drunkenness with the intoxicating wine of power, said the PDP would rule Nigeria for 50 years, Ganduje, last Thursday, traveled same inglorious route. He surveyed the political horizon and was so titillated by what he saw that he announced that APC’s 2027 project was a done deal. Thumping his chest like one who had just won a jackpot, the party chair, who is still embroiled in allegation of fraud while governor of Kano State, assured that more defections of governors from the opposition parties were afoot. His infelicitous boast came while he formally received defectors from the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP), Kano state chapter.
In Nigeria today, the man whose wily stratagem is known to have incubated these defections is being garlanded with epithets. Like maggots brimming round decaying meat, the salutes to his wiles are so aeonic that they qualify to rival the biblical “This is the voice of a god, not of a man!” Students of the bible will remember that the crowd at Judea made that remark in response to Herod Agrippa 1’s considered superlatives. The epithets showered on the man who is considered to have broken the spinal cord of Nigeria’s opposition in such magisterial manner range from, “the enigmatic Master Strategist has struck again!”, to “The man who pocketed Lagos State in the last 25 years has added Nigeria to his state-pocketing craft.”
For the Yoruba, their naughty son with amoeba-shaped buttocks, who deserves their waist-beads and not an outsider – an “at’ohunrinwa” – the celebration is even more infectious. From their proverbs pouch, the Yoruba pulled out an ancient saying to justify and enable the perceived routing political craftiness of their son. To them, the rout is a perfect reply to the Mauritanian boaster. So, they say, “as it is on the day set for cultivation of a large farmland that the urgency to own a sharp cutlass becomes imperative, so is it gladsome to have a belligerent child when there is a declaration of war” (Ọjọ́ a ba pa’juba l’aa níran àdá, ọjọ ogun bá lè làá níran ọmọ líle). Only the man who is ensuring that opposition governors decamp to the APC can vanquish their centuries-old northern political foes who, at every drop of a hat, flaunt nebulous demographics as political weapon in electoral contest. The North’s snake has met its waterloo in its bid to swallow the Yoruba shrew.
For me, however, an eerie feeling of foreboding has since last week enveloped my reading of the projected epidemic of decamping opposition politicians. My mind immediately dashed down to eponymous Yoruba thespian, Alagba Adebayo Faleti and his sagely takes on Pyrrhic celebrations, the type that Aso Rock and its fawners are currently taking to the bank. With songs, sang in the cadences of an elderly’s, Faleti drilled down the surface of today’s clanking of champagne glass and saw a melancholic tomorrow. His cameo role in Saworoide, a satiric brainchild film of unarguably one of Nigeria’s most talented cinematographers, Tunde Kelani, provided Faleti an opportunity to penetrate this dense outer surface. Acting the role of Baba Opalaba, (a piercing broken bottle) an elderly palace staff, Faleti deployed music as tool to foretell, reprimand and correct. While the chiefs became a combine of evil, fascinated about immediate riches in a new king, and plotting against the tomorrow of the people, Baba Opalaba warned, singing, “Yes, they are unaware of their action’s repercussion/Tomorrow, they will” (Kò í ye wón, yíò yé wọn l’ọla ).
In another of his warnings, Faleti deployed a proverb to foretell doom: “The wretched wearing torn clothes dances like a king at nocturne, as if unaware that daybreak is nigh (Alakisa n jo l’oru/Bo pe, ile a mo l’ola). If only the Aso Rock/APC celebratory crew was aware of the wiles of their Mephistopheles, they would see what happened last week and what is projected to happen, as moments to, like biblical Israelites did when there was doom, decorate themselves in ashes and soberly mourn what lies ahead. The doom is also popularized by the song of Yoruba Sakara music great, Yusuff Olatunji. He sang of a hawk playing with the pigeon and the pigeon is filled with excitement, unbeknown to it that death lurks in the horizon (Asa nb’ẹyẹlé ṣeré, ẹyẹlé nyọ, ẹyẹlé nfi’ ikú ṣeré ). Is this celebratory gang aware that it is cultivating a fertile ground for Mephistopheles to reign in Nigeria, for the nourishment of a one-party state, with all its attendant evils? One feels like telling this lot celebrating inanity what Hamlet told Ophelia: “Get thee to a nunnery and stop breeding fools into the world.”
Naomi Mitchinson’s “One Party Rule In Africa” The Commonwealth Journal of International Affairs (2008) gives an intellectual foretaste of this hawk/pigeon mutual excitement. So also did Peter Anyang Nyong’o, in his “Africa: The failure of one-party rule,” Journal of Democracy, Volume 3, Number 1, January 1992. Nyong’o particularly saw doom ahead for the people in what is being cobbled together by the APC. According to him, while it was good news that the peoples of Africa are awakening from years of slumber under authoritarian rule and taking their future in their own hands. The bad news, he said, is that, regimes which enjoy absolute power over “terrorized natives” are sprouting in Africa. These are regimes which, in reluctance to allow themselves to be liquidated out of office and let go of power, “are doing all they can to hold back the rising democratic tide.”
One-party state regimes emerged in Africa during the decolonization period. They thereafter began to spread, with many of them adopting it as a means of consolidating power and, in their claim, promoting national unity.
In its manifestations, one-party state is indeed the holding back of Africa’s democratic tide. Margaret Monyani of the University of Witwaterstrand once defined it as a political framework “where a one/single political party forms and runs the government.” This can happen in two ways: “the activities of the opposition may be completely outlawed such that even the opposition leaders are not allowed to participate in elections” or “the chances of the opposition to clinch power are thwarted by the unfavourable legal framework that is in place… in some cases, a dominant political party that is in power only allows other less dominant parties who are allied to it to exist, while completely outlawing the opposition parties.”
While the establishment of a one-party state in Tanzania and Kenya was done through the parliament, making the formation of another party illegal, in some other countries where the one-party state structure was adopted, it is the voluntary dissolution of the political parties that makes it a one-party state. In this, the leaders and supporters of the parties are absorbed into the one-party state structure. In the words of Peter Wanyande, writing with the title, “Democracy and the One-party state: The African experience” (1987), published in the book, Democratic Theory and Practice in Africa (Y. O. Oyugi and A. Gitonga eds.), this structure of one party-rule makes such countries de jure one-party state, rather than de-facto.
Our African nationalist forefathers sold this system of governance to Africa as holding hope. Kenya, Ghana, Zamabia, Mali, Senegal, Burkina-Fasso and Tanzania were some of the countries that first adopted the one-party system. Among others, the nationalists’ justification for a one-party state was that it is the only form of governance native to Africa while multi-partyism was an alien construct. According to them, a one-party state promotes national unity and in it, national efforts would be solely directed toward nation building, rather than on fruitless politicking. Similarly, they reasoned, in the words of Nyong’o, whatever differences that might emerge among the people of a single political party “could be freely settled… for democracy would be practiced and human rights respected.” Tanzania’s former president, the Walimu, Julius Nyerere, was one of the early proponents of one-party regime. While foisting one-party rule on Tanzania in 1965, Nyerere lauded it thus: “where there is one-party state and that party is identified with the nation as a whole, the foundations of democracy are firmer than they can ever be (in a situation where) you have two or more parties each representing only a section of the community.”
Kenya under successive one-party governments, not long after, degenerated into authoritarianism. The economic development which the likes of Jomo Kenyatta and Arap Moi envisaged became a mirage. Kenyatta’s Kenya African National Union (KANU) fused with the main opposition party and became one single party. In 1964, Kenyatta then led the legislature to write into the constitution the office of the president with him as the leader. Not long after, this one-party state morphed into a bud of corruption, disregard for merit and a system where loyalty to the Fuhrer was rewarded. Those who did not pledge full loyalty to the party and the president were hounded.
Ghana’s Kwame Nkrumah, which began the one-party system in 1964, became a dictatorial and authoritarian government. It repressed voices of dissent under the facade of maintaining unity. Nkrumah fatally wounded multi-party system of government by labeling it as divisive and thus not fit for the newly independent African states. What was needed, he said, was a unified energy and enthusiasm to move Africa forward. These African countries practicing one-party state system then ended up choosing socialism as a system of governance. In Tanzania, its own one-party state was the Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM), a political party which was in power from the inception of the country’s independence in 1961. This same fusing happened in Burkina-Faso following the election of President Yaméogo in 1959. Opposition leaders fused together shortly after the 1959 election with Yaméogo proclaiming a ban on any other political parties, thus making his Union of Voltaic Democrats (UDV- RDA) to become the country’s one-party state.
One unique feature of the one-party states in all the above-named countries is that, as butterflies are attracted to nectar, those states always attracted military putsches. One by one, all the one-party system countries were dismantled by violent military takeovers. This is due to resistance and rebellion against their authoritarian rules.
So, for the celebrating Villa-fawning group that is shuffling its feet in acrobatic dance to the Bata drum as the group careens Nigeria towards a one-party state, the above examples are my own re-calibration of another of Baba Opalanba’s song. The sage sang: “The bird doesn’t just perch on the patio, it has ears and hears.” He rendered this thus, “Ọrọ l’ẹyẹ gbọ, ẹyẹ o dédé bà l’òrùlé o, ọrọ l’ẹyẹ ngbọ o”.
For us as a collective, this gale of defection is more than a political chess-game. It is ominous. For those who know, it has high flavour of despotism, which is a by-word for the Fuhrer’s brand of politicking. Many one-party states’ helmsmen eventually morph into life presidents of the Gnasingbe Eyadema hue. While many see a mild, Cockney English accent-flavoured-speaking Villa boss, beyond this veneer is a totalitarian for whom “No” can never be an answer. Many of the first-term governors are currently being held on tenterhooks, their second term used as bait by Aso Rock. A case is a governor whose godfather was manifesting traits of dissent. Suspecting that the governor might go the way of his godfather, Aso Rock immediately began to sponsor a SWAGA Lord as countervailing force to run against him in the soon-to-be-held gubernatorial election. A few days ago, both the governor and his godfather addressed a press conference announcing their support for Aso Rock 2027!
There is the tendency for anyone to see an impending one-party state in Nigeria as too remote. There is also the tendency to say, all that is foul is fair in politics. Or that, others before the current occupiers of the Villa did worse. In the allegory of the hawk and the pigeon, it was only when the pigeon landed inside the hawk’s abdomen, with its entrails as gourmet meal, that the warning made sense.
![[OPINION] Mike Adenuga at 72 - Festus Adedayo](/media/k2/items/cache/ecdcf6efa5ab913f9a6c67db2305a407_L.jpg)
Dr Mike Adenuga Jnr. is like the proverbial elephant whose revelation to different persons is according to their perception of him. To thousands of people who feed off his ingenuity as a business magnate, he is their life-saving force. To the philanthropic world for which he is a phenomenon, he is their sustaining breath. Ad nauseam, Nigerians have spoken about him as a manifestation of the beauty of a national as a business anchor who would have empathy of his people. To the rest of Nigerians whose knowledge of him is the Globacom communication empire, his entrepreneurial wizardry is a stuff for legends.
But, who exactly is Mike Adenuga? Yes, I am aware that, to the business world, he is the octopus magnate whose boardroom acumen is a tale that is told across continents. Having never met him, what arrests me most are stories of his humility in the midst of his humongous wealth. More exciting to hear are the lessons of his humble beginnings.
As the story is told of how he rose by dint of hard work, a can-do spirit of the Barack Obama kind, I am still pursuit of understanding who he is. Yes, though aware that he is unique, I have heard his riches pursuit from the beginning, especially his persuasion, from the very beginning, that his place was not that of a small-timer but as one of the foremost men to impact his world. I am also aware that Adenuga’s unexampled life evokes lessons of the limitless border of the human spirit.
But, who is Mike Adenuga? I read a recent testimonial to his philanthropy where he rebuked a benefactor of his for showing gratitude. He struck me as an enigma whose life is an unusual curve from the maddening crowd of benefactors. During his 70th birthday, I also read a gale of shows of gratitude from across the world to a man whose life was wrapped around giving. I am knowledgeable enough to know that such characters are far between in a world of survival of the fittest. The glean of the Adenugas of this world I have is that, if you want to asphyxiate them, stop their earthly assignment of philanthropy. On the reverse, a crop of other humans exists whose earthly brief is to do evil. If there is indeed rewards for the two earthly assignments, it would be glad to see them both take the fruits of their calls.
As he turns 72 on Tuesday, I continue to marvel at the sort of man who does good unseen and loathes being thanked by the benefactor. The Holy Writ talks about a cheerful giver who is God’s friend. The totality of what the world says about Adenuga is that he is an embodiment of that scripture. He is God’s friend.
![[OPINION] Defections: I won’t join them in blaming Tinubu - Taiwo Adisa](/media/k2/items/cache/e0062c84fff53b18d381fad52e35228e_M.jpg)
This page was somewhat prophetic last week when we discussed the topic, ‘Nigeria’s opposition, letting democracy down’. With the benefit of hindsight and in view of the massive blows that landed on the cheeks of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), the Labour Party (LP) and the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) in the middle of last week, I am pressed to take a fresh position. Rather than heap all the blames of poor democratic culture on the opposition figures, I can now see that the political party system that we operate should take the lion share.
As you are aware, the PDP experienced one of its heaviest hemorrhages of the Fourth Republic last Wednesday, when the entire structure of the party in Delta State called it quits with the party, as they defected to the ruling party All Progressives Congress (APC). A sixth-term member of the House of Representatives, from Osun State, Hon. Wole Oke also announced his resignation from the PDP. Feelers from his camp indicate that he is on his way to the APC, while days before the Delta and Osun drama, the governor of Akwa-Ibom State, Pastor Ume Eno had openly announced his decision to back President Bola Ahmed Tinubu for the 2027 election, same way the embattled Rivers State Governor, Sim Fubara, had in a statement to the people of the state asked them to continue to support the administration of President Bola Tinubu.
As the week ended, the PDP was practically left with empty shells as it was certainly returning to the its state in 2014, when seven of its governors took up arms against their own government, formed what they called the new PDP, with four of them eventually teaming up with the legacy parties that formed the APC. Losing the long standing South-South stronghold is a big blow to the PDP. But the cloud gathering around the PDP this time appears thicker and probably more ominous than the 2014 situation. That is despite the assurances from the Acting National Chairman, Iliya Damagum and the President of the 8th Senate, Dr. Bukola Saraki. When we heard Dr. Saraki declare that there was cause for alarm and that the leaders would rebuild the PDP, I got some mixed feelings because I know that it is beyond the optimism of the former Senate President. How many of his compatriots in the party are ready to build a formidable structure that can withstand the test of time?
The danger for the PDP this time seems to be looming large. In 2014, the party was in Aso Rock, with President Goodluck Jonathan as the Commander-in-Chief. This time, the party has the APC to contend with. The new ruling party is unlike Jonathan, who would say that the enormity of presidential power was too much to be deployed on either the citizens, or the opposition.
Several reasons have been adduced to the fall of the PDP from power in Delta State, 26 years after and its imminent fall from some other South-South states. Some PDP leaders want to blame alleged coercion from the APC at the centre, while others have claimed that PDP’s structures were being “harassed”, others have alluded to the push by President Tinubu to solidify his hold on Southern Nigeria ahead of the 2027 battle against a perceived resolute North. Whichever side of the argument you want to belong, it is better to avoid the simplistic conclusion. If anyone would complain about harassment, you may wish to ask whether Tinubu himself did not face serious harassments from former President Olusegun Obasanjo between 2002 and 2007. How did he survive and why did he not buckle under the presidential jackboot? Why was his experience not turned into a case study by the current opposition? If Tinubu had thrown in the towel under the excuse of being “harassed”, will he become the leader of the APC and eventually the President of Nigeria in 2023? But the excuse of Southern solidarity looks plausible.
While the fullness of the reasons that informed the defection of Hon. Wole Oke and the Delta PDP caucus are yet to come into the open, what one can see in the whole scenario is a failure of party leadership. Former ranking Senator James Manager alluded to that when he spoke on the defection. According to Manager: “I have been with the PDP from the very beginning, so this is a very emotional moment for me. But when a ship is sinking, you don’t stay onboard out of sentiment. We had extensive consultations and today marks the climax of those discussions. What we have now is a collective and unanimous decision to chart a new course.”
He added: “You have just been told about some of the things that have been happening in the PDP Delta State. Some consultations have been going on and the climax of these consultations is what you are seeing today. We have discussed and have disagreed to agree, and it is a unanimous agreement. I am the pioneer state chairman of the PDP. But you cannot be in a boat that is already capsising because I am a riverine man.
“Looking at issues the way they are, we have come to the inevitable conclusion to do something else. It is a collective decision for so many reasons. Few days ago, there was a resolution taken by the PDP Governors Forum at Ibadan. Almost all the governors were there, and they resolved that they are not going into a coalition with any other party.
“But as disadvantaged as the PDP is now with 11 governors, how do you go into a contest with an incumbent president? You think you can win? That resolution killed the spirit of so many PDP members. We lost election in 2015 because of 0a merger which even included splinter groups from the PDP. There are also other reasons. “Today Senator Anyanwu is the National Secretary of the party; tomorrow it is another person. The party must be positioned to go into an election to win. So, it is becoming very funny. The PDP is truly in trouble.” Without even going into the excuse of the change in taste of the PDP palm wine provided by Charles Aniagwu, Commissioner for Works in Delta State, what Senator Manager said is enough to know that the PDP is indeed in trouble. Whoever wants to blame Tinubu for the development in Delta needs only to read the lines by Manager. Lawyers would describe this PDP scenario as a prima facie case.
From inception, the PDP looked like an overfed spoiled brat, who got into position of authority with little or no effort. What usually evolves in such a situation is unmitigated misconduct and gross incapacity to hold the fringes together. Maybe President Olusegun Obasanjo tried to pull it in one direction and made it a behemoth between 1999 and 2007 when it controlled 27 state governors and a clear two-thirds majority in the Senate, especially between 2003 and 2007. After Obasanjo, the party continued to self-destruct, with internal squabbles, rather than opposition’s machinations its undoing. Between 2010 and 2011, some chieftains of the party were spewing fire over the perceived shortchanging of the North by the decision of President Goodluck Jonathan to contest the 2011 elections. To them, Jonathan should have only completed the remainder of the late President Umaru Yar’Adua’s tenure such that he would allow the North to do eight years in power in line with PDP’s zoning pattern which recognised a North/South arrangement. That agitation laid the foundation for the party’s disintegration, eventually leading to the 2014 defections and Jonathan’s ouster in 2015. Prior to that time, no opposition was strong enough to confront the PDP.
Apart from internal squabbles, the party also started planting the fruits it is harvesting right now since 2003, when it allowed incumbent governors enormous powers to control party structures and determine candidates for Senate and House of Representatives seats as well as members of the state Houses of Assembly and then their successors. With badly conducted elections across most of the states, the governors were able to retire themselves into the Senate and plant their lackeys in the Government Houses in the states. Most of the time, they supplanted party structures and sentiments to impose successors, thus weakening the party and rubbishing party supremacy. Within a short time, real time politicians or let me say politicians of the old school were replaced with businessmen in politics and then vote buying became the order of elections. Even in the South-West, where the people rejected PDP’s moneybags in the 1999 elections, to vote for Alliance for Democracy (AD) leaders as a sign of reverence to politicians who stood by the late MKO Abiola in the June 12 struggle, the tide has since changed with dibo k’o se obe (vote and get a pot of soup) becoming the new singsong on election days.
When a political followership is based on nothing other than power grab and that situation is further worsened by a complete absence of structured funding patterns, the party is doomed. The NPN, UPN and other parties of the Second Republic had funding patterns that aided the preservation of party structures. Senator Femi Okurounmu once told me he served as UPN’s administrative secretary in Gongola axis. He was a paid staff of the party. Where a party is at the mercy of governors or the president, its future can only remain at the mercy of the wind. Since 1999, the PDP has failed to find a sustainable funding system. The same for all the registered parties of this era. Where a state has no governor, the responsibility for picking the bills is rested on a magnanimous governor nearby. Party dues are hardly collected and where members pay, that confers no advantage on them. I once saw the example of a hardworking former commissioner who had spent all his time in office attracting dividends to his community and was asked to contest the House of Representatives seat of the constituency. Though everyone recognised he worked hard for the community, that, however, did not stop the people from collecting d’ibo k’o se obe money from a man they later dubbed Yahoo, Yahoo on election day. The sad aspect is that the so-called ‘Yahoo man’ completely abandoned the constituency after he was sworn in.
So, it is easy for those who are desperate for power to conveniently hang in there or pump in money at the last minute, grab power and run with it. Rather than blame Tinubu’s politics for the myriads of defections, we may have to look at the severity of other issues. If nobody would stick out his neck to build political parties the way our Second Republic leaders did, we can as well conclude that this Republic has not seen the last of jeun soke politics.
![[OPINION] Who needs an African pope? - Bolanle Bolawole](/media/k2/items/cache/5d1eed2bb49640d9311b1d8122ef2e5e_M.jpg)
Waiting for an African Pope” by my brother, Azu Ishiekwene, made an interesting reading. Azu’s immense fecundity, as usual, his flawless prose, and free-flowing minting and weaving of words will always be a delight any day. “Waiting for an African Pope” ended while I was still enjoying it! Did Azu argue or canvass for an African pope at this point in time? Not really, in my own opinion, although he gave reasons that can support or justify the choice of one. Since the late Pope Francis was the first Jesuit and cardinal from the Americas (born in Buenos Aires, Argentina, to be specific) “to rise to the top of the papacy”, this, posits Azu, “raises hopes that the next one may come from Africa or Asia”. Another cogent reason given by Azu is that Africa “is the largest growing region for the Catholic Church, with about 20 percent of the church’s 1.4 billion population”, thus giving hope that we may not be far away from seeing “the first Black pope in modern history”. What that means is that there had been Black popes in the past, but that was a long, long time ago, in the 5th century or the Roman-era Africa. The office of the Pope had since been dominated by three European countries – Italy, Germany, and France – giving the impression (my own interpretation, please!) that this may be another form of (religion) colonialism or imperialism! According to Google, “there have been 266 popes throughout history, of whom 4 in 5 were from Italy.”
In this Digital Age and Free World, an office as important as that of the Catholic pope should also be democratised. God, being no respecter of persons and the Holy Spirit also not discriminating among tribes and tongues, what is good for the Caucausians should also be good for the Asians and Africans. Azu also argues that since the deceased pope pitched his tent with the poor, championing a lot of reforms that deliberately made advocacy for the poor a legacy, there is no better way to protect, preserve, advance, and concretise that legacy than to choose the next pope from among the poorest of the poor. This is debatable, though, because a man’s ideology, more than his place of origin or the colour of his skin, is likely to determine where he pitches his tent between the haves and have-nots. Azu, however, highlights a drawback of the African Catholic church – it is a poor church. Says Azu: “The African church may have the fastest-growing flock, but it is also the begging bowl. In a world where money is the bicycle of the gospel, the African church is the largest recipient of many forms of financial aid.” These days, though, the gospel no longer thrives on bicycles but on custom-built supersonic jets, especially where Nigeria’s Pentecostals are concerned!
Other obstacles listed by Azu include that African cardinals have faced less scrutiny compared with their other colleagues; and then there is the politics of the conclave (where popes are chosen). Since man is intrinsically a political animal, there is politics everywhere you find human beings. And where there is politics, a lot of factors – subjective and objective – come into play. The colour of one’s skin, the region where a candidate comes from, and his ideology will certainly come into play. How many of the cardinals who fought the deceased pope tooth and nail over his reforms, especially his fight against corruption, incompetence and conservatism, will want to see a continuation of the same policies?
In the end, will a Black pope emerge after the white-coloured smoke funnels from the top of Sistine Chapel, signalling that a choice has been made? Again, why is it a white-coloured smoke that signals success while a black-coloured smoke signals that no decision has been arrived at? Azu does not think a Black pope will emerge because, according to him, the road to change is usually long! And he is right! Jamaican reggae artiste Jimmy Cliff says the road is not only long but also hard. But isn’t 16 centuries a long and hard enough wait for Africa – except, here again, it is a wait for Godot? “The odds, this time, favour yet another Italian pope”, concludes Azu. Each time prophets, pastors, and preachers take such a risk as Azu’s or soccer buffs predict who wins in a football match and fail, I shudder at the perils of making predictions!
As if Catholic Rev. Father Oluoma Chinenye John had also read Azu, he was quoted as saying that getting an African pope was not something Catholics in Africa were clamouring for. Did he say it was not desirable? No! He only wanted whoever emerges to have been so chosen by God, arguing that getting an African (simply because he is an African – my own addition, please!) to succeed the deceased pope will make no difference.
His exact words: “We are not praying for an African pope. We are praying for a good and holy pope who will shepherd the people. He can be an African, American, European or Asian… Una don hear, ba? All those agitating and clamouring for an African to be the next pope, you miss the point completely. Popes are not chosen on racial sentiments. Even if an African becomes the next pope, it will not give Africans any advantage over others and vice-versa”. Poking fun at Nigeria, he noted that there is nothing like “emilokan” or “it is my turn” in the selection of a pope! Father Oluoma is a person I respect so much for his candour. I always love to listen to him as he makes very serious statements in a light-hearted manner. Another such fellow is Professor PLO Lumumba.
But this time around, I want to disagree with Father Oluoma while agreeing with Azu. Whatever criteria are applied to choose the next pope – by God or human beings – nothing should stop an African from making the mark. Why should Blacks always fall behind Whites in the pecking order in all things and at all times, even in things that pertain unto religion, which is touted as our forte in Africa? When will Africa “come of age”, to quote the assassinated Nigerian Head of State, Gen. Murtala Muhammed?
That said, the life of Pope Francis should be a challenge to church leaders worldwide. Can the following report about the pope be true? He should have been buried yesterday (Saturday). It goes thus: “Some reports indicate that Pope Francis died leaving only 100 dollars. Yes, a hundred dollars. Less than 90 euros. No house. No bank account. No investment in his name. And yet, he was the head of the Catholic Church. A post that could have earned him about €340,000 a year. But he refused that money. Every year. Since 2013. Why? Because he was a Jesuit, and the Jesuits take a vow of poverty.
“Rather than living in the luxurious Vatican apartments like his predecessors, he chose to move into the Casa Santa Marta, a simple, modest residence. No gilding. No personal servants. Just a bed, a desk, and his faith. He wore his old worn-out black shoes, refusing traditional red moccasins. He moved in a small Ford Focus while other religious leaders were driving in limousines. He ate with the Vatican employees, not in a private dining room. He simply dressed, without special adornment, just his white outfit and an iron cross. An invisible wealth…
“While some cling to their property… Pope Francis has chosen to own nothing to offer everything. No millions. No complex wills. Just 100 dollars… and a powerful message: ‘It’s not what you own that matters. That’s what you are. What you do for others.’ The world is shocked… but inspired. At a time when wealth often becomes an ultimate goal, Pope Francis leaves an eternal trace without ever having sought to enrich himself. He did not bequeath any material fortune. He left a moral fortune. A lesson in humility. A vision of service.
“He wasn’t a luxury Pope! He was a Pope of The Heart. A man who has proved that to live simply is to reign differently. What about you? What will you leave behind? Money? Things? Or a real inspiration?”
It is difficult not to notice the difference between the religion-preneurs here and the true followers of Jesus Christ as depicted by Pope Francis. Yet, the Bible says in St. Luke 12: 15: “Take heed, and beware of covetousness: for a man’s life consists not in the abundance of the things which he possesseth.” Matthew 6: 19 -21 says: “Lay not up for yourselves treasures upon earth, where moth and rust doth corrupt, and where thieves break through and steal: but lay up for yourselves treasures in heaven, where neither moth nor rust doth corrupt, and where thieves do not break through nor steal: for where your treasure is, there will your heart be also.”
For a moment, please pause and Google “The 10 top richest pastors in Nigeria” and marvel! Tell me, where are folks taking all the riches? Heaven or hell? What with so much poverty – grinding poverty, multi-dimensional poverty – in the midst of their congregation? Why can’t they divest themselves of their stinking riches and give to the poor, like Jesus Christ admonished the rich, young man in Matthew 19: 21-24? Building state-of-the-art cathedrals is not a substitute for taking care of the poor.
Pope Francis is dead – by the time you are reading this (on Sunday), he would have been buried the day before (on Saturday). He would have taken nothing with him – only his soul went with him. I counsel our church-preneurs to listen to Tracy Chapman’s “All that you have is your soul.” Permit me to take just a few lines from it: “Oh my mama told me/Because she say she learned the hard way/Say she want to spare the children/She say don’t give or sell your soul away/Because all that you have is your soul/Don’t be tempted by the shiny apple/Don’t you eat of a bitter fruit/Hunger only for a taste of justice/Hunger only for a word of truth/Because all that you have is your soul/ Why was I such a young fool/Thought I’d made history/…Thought I’d made something that could be mine forever/Found out the hard way one can’t possess another/And all that you have is your soul…”
Can anyone, from his or her grave, beat God’s words in Psalm 39:6? Or nullify Mark 8: 34 -38?
Fare thee well, Pope Francis! The thoughts of your patron saint, the Italian Saint Francis of Assisi (Giovanni di Pietro di Bernardone: 1181 – 3 October, 1226), have also had a profound influence on my worldview.
![[OPINION] Papa Francesco è Stato Qui! - Wole Olaoye](/media/k2/items/cache/3fd0fe2c4e4c207de67a9e9e939ae7cc_M.jpg)
On Easter Sunday, I watched the expectant crowd at St Peter’s Square break into a spontaneous applause as Pope Francis’ head appeared on the most recognisable balcony in the world, the papal balcony. It was from that same loggia that the former Cardinal Archbishop of Buenos Aires, Jorge Mario Bergoglio, was introduced to the world on March 13, 2013, as the Catholic Church’s 266th pope, with the name Francis I, an appellation he took after Saint Francis of Assisi, a 13th-century mystic who renounced his wealth and devoted his life to the poor.
At the Easter celebration, he looked gaunt and pensive, like somebody who had an important mission to accomplish and was determined to pull it through.
Easter Demise
For a man known for his toothpaste smile, convivial mien and charismatic carriage, it was clear that the recent bout of bilateral pneumonia had challenged him greatly. But he was determined to do his duty of delivering his Easter message to the world. “Brothers and sisters, Happy Easter!” he said, his voice marginally above a whisper. He then ceded the task of reading his Easter message to Archbishop Diego Ravelli.
In his message, he reminded the world about the true meaning of Christ’s resurrection and related it to the challenges of the materialistic, violence-prone contemporary world.
“We were not made for death but for life. Easter is the celebration of life! God created us for life and wants the human family to rise again!” In his eyes, every life is precious!
“What a great thirst for death, for killing, we witness each day in the many conflicts raging in different parts of our world!” he lamented.
“I would like us to renew our hope that peace is possible!”, said Pope Francis. He prayed for peace in the Middle East, particularly for the cessation of bombings in Gaza, for the release of Israeli hostages, the Christian communities in Lebanon and Syria; Yemen; Ukraine; the South Caucasus; and Balkans; and parts of Africa, including the Democratic Republic of the Congo, in Sudan and South Sudan.
Then, to everyone’s surprise, he descended down to St Peter’s Square, where he was driven around in an open-top popemobile to greet and bless the cheering crowds. “Viva Papa!” they hailed respectfully.
And his earthly job was done. On Easter Monday, Cardinal Kevin Farrell broke the news to a shocked world:
“Dearest brothers and sisters, with deep sorrow I must announce the death of our Holy Father Francis. At 7:35 this morning, the Bishop of Rome, Francis, returned to the house of the Father…”
Many Firsts
Pope Francis was the first Jesuit priest and the first Latin American to become pope. He was the first pope in 600 years to take over from a living predecessor who resigned due to old age. He was also the first pope to preside over the funeral of his predecessor (Benedict XVI). He was the first pope to reject the palatial papal quarters, opting instead to live in a simple apartment with a bed and reading table. (Remember, as Cardinal Archbishop of Buenos Aires, he did not stay in the bishop’s palace but in an apartment. He preferred using public transport to a chauffeured limousine and liked cooking his own meals).
He also shunned some of the accoutrements of the office – like the crimson shoes always worn by his predecessors, preferring his black shoes. When he was healthier, he carried his own bag, which scandalised many people. He made his own phone calls, some of them to widows, rape victims, prisoners and other troubled or marginalised souls. He was the first pope to wash and kiss the feet of prisoners during Holy Week ceremonies. He ate with the staff at the apartment block where he resided and shunned any form of salary. According to Economic Times, popes are traditionally entitled to a salary of about $32,000 per month. Sources revealed that Francis had about $100 in his bank account at the time of death.
Francis was the first pope to ‘seek forgiveness’ for child sexual abuse over the Church’s dark past. He subsequently updated the Catholic Church’s criminal code by adding details on punishing sexual abuse crimes of minors by priests, among other measures.
He was never ashamed of apologising for the sins of others.
Many Battles
Francis was an advocate of universal brotherhood. He counselled world leaders to build bridges, not walls. In 2016, with Europe’s migration crisis at a peak, Pope Francis flew to the Greek island of Lesbos and returned to Rome with three families of asylum-seeking Syrian Muslims.
He was also committed to inter-faith reconciliation, kissing the Orthodox Patriarch Kirill of Moscow in a historic February 2016 encounter, and making a joint call for freedom of belief with leading Sunni cleric Sheikh Ahmed al-Tayeb in 2019. He helped facilitate a historic rapprochement between the United States and Cuba, and encouraged the peace process in Colombia.
Climate Appeal
Experts credited Pope Francis with having influenced the landmark 2015 Paris Climate Accords with his “Laudato Si” encyclical, an appeal for action on climate change that was grounded in science.
Controversies
One of the bitterest controversies that raged during Francis’ papacy was his seeming ‘over-leniency’ on transgressors. In a world where hypocrisy has been honed to a fine art even among clerics and self-acclaimed righteous adherents, the expectation from a pope was that he would breathe down melting sulphur and infernal inferno on sinners. That was why, very much in the fashion of the hypocrites who took an adulteress to Jesus asking that she be stoned to death as the law commanded, the modern day judgemental horde presented the case of homosexuals to the pope: Should they be ostracised, stoned to death or dealt with in some other ruthless manner?
Pope Francis answered: “Who am I to judge?” (Remember, Jesus had told the accusers of the adulteress, “Whoever is sinless among you, let him cast the first stone!”)
The pope’s explanation was that he, too, was a sinner who had only benefitted from God’s infinite mercy and that he would therefore recommend mercy and love as the best reactions towards those who had strayed.
“God is in every person’s life… Even if the life of a person has been a disaster, even if it is destroyed by vices, drugs or anything else – God is in this person’s life…”, he preached.
In many respects, his life was consequential. No wonder his funeral brought the best of the Latin and Eastern traditions together.
While his demise engendered an endless funeral train round the continents with scores of world leaders, friends and foes alike, communists and capitalists, mystics and atheists, queuing to honour him with their presence, at least one of his socio-political antagonists couldn’t overcome their ancient pettiness.
A message on Israel’s verified X account that read “Rest in Peace, Pope Francis. May his memory be a blessing” was taken down hours after it was posted last Monday. Hebrew media reported that Israeli diplomatic missions around the world were ordered to delete any similar messages and not to sign condolence books in Vatican embassies. President Herzog (bless him), posted a message of condolence, but Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu had said nothing as at the time this piece was being put to bed.
I am convinced that History, the inexorable judge, will echo the adulatory chant of the mourners who thronged St Peter’s Square after the pope’s demise: “Papa Francesco è stato qui” (Pope Francis Was Here!)
Indeed, he was – and what a remarkable man!
![[OPINION] My Party Will Swallow All Yours - Chidi Amuta](/media/k2/items/cache/a12d025663b7632cfcd8ab143268c891_M.jpg)
Nigeria’s political landscape never ceases to astonish and amaze. In addition to our habitually surprising electoral outcomes, our politicians are dramatists of immense creativity. They have an uncanny ability to literally convert things into their opposites and still retain public attention and ignite curiosity and sustain interest. They have just as a group staged a successful mass psychological coup against the electorate. Nearly all our normal political expectations have been altered.
Barely two years into the tenure of the Tinubu presidency, the politicians have dramatically altered the nation’s political agenda and expectations. First, instead of holding themselves to account on the unfulfilled promises of the 2023 elections, the politicians have positioned the 2027 election as the central political concern of the moment. Forget the hunger, the unemployment, the rampaging inflation and the epidemic of insecurity and daily deaths in droves. The exchange rate of the Naira is not as important as who gets to appoint the next CBN Governor. Face 2027 and the prospect of a Tinubu second term.
Secondly, the politicians have positioned the prospect of an opposition coalition political grouping as the biggest political challenge in the horizon. Ignore the many incompetent ministers and corrupt officials of the incumbent administration. The problem of the moment is the collective of Atiku Abubakar, El-Rufai, Peter Obi, Kayode Fayemi, Datti-Ahmed, Rotimi Amaechi etc. In the perspective of the incumbent administration, these political gadflies are the ‘enemies’ of the moment. In their own right, the coalition opposition elements are complicit in diverting attention from the current challenges and focusing instead on the 2027 contest and their own chances of toppling Tinubu and the APC.
Thirdly, the opposition political figures are being driven to a wall where they just have to struggle for dear life. Their parties are on fire with internal contradictions and subversive plots sponsored by the ruling party. So, they have to strive to save their individual political lives in addition to salvaging the remnants of their embattled parties.
In addition, the politicians, especially the one in the ruling APC, want us to start juggling as to which parties stand a better chance of ousting Mr. Tinubu and his gang from Aso Villa. A faction of them have already declared Mr. Tinubu re-elected! In this regard, they have invented a new political pastime which we better call serial ‘party slaughter”. The object is to ‘kill’ as many of the opposing parties that have electoral prospects as possible. In this regard, the APC has converted the embattled Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) into a virtual political killing field of sorts. The casualties are piling up by the day.
Mr. Wike and his fellow warmongers in the employ of the ruling APC are compiling the casualty figures and reporting back to headquarters where the generalissimo is nodding in satisfaction. A smaller squad of trouble makers in the ruling APC is engaged with the Labour Party and the possibility of an SDP gathering point for the prospective opposition coalition.
But by far the greatest political drama and diversion of the moment is the increasing gale of defections and decampments from opposition parties, especially the PDP, to the ruling APC. It is like a season of mass migrations from all parties to the ruling party.
A jungle metaphor is the most apt at this moment. A forest of larger wild creature swallowing and chewing up smaller ones best describes recent happenings in Nigeria’s political space. In a gale of defections and decampments, major politicians from other parties have been trooping into the ruling APC in a series of decampments that are best described as insane.
In just one day, the migration took a quantum leap.
The Delta State governor Sheriff Oborevwori and his immediate predecessor both announced a dramatic decampment to the APC from the PDP. This particular defection is multiply significant. A sitting governor elected on the platform of a rival part changes his platform midway through his tenure. Similarly, a former governor who was the vice presidential candidate of the major opposition party also defected to the ruling party that he had opposed only in the last election. More importantly, these two defections came along with the defection of all the chairmen of local governments in the state which is considered a strategic state from point of view of national resources.
In addition, it is rumoured that Kwankwaso and the governor of Kano State are set to decamp to the APC from NNPP.
Similarly, Kano North Senator Kawu has decamped from the NNPP to the APC. In the same vein, Labour Party Senator Imasuen of Edo State is said to be getting set to decamp from the LP to the APC. News reports from across the country indicate that a total of 216 PDP and NNPP members in Jigawa state have decamped to the APC. From the Southwest, House of Representatives member Oluwole Oke has also decamped from PDP to the APC.
Once the trend has been activated, the likelihood that it would continue is clear and present. It is a trend that has been intensified by the weaponization of poverty and hardship by the policies of the Tinubu government. Most Nigerians have been driven to a solid wall of want and hardship. The perception is prevalent that only those who join the ruling party stand a chance of surviving the pervasive hardship. Forget about party ideology and beliefs. This is the hour of crass survival.
Ordinarily, it is an implicit assumption of democracy that individuals are free to change their beliefs and party affiliations subject to the relevant rules. The right and liberty to freely associate or change affiliation is a democratic right. We can question an unusual velocity of exodus of partisans in any direction within the party spectrum. We can also raise larger issues that touch on the general trend of membership in the nation’s political party architecture.
For instance, there is something that is quite troubling in the recent wave of migrations and decampments into the APC. At a time when the state of the nation is sorry and sordid, it is inconceivable that political leaders and notable citizens should be trooping into the very party that is squarely responsible for running the nation aground. There is a consensus among most ordinary honest Nigerians that the APC government under Mr. Tinubu has been an unmitigated disaster.
Ordinarily, when parties are in power, they strive to a record of governance and performance that would at least make them a tolerable option in the next election. A bad party is usually punished by a denial of the mandate in the next election. A party that scores so abysmally in all areas of governance and whose leadership has the worst job approval rating in recent history has no business canvassing for increased membership let alone attracting an obvious drove of new members. In fact, such a party should be avoided like a plague so that it does not infect the electorate with a contagion of negativity.
What we are witnessing is therefore an obvious reversal of normal political expectation and behavior. This trend is of course a reaffirmation of the transactional essence of Nigerian politics. For most Nigerians, the political party is a machinery for the distribution of resources through pork and patronage. People want to be part of where the power is and where the patronage is being dispensed and shared. In the run up to the 2027 race, therefore, politicians are jockeying for vantage positions in the political party they consider the most viable electoral platform.
If this trend continues, we are heading for a situation in which the majority of active politicians will converge in the APC as a virtual “one party” republic. The most obvious target of the migrations is of course the PDP, the erstwhile major opposition party. The party has in recent times been the venue of the destabilization machinations of the Tinubu political machinery headed by Mr. Wike, Minister of the FCT who apparently has a mandate to destabilize and cannibalize the major opposition party to the advantage of the APC.
The gale of migrations into the APC ordinarily makes the task of an opposition coalition much easier and a more attractive proposition for the next two years. The exits define the enemy. The rate of departures delineates the line and rules of engagement in the looming 2027 confrontation. Depending on the strategic acuity of the opposition coalition, a fat ugly APC would be the easiest political balloon to deflate. It could also become a behemoth that is all pervasive and difficult to overwhelm.
The current massing in the APC also hints at the possible ideological outlines of the 2027confrontation. The APC will carry on as a signpost “progressive” party. But its new membership and configuration make it anything but progressive in essence and outlook. It poses a challenge for the coalition of real progressives that have been rumored to be working towards a new party. From the names that have been touted as leaders of the new coalition – El-Rufai, Amaechi, Fayemi, Obi, – a real progressive social democratic movement seems to be in the offing. That is the desirable direction that is required to brand the APC in its right coloration as a decadent and corrupt ultra reactionary collection of conservative rejects. A party that hoists Tinubu, Akpabio, Ganduje, Umahi and Matawalle as its mascots surely knows where it belongs on the scale of credible political gatherings.
Irrespective of the parties from which the politicians are migrating from, they are all members of the same party. Their backgrounds are the same. Their outlook on issues is the same. Their interests are the same. Their orientations are the same.
The opposition parties are mostly torn by crises and instability. In that process, they are reinforcing the notion that our system has no credible opposition. The so-called opposition parties lack internal integrity or self-defining identities to justify their independent existence in a multiparty democracy. In this atmosphere, only the APC wears the appearance of cohesiveness.
Even then, the present cohesive appearance of the APC owes only to one factor: it is the party in power and has the monopoly of control of power, patronage and pork. Outside that circumstantial exigency, the APC is as splintered as the rest. It is even more incoherent than the others in terms of ideas and a track record of governance and definable legacy.
Effectively, then, we are in a practical one party situation. There is the ruling party and literally no opposition parties properly defined. Intrinsically, there is no difference between all the major parties in contention in our democracy. There are no ideological or value differences among our parties. They are all acronyms, colourful flags and emblems with little intrinsic ideological meaning. They may have different acronyms but a united by a common blood stream of prodigal values.
Our parties are populated by the same caliber of Nigerian politicians drawn from a uniform national elite pool of unemployed college graduates, failed “charge and bail” lawyers, unsuccessful venturers and other jobless middle-aged hustlers, etc. This is why it is ever so easy for people to migrate from one party to the other with ease. No ideology. No core beliefs. No values. No commitment to any form of service to the people. No vision for the nation. Mostly a keen eye for financial returns wherever it may be found. Nigeria has earned a distinction of being the only country in which an individual can have breakfast in one party and end up with dinner in a totally different party without any qualms.
Going by the present trend, the ruling APC could swallow up most of the membership of the other parties and suffer no indigestion. But whether most Nigerians can inhabit the same political household up to the 2027 election is a huge uncertainty. For the APC to retain power in 2027 if Nigeria remains in this desperate disrepair, it will require more than a drove of “follow follow” membership. For the ruling party to lose power, an opposition coalition must meet the broad majority of Nigerians in the places where they feel the pain most.
![[OPINION] Defections and Other Matters Arising - Simon Kolawole](/media/k2/items/cache/52bc14809e7ae5576afbf4d0a6cd13ff_S.jpg)
Governor Sheriff Oborevwori of Delta state has ended weeks of speculation by defecting to the All Progressives Congress (APC). It is significant: this is the first time Delta state would not be governed by the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) since the dawn of the fourth republic in 1999. He has relocated to the APC with a number of key Delta politicians, including Dr Ifeanyi Okowa, his predecessor and — wait for this — Alhaji Atiku Abubabar’s running mate in the 2023 presidential election. (Okowa, may I remind us, is currently facing an EFCC investigation over allegations of mismanaging N1.3 trillion.) And we are hearing genuine rumours of more defections ahead.
With the exit of Delta, only Akwa Ibom, Bayelsa, Enugu, Rivers and Taraba states have now been governed by the PDP non-stop since 1999. The former ruling party now controls only 10 states, trailing the APC which has a massive 23. The Labour Party (LP), the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP) and the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) have one each. Wow, how are the mighty fallen! At the height of its power, the PDP controlled the entire south minus Lagos state. In fact, only Lagos, Borno and Yobe states have never been governed by the PDP. In the 2007 governorship election, the PDP won 27 states — before losing four in court and gaining four via defections.
If my memory serves me right, Alhaji Abubakar Rimi was the first governor in our history to defect. He left the People’s Redemption Party (PRP) for the Nigerian People’s Party (NPP) in May 1983 after a prolonged face-off with the party leadership over ideological issues. In a rare display of honour, Rimi said he could not continue as Kano state governor having left the party that sponsored him to office, so he resigned. His deputy, Alhaji Abdu Dawakin Tofa, replaced him. Regrettably for Rimi, he lost the August 1983 governorship election to Alhaji Sabo Bakin Zuwo, who flew the PRP flag. (NB: Zuwo thereafter removed all the emirs installed by Rimi. Some things never change in Kano, do they?)
Oborevwori’s defection to the APC has reignited the debate on the health of our democracy. Many have expressed worries over Nigeria’s possible descent into a one-party state. This is generally considered to be antithetical to competitive democracy and a dangerous invitation to dictatorship. The one-party debate has dominated African discourse for decades. Many African leaders, such as Kwame Nkrumah (Ghana), Olusegun Obasanjo (Nigeria), Gnassingbe Eyadema (Togo), and Julius Nyerere (Tanzania), supported one-party system as the antidote to division in the body politic and as a catalyst for building national consensus. It brings everyone under one umbrella “by fire by force”.
I do not support the one-party system. While I admit that it has worked in socialist countries such as China and Vietnam where human and economic development has also been on the up, the same thing cannot be said of Cuba, Eritrea and North Korea which are nowhere near the prosperity recorded in China and Vietnam. This should raise questions as to what is really driving the success stories of China and Vietnam: is it the one-party system or something else? Since most of the flourishing countries in the world — going by quality of life and shared prosperity — run multi-party democracies, I am not sure we can credit one-party system with promoting peace and progress.
My position is that in a plural society, a multiparty system is desirable. Nigeria is made up of over 250 ethnic groups, two major religions, 36 states and six geo-political zones, north and south. Forcing everyone into one party may indeed create “peace” and “unity” as the promoters argue, but it may be the kind of peace you find in the graveyard. I like competition — competition of ideas. I like a race to the top — a race to win the hearts of the voters with alternative policy offerings. I like people having options and choices. Every system is flawed but I can live with the inadequacies of the multiparty system. Dozens of democracies have abandoned one-party system in the last 30 years.
But as Mr Felix Morka, the APC national publicity secretary, has aptly said, it is not the responsibility of the ruling party to strengthen the opposition. You cannot blame the APC for wooing opposition figures. You should blame the opposition politicians for having weak convictions. It is so easy for you to be in one party at breakfast, move to another at lunch and return “home” at dinner. When a party loses a state, within weeks the new party inherits its members and supporters. A state that was fully PDP yesterday can become wholly APC tomorrow. The situation is made worse by the use of federal might to whip certain politicians into line. In the end, many people care only about political survival.
We still need to be reminded that many of those we call APC “chieftains” today were once among the most powerful politicians in the PDP. In fact, the current national chairman of the APC, Dr Abdullahi Ganduje, was a founding member of the PDP and was deputy governor to Dr Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso from 1999-2003 and 2011-15. He defected with Kwankwaso to the APC in 2013. Many past and present APC governors were in the PDP. Some PDP politicians were once in the APC as well. Many politicians have changed parties thrice. In the real sense, therefore, many politicians change their jerseys out of political expediency. Politics is, in any case, about interests. The rest is a packaging.
What then? There are so many issues that come with defections that should not be deflected. For one, it is now very clear that defection has become part and parcel of our political culture. We do not need to run away from it. Every democracy evolves with practice. Despite constitutional provisions and court rulings (some of them contradictory), politicians have continued to move from one party to the other and continued to retain their elective positions. We should just stop deceiving ourselves. Let us expunge the constitutional restraints. Nobody is obeying the law. No defector has lost a seat or a position. Let us face the reality and amend our laws accordingly. Nigerians love defection. Simple.
Two, opposition politicians are deflecting the real issue by lamenting that the APC is turning Nigeria into a one-party state. Lamentation does not help anybody. Opposition parties used to lament about the PDP turning Nigeria into a one-party state from 2003 till 2013. I recall constantly writing that the parties must unite. The lamentations changed nothing until the opposition figures finally came to their senses, buried selfish ambitions and worked for a common purpose: wresting power from the PDP. Presenting a strong, united front against the PDP created the greatest political upset in our history in 2015. This is a tested and trusted template but all I can hear today are mere lamentations.
Three, may I further argue here that these defections are deflecting, or distracting, our attention from another major fact about elections in Nigeria: that a governor does not always determine the presidential candidate that the people will vote for. There seems to be an assumption that once the governor of a state defects or backs a candidate, the voters will sheepishly follow his route. Yes, governors are powerful. They build, control and fund structures. That is critical to winning an election. However, there have been instances when governors could not deliver their states to their preferred presidential candidates. In fact, a sitting governor can be voted out. The evidence is there.
As recently as 2023, Delta was under a PDP governor who was also his party’s vice-presidential candidate, but the people voted for Peter Obi, candidate of the LP. Fact. The Lagos governor could not deliver the state to his party’s presidential candidate, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu. Fact. Same trend was recorded in Edo, Cross River and other places. Tinubu and Atiku also won in states under the control of other parties. I am saying there are several factors that determine who the citizens cast their votes for, but the preponderant opinion appears to be that the 2027 presidential election is done and dusted. Ganduje has said as much. May I go against the grain by saying nothing is settled yet.
I am very much aware that the opposition is in disarray. Perhaps this is driving the narrative that 2027 is over before it has even started. This is a very strong argument. After doing an extensive analysis of the 2023 presidential election, I came to the conclusion that the APC won because the opposition was divided into three. The votes that used to go to the PDP in at least 10 states went to the LP. According to results posted on the much-derided IReV portal, the APC polled 8,794,726 votes while the PDP, the LP and the NNPP had 14,582,740 combined. Do the math. The details are still there on the portal. The opposition won in 2015 by coming together, not by drifting apart. Fact.
There are at least two models of galvanising voters before an election. The party-led model of 2015 was a culmination of a series of factors: united opposition, vote-pulling candidature and a movement of disenchanted voters. This turned out to be a winner. There was also the movement-led model of 2023 built on vote-pulling candidature. Although, the APC had enough time to plan for 2015, we saw in 2023 that you do not need all the time and the money to galvanise the streets. The movement gained momentum but did not have the numbers to cause an upset. However, we saw the potential. While I cannot say whether or not Tinubu will be defeated in 2027, I know that the day is still young.
AND FOUR OTHER THINGS…
GORING GOMBE
Gombe is one northern state I celebrate as a role model for religious tolerance and accommodation. In terms of religious demographics, Gombe is a mirror image of Kaduna state — minus the resentment and bloodbath. However, something has been happening in Gombe that may potentially change the narrative of peaceful co-existence. For the third time in six years, a vehicle plunged into a Christian procession last week. It happened in April 2019, December 2024 and now April 2025. In the words of James Bond, once is a happenstance and twice is a coincidence. But thrice? That is enemy action. I appeal to the authorities to take this as a serious matter. Delay is dangerous. Troubling.
WANTED DREAD & ALIVE
Governor Umar Bago of Niger state on Tuesday ordered security operatives to arrest persons with dreadlocks in Minna, the state capital. “Anybody that you find with dreadlocks, arrest, barb the hair, and fine the person,” the governor said. “Nobody should carry any kind of haircut inside Minna.” And the people at the meeting clapped for him! They probably don’t know that some people are born with locks. Bago’s attempt to back down may not work, going by the culture of our security agencies. Do we still remember the trigger for the #EndSARS unrest? Police profiled anyone with tattoo and dreadlocks as scammers. We know how it ended. We don’t ever learn anything in Nigeria. Pathetic.
RENEWED HOPE
Sir Siminalayi Fubara, the suspended governor of Rivers state, reportedly met with President Tinubu in the UK last weekend, after which he issued a statement calling on Riverians to rally behind the president’s “renewed hope agenda”. In his Easter message, Fubara said the season “represents a time for reconciliation and unity”. A lot of people were angry with him but I was not. I have lived long enough in this country to know that, in the words of Bolaji Abdullahi, Nigeria will always defeat you. It doesn’t matter whether you are right or wrong — whoever controls the military controls the country. It seems Fubara realised this fact too late and has now opted to renew his hope. Helpless.
NO COMMENT
Mr Shamseldeen Ogunjimi, accountant-general of the federation (AcGF), told the National Economic Council (NEC) on Thursday that the excess crude account (ECA) — set up in 2004 by President Obasanjo to save the difference between the budget price for oil and the actual price — now holds exactly $473,754. You won’t understand. When President Yar’Adua died in May 2010, he left $20 billion in ECA. President Jonathan assumed power and governors pressured him to share the money ahead of the 2011 elections, declaring that ECA was “unconstitutional”. By 2015, we had only $2 billion left. And in 2025, it is now less than half a million dollars. Enough to buy peanuts. Hahahaha.
[OPINION] AMAZING GRACE & THE AKOKO MELODIOUS ROOTS: A Symphony of Hope and Resilience - Olukayode Ajulo, SAN
Admin![[OPINION] AMAZING GRACE & THE AKOKO MELODIOUS ROOTS: A Symphony of Hope and Resilience - Olukayode Ajulo, SAN](/media/k2/items/cache/ea83443d601b8fa5fa82e209910c3030_S.jpg)
As the Psalmist writes, "Sing unto the Lord a new song" (Psalm 96:1), I am moved to share the profound revelation that "Amazing Grace" has its melodic roots in the rich cultural heritage of Akoko, Nigeria.
The Akoko people, an esteemed ethnic group nestled in the southwestern region of Nigeria, particularly within Ondo State and parts of Kogi and Edo States, are an integral part of the larger Yoruba community. They are celebrated for their rich cultural heritage and vibrant traditions, which contribute significantly to the diverse tapestry of Nigeria’s ethnic mosaic.
Renowned for their resilience, the Akoko people embody a spirit of cultural richness that enriches the nation as a whole. Like many ethnic communities across Nigeria, they played a pivotal role in resisting colonial rule during the late 19th and early 20th centuries.
As British influence expanded in Nigeria during this period, the imposition of foreign governance structures and the exploitation of local resources posed significant threats to the Akoko way of life. In response, the Akoko people courageously stood against these encroachments, forging a path for future movements that sought independence and self-determination for Nigeria.
Their steadfast resistance is a powerful testament to their commitment to preserving their identity amidst the challenges of colonial oppression. This historical narrative remains a vital aspect of their cultural legacy, inspiring future generations to honour their heritage and strive for a brighter, united future.
Despite the shackles of oppression, our enslaved ancestors managed to craft a masterpiece of hope and redemption, echoing the Quranic verse: "And We have certainly honoured the children of Adam" (Quran 17:70).
The majestic harmony that resonates within the realm of *"Amazing Grace"* evokes a profound realization: our enslaved ancestors were permitted only to touch the black keys of the piano, while the white keys remained reserved for others. It is within this context that many Negro spiritual hymns emerged, composed and performed using those very black keys. Yet, from these notes sprang forth a masterpiece of hope and redemption, illustrating the resilience of the human spirit.
As I stumbled upon this profound revelation, I am compelled to share it. The awe-inspiring and majestic harmony of *"Amazing Grace"* resonates deeply, reminding us that "Music is the divine way to tell beautiful, poetic things to the heart" (Pablo Casals). Wintley Phipps' breathtaking performance at Carnegie Hall is a testament to the song's enduring power, moving audiences to thunderous applause.
Although the U.S. Library of Congress, a research library in Washington, D.C., founded in 1800, and the oldest federal cultural institution in the United States, houses over 173 million items in its collections in more than 470 languages, a search for "Amazing Grace" there only acknowledges John Newton as the author of the song, while the composer of the melody is named as “Unknown.”
Whereas, the most remarkable aspect of this iconic hymn is its melody and cultural heritage, which I say without equivocation traces back to the fertile soil of Akoko in South West Nigeria.
Through my humble research, conducted in various locations across the globe, from Igarra to Lisbon; Ifira-Akoko to London; Ipesi to Kent; Imeri to Newport; Ishua to Madrid; Oka to Oxford; Akungba to Atlanta; Ikare to Ireland, I have uncovered the melodic roots of "Amazing Grace" in the very region where my ancestors once walked.
As we reflect on this remarkable journey, we are reminded of the unyielding spirit of our ancestors. Despite the trials and tribulations they faced, they managed to craft something truly extraordinary - a melody that has become a beacon of hope and redemption for generations. Their legacy is a testament to the power of resilience and creativity in the face of adversity.
May we honor their memory by embracing the beauty and richness of our cultural heritage. As their descendants, we carry the torch of their legacy, and it is our responsibility to ensure that their stories, traditions, and contributions are not forgotten. By doing so, we keep their spirit alive, and their impact continues to inspire and uplift us.
As the echoes of "Amazing Grace" reverberate through the ages, may the legacy of our ancestors forever resonate within our hearts. May their story be a reminder that even in the darkest of times, there is always hope, always beauty, and always a chance for redemption. May we continue to draw strength from their indomitable spirit, and may their legacy inspire us to create works of sublime beauty that will touch the hearts of generations to come.
[OPINION] Understanding the Legal Implication of "Next of Kin" Under Nigerian Law - M.O. Ubani, SAN
Admin![[OPINION] Understanding the Legal Implication of "Next of Kin" Under Nigerian Law - M.O. Ubani, SAN](/media/k2/items/cache/0d1c4c875a16cae0861e6d188f9e29f9_S.jpg)
Recent discussions in the public space, following the reference by the adopted son of our respected brother, Obi Cubana, to himself as "next of kin," have generated widespread debate and misunderstanding.
It has become necessary to clarify the true meaning, legal position, and implications of the term "next of kin" under Nigerian law. While an adopted child enjoys full rights equivalent to a biological child within a family, the term "next of kin" carries a far more limited and technical meaning.
This write-up seeks to enlighten the public accordingly.
1. Meaning of "Next of Kin" in Nigeria
Under Nigerian law, the next of kin is primarily a contact person, and his or her role includes:
Being notified in cases of emergency.
Being consulted regarding funeral or burial arrangements.
Having the priority to apply for letters of administration if the deceased dies without a Will (intestate).
Critically, being named a next of kin does not confer any automatic right of inheritance. It simply grants some priority in administration, particularly where the deceased left no formal testamentary instructions.
2. Where the Deceased Left a Valid Will (Testate Succession)
If the deceased made a Will:
The property is distributed strictly according to the provisions of the Will.
The deceased may bequeath assets to anyone of choice, spouse, child, friend, religious body, etc.
A next of kin not mentioned in the Will has no right to inherit simply because of the "next of kin" status.
If dissatisfied, the next of kin can only challenge the Will on narrow legal grounds such as undue influence, fraud, or lack of testamentary capacity, not merely because they are the next of kin.
Relevant Laws:
Wills Law of various States (e.g., Lagos State Wills Law, 2004).
Wills Act of 1837 (received English law applicable in some states).
3. Where the Deceased Died Without a Will (Intestate Succession)
Where there is no Will, the rules of intestate succession apply, depending on the deceased’s background and marital system:
(a) Under Statutory Law (Administration of Estates Law)
Typically applies to those married under the Marriage Act (Statutory Marriage) and Christians.
Inheritance is ordered as follows:
1. Spouse and children first.
2. Parents, if no spouse or children.
3. Siblings, if no parents.
4. More distant relatives.
Thus, a next of kin who is a spouse, child, or parent can inherit.
If the next of kin is just a cousin, friend, or distant relative, they may inherit only if closer relatives are absent.
Example:
Under the Lagos State Administration of Estates Law, the spouse is entitled to one-third of the estate, while the children share the remainder equally.
(b) Under Customary Law
Customary rules vary across Nigeria:
In many Igbo communities, the eldest son (Okpala) traditionally inherits the ancestral home (Obu).
Widows often have limited rights to occupy but not own real property.
Other children share movable assets.
Extended family (Umunna) may intervene if the deceased had no surviving spouse or children.
Judicial Caution: Courts have increasingly rejected customs that discriminate against widows and daughters, as seen in cases like:
Mojekwu v. Mojekwu (1997).
(c) Under Islamic (Sharia) Law
For Muslims, Islamic law (Faraid) governs succession:
Shares are fixed by the Qur'an.
Specific portions are allotted to spouses, children, parents, and siblings.
A next of kin must be within the class of Qur’anic heirs to inherit.
4. Key Nigerian Cases on Inheritance Rights
Mojekwu v. Mojekwu (1997) 7 NWLR (Pt. 512) 283:
The Court condemned discriminatory customary practices that favored only male heirs.
Ukeje v. Ukeje (2014) 11 NWLR (Pt. 1418) 384:
The Supreme Court upheld that female children are entitled to inherit under Igbo customary law.
Okonkwo v. Okagbue (1994) 9 NWLR (Pt. 368) 301:
Addressed intestate succession and customary practices.
Conclusion
In summary, under Nigerian law:
Being next of kin does not make you an automatic heir to the deceased's estate.
It grants no proprietary right, only a priority in administration if intestate.
Inheritance rights depend either on the provisions of a valid Will or on the applicable laws governing intestate succession, statutory, customary, or Islamic.
It is essential for every citizen to understand this distinction to avoid misconceptions.
When in doubt about your rights or obligations, consult a qualified lawyer.
![[OPINION] Delta State PDP Defection: My views - Bukola Saraki](/media/k2/items/cache/767fd8c7407de7a8765267566b8febfc_S.jpg)
Following the development in the Delta State Chapter of our party, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), I have been inundated with phone calls from leaders and members of our party as well as various youths who have been active in promoting democracy and good governance in our country. Many of the callers want to know what my reaction is to the defection of top PDP leaders in Delta State and its impact on our party.
My view is that those who want to leave the PDP should leave now and let the rest of us who want to stay concentrate on rebuilding the party and refocusing it to play the role of a viable opposition that will provide a better alternative for the good people of Nigeria.
I am convinced that it is important for all Nigerians to work for the sustenance of democracy. And to sustain democracy, there must be viable choices for people at every point. Also, there must be a viable opposition to keep people’s hope alive and create credible alternatives to keep the government on its toes. A one-party state as being disingenuously designed by some people will not augur well for a multi-ethnic, multi-lingual, multi-cultural, multi-religious, and highly diversified society like ours. It is even more dangerous when we eliminate alternatives and make people hopeless.
Therefore, it is in the interest of Nigeria and the survival of our democracy for the opposition to be vibrant and strong enough with the capacity to replace the ruling party at any point. Thus, my charge to our party members is that the PDP is merely experiencing a rebirth. Those who want to leave the party should go and let those of us remaining have a clear view of who we are talking to and where their political loyalty lies. All we need is for those who want to stay back in PDP to show commitment and we can all work to rebuild the party.
This development has vindicated the stance of people like me who have decided to remain silent and watch events unfold.
I have seen that there was no sincerity with supposed leaders of the opposition. One was not sure of the next person one was talking to.
My appeal to PDP members nationwide is that we should know that the sustenance of democracy is not a sprint. Rather, it is a marathon. It is not a knock-out football match series. It is a league. 24 hours is a long time in politics and nobody can predict how the dynamics will evolve in the coming weeks and months. That is why PDP members across the country should not be discouraged, disillusioned, disappointed, or demoralised by the development in Delta State. We should stay strong and focus on strengthening the party. It is not necessary at this point to lament why they left.
Our party members should also refrain from blaming our woes on the ruling party. That would be a lazy approach. They are playing politics to win elections. It is our responsibility as party members to ignore their antics and seize the moment and momentum to make our party stronger and better.
Yes, it is unbecoming and shocking for the running mate to the standard bearer of a leading party to abandon ship to join the ruling party. This is unprecedented and nobody should try to justify such an act with the talk of being put under pressure. It is simply a sign of how low we have sunk as a polity. The country is experiencing a collapse of leadership values.
These developments in the polity are the reason why I have always canvassed the idea that we should emphasize building and strengthening our institutions and not individuals. With the defection of the governor of Delta State, even if the party has only ten governors in its fold, the PDP is still in a good position to win the next round of elections..
Our numerous party members should know that the PDP is better with fewer members who are loyal, sincere, determined, dedicated, and committed to its ideas, ideals, and progress than to have so many who will identify with us in the afternoon and be romancing the ruling party in the night.
We still have about two years before the next election. That is a long time in politics. We have enough time to brace up to the challenge.
There is nothing that prevents us from getting some governors from the other parties to join our ranks. My appeal to our young party members is that this defection is just a mere challenge to us to further mobilize and put our house in order. Also, our women’s wing should seize the opportunity to help in the rebuilding mission. The PDP will come out stronger from this development.
I am very sure the various leadership organs of our party will soon make public their reaction to this development and convey the necessary meetings to strategize on how to strongly and strategically respond to it. Therefore there is no cause for alarm.
Our party members should not lose focus, hope, or the determination to win. We should see the current development as a challenge to rebuild and refocus the party. Tomorrow is very bright.
. Dr. Abubakar Bukola Saraki is a former Senate President and Waziri of Ilorin.
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[OPINION] Applauding Kate Henshaw’s Linguistic Flair: How ‘CBEXing’ Lights Up Our Lexicon - Isaac Asabor
Admin![[OPINION] Applauding Kate Henshaw’s Linguistic Flair: How ‘CBEXing’ Lights Up Our Lexicon - Isaac Asabor](/media/k2/items/cache/df88ffb1895593304f3d6f0bcae6b3b1_XS.jpg)
In the ever-evolving landscape of language and communication, moments of spontaneous brilliance often birth new expressions, coined phrases that encapsulate the mood, the moment, and the message. On Wednesday, 23rd April 2025, the vibrant and outspoken Nollywood icon, Kate Henshaw, once again stepped into this space through her X handle, not just as a beloved actress or fitness enthusiast, but as a creator of language. Her reaction to an update by the Eko Electricity Distribution Company (EKEDC) on power distribution gave the public a sparkling new coinage: “CBEXing.”
At a time when power distribution remains a hot-button issue across Nigeria, and frustrations boil over in the face of epileptic supply and ambiguous communication from distribution companies, Henshaw’s expression resonated. With one word, she captured the feelings of irony, skepticism, and the exhausting dance between hope and disappointment that many Nigerians experience daily with their electricity providers.
So, what is “CBEXing” and why does it matter? To understand its impact, one must begin by appreciating the power of words, how they shape our understanding, our discourse, and our cultures. “CBEXing” may sound humorous and flippant at first glance, but it bears the hallmarks of linguistic ingenuity. It is a neologism, one of the freshest in the Nigerian lexicon, and like many before it, it springs from a blend of acronyms, sarcasm, and shared experience. According to context clues and online reactions, the term is derived from “CBEX,” believed to stand for Constant But Erratic Electricity eXperience, or some variation therein, depending on interpretation.
CBEXing is more than just an amusing linguistic invention, it encapsulates a deeper critique of Nigeria’s electricity distribution system. It mirrors the pattern of a Ponzi scheme, where consumers keep paying with the expectation of consistent power supply that never comes. Like the illusion of quick returns promised in fraudulent investment schemes, the hope dangled by electricity providers feels like a scam that cycles through repeated disappointment. The power never truly stabilizes, yet bills keep coming, often inflated and unexplained. In this light, CBEXing is a metaphor for the institutionalized exploitation of consumers, repackaged with corporate PR and hollow reassurances.
Henshaw’s use of “CBEXing” is more than a tweet, it is a linguistic rebellion. It is cultural commentary. And above all, it is creative expression at its finest.
Every language, including English, is an ever-growing organism, continuously fed by the creativity and experiences of its speakers. New words are coined daily, through pop culture, tech innovations, politics, and even slang, and these words evolve, are adopted, and sometimes enshrined in dictionaries.
Consider how the word “Google” transitioned from being the name of a company to a verb in common use (“to google something”). Or how “selfie” went from a social media trend to an entry in the Oxford English Dictionary. Language historians and etymologists constantly remind us that today’s casual slang could be tomorrow’s formal expression.
Kate Henshaw’s “CBEXing” is thus situated within this historical tradition. It holds potential to transcend the moment, becoming shorthand for the uniquely Nigerian experience of unreliable electricity, and the emotional rollercoaster that comes with it.
At this juncture, not a few readers may have wondered in this context, “Why “CBEXing” resonates with this writer. To address the wonderment, it is expedient to opine that the term caught on because it struck a nerve. It speaks to the everyday frustration and absurdity of Nigerian power supply. It is that moment when you see NEPA, sorry, PHCN, sorry again, your ‘DisCo’, flicker the lights on for five minutes, only for them to vanish mid-toast or mid-shower. It is the dry apology, the vague explanation, the unconvincing assurance that things will “soon stabilize.”
Kate Henshaw did not just name the phenomenon, she gave it personality. She anthropomorphized the energy sector’s dysfunction in a way that made it digestible, even laughable, in a country where many feel powerless in the face of such critical inefficiencies.
Without resort to flattery in this context, it is germane to applaud her creative spark. This is as Henshaw has always been known for more than just her acting skills. She is vocal, passionate, articulate, and unapologetically expressive. Whether speaking up for social justice or sharing tips on wellness, she engages the public with candor and intelligence. Her coinage of “CBEXing” is just another feather in her already vibrant cap.
Language experts often point out that the best neologisms are those rooted in shared experience, those that reflect a collective emotional truth. Kate’s coinage did just that. She turned a national grievance into a linguistic gem. She reminded us that even in frustration, Nigerians are masters of humor, satire, and expression.
It is also worth celebrating how “CBEXing” was not forced. It did not come out of a marketing campaign or a think tank. It was organic. Raw. Instinctive. And that is what makes it brilliant.
Whether “CBEXing” will find its way into formal linguistic acceptance remains to be seen. But language is not governed from the top-down, it evolves from the grassroots up. If people begin to adopt the term in everyday conversation, if it becomes shorthand in headlines, if radio hosts and comedians pick it up, then it lives. Just like “japa,” “sapa,” and “gist” have all taken root beyond their original niches, so too can “CBEXing.”
Already, social media users are having fun with it: “My fridge just CBEXed my stew,” “We are back to CBEXing again. Generator go run tire,” “CBEXing is now a national sport.”
These are not just jokes, they are the linguistic evidence of adoption.
It is indeed a lesson for creatives and communicators. Kate Henshaw’s coinage is a gentle reminder to all creatives, journalists, marketers, and public speakers: never underestimate the power of originality. In a digital age flooded with recycled phrases and buzzwords, originality cuts through the noise. It endears, it engages, and it endures.
To the creatives out there, let “CBEXing” inspire you. Every moment is an opportunity for expression. Every frustration can be molded into metaphor. Every observation can become a line, a phrase, a movement.
In fact, let there the light, and laughter. In a nation grappling with the very serious problem of power instability, Kate Henshaw gifted us a word that blends irony, frustration, and humor in one breath. “CBEXing” may be informal, but its truth is undeniable.
We salute her not just as an actress, but as a wordsmith, a culture-shaper, and a woman whose wit refuses to dim, even when the lights do.
So here is to Kate Henshaw. May your light never flicker, your voice never fade, and your lexicon continue to enrich ours.
After all, it is through the lens of creative minds like hers that new language, and new thinking, emerge. And in that spirit, we are all better for it.
CBEXing. You have heard it. You have lived it. Now, go ahead use it.
A former governor of Kano State, Rabiu Kwankwaso, and the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) are currently exploring their political options, with the possibility of aligning with either the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) or the opposition coalition led by Atiku Abubakar.
A reliable source, who spoke to Punch on condition of anonymity, revealed that Kwankwaso and the NNPP would not contest independently in the upcoming 2027 elections, as they did during the 2023 elections.
“What I can confirm is that Kwankwaso and the NNPP will not contest independently as they did in the 2023 elections. Considering the current political landscape, they are weighing the possibility of either joining President Tinubu’s APC or aligning with the coalition led by Atiku, el-Rufai, and others,” the source disclosed.
The development comes amid a rapidly shifting political environment, as various political actors and parties seek strategic alliances ahead of the next general election.
In response to growing speculation, NNPP National Publicity Secretary, Ladipo Johnson, confirmed in an interview with Punch that the party was indeed considering these political options.
He stated, “Well, so far, what I’ll say is this: in the NNPP, we tend to, at least from our own history as the Kwankwasiyya movement, wait till midterm. May 29th will be the midterm for this administration. It will be two years down, and two years to go. That is when we believe that proper politicking will commence.
“So, yes, we are talking, and we’ve been talking. But you’ll recall that at that time, I told you I didn’t want to mention specifically the groups or persons or movements that are in conversation with us. That is still the position now.
“You’ll recall that there have been many publications in newspapers and online, insinuating that Senator Kwankwaso is moving to the APC, that it is imminent and all that. That is just the nature of the game. Some people are pressing or pushing that narrative for their selfish reasons.
“But the bottom line is that very soon, they will begin to hear from us. We will tell our supporters what we are doing. There are basically three cards on the table: either we remain in the NNPP and continue with those who joined us all the way or we form some sort of coalition with Atiku, others; or we form an alliance with the ruling party. I am not saying any of these is the case now. But these are the three basic options that could happen.”
[NaijaNews]
[OPINION] Hearts, Minds, And Hands: Soludo’s Human Capital Revolution In Anambra - Christian Aburime
Admin![[OPINION] Hearts, Minds, And Hands: Soludo’s Human Capital Revolution In Anambra - Christian Aburime](/media/k2/items/cache/35a4dbb3159309862758594a18748714_XS.jpg)
In the story of every great society, the true engine of transformation is not limited to oil or infrastructure alone; it is also about the people.
It is education that shapes their minds, healthcare that preserves their lives, skills that empower their hands, and dignity that secures their place in society.
In Anambra State, Governor Chukwuma Charles Soludo, CFR, is scripting this very story with breathtaking urgency. His human capital and social agenda is a people-centred movement to build a prosperous and compassionate homeland.
At the onset of his tenure, Governor Soludo’s bold declaration of a state of emergency in education was a necessary jolt to a system that had lost its way. Today, Anambra is the first state in Nigeria where every child in public school, from nursery to SS3, pays nothing: no levies, no fees, and no hidden charges.
This landmark policy has reversed a decline in enrollment. Public primary school enrollment has surged by 27.05%, while secondary school numbers have risen by 10.36%.
In 2024, Unesco rated Anambra State as the lowest in out of school syndrome at a rate of 2.90 While the 2024/25 National Education Management Information System Annual Census held in conjunction with State Education Management Information System rated the out of syndrome at 0.25. Anambra now boasts with the lowest rate of out of school children in Nigeria.
When Governor Soludo took office, over 7,500 teaching positions were vacant. Within his first year, he recruited 8,115 teachers in a merit-based, digital-savvy cohort drawn from 18 states across Nigeria. These teachers have been deployed to every corner of the state, from bustling cities to forgotten villages, dramatically improving the teacher-learner ratio to 31:1 in primary, 28:1 in secondary, and 26:1 in ECCD. Every headteacher and principal now has a laptop. 22 pilot smart schools are transforming into centres of innovation, preparing students for a world where knowledge, not connections, defines the future.
Through the Public-Private-Community Partnership (PPCP) model, 70 philanthropists have invested in renovating and building schools. Mission schools, long neglected, are receiving generous government support, ₦2.2 billion in grants, including for Pentecostal schools for the first time. Eighty per cent of newly recruited teachers serve in mission schools whose salaries are fully covered by the state, almost ₦1 billion monthly. Education is no longer an orphan of policy; it is the crown jewel in Anambra State under Governor Soludo
Also, Anambra is setting national standards in healthcare with its telemedicine network. Every primary healthcare centre in the state is now digitally linked to a pool of 42 doctors, available 24/7. With the tap of a button, a villager in the remote areas can consult a doctor, be referred, and even evacuated using the Anambra State Emergency Ambulance Service (ASEMSAS) via a toll-free line.
Today, 326 primary health centres have been renovated and equipped with solar-powered boreholes, lithium inverters, and internet-enabled diagnostic tools. Once-abandoned facilities are now hubs of life-saving care. Each political ward in Anambra has at least one functional medical facility.
Five brand-new general hospitals have been built, all in underserved areas of Anambra North, defying political calculations as Governor Soludo is from Anambra South. Additionally, three general hospitals have been upgraded to specialist status. Equipment such as dialysis machines, dental theatres, and ophthalmology labs now exist where there was once neglect. At the tertiary level, a state-of-the-art Trauma Centre is under construction at the Chukwuemeka Odimegwu Ojukwu University Teaching Hospital. A smart nursing school, the largest in Southeast Nigeria, is also taking shape.
Over 102,643 women have benefited from completely free antenatal care and delivery, including 344 cesarean sections. Since its inception, public hospital births have risen from 200 to over 1,000 monthly, with 52% of beneficiaries being non-indigenes, an evidence of the universal humanity guiding the policy.
From 3.8 million mosquito nets distributed to cervical cancer screening for over 13,000 women, the healthcare revival is as broad as it is deep. Anambra’s Health Insurance Scheme now covers 120,000 residents, including keke riders and shuttle bus drivers, and aims to double coverage by 2025.
Governor Soludo’s vision for youth development is practical, visionary, and deeply cultural. Inspired by the Igbo Apprenticeship System (IAS), the One Youth, Two Skills initiative is empowering 5,000 young people in 2024, with another 8,700 in training for 2025. With over ₦2 billion in seed capital and an additional ₦2.5 billion in concessional loans through ASBA, over 3,000 youth have become self-made millionaires, armed with skills that scale. This is not the usual handout or welfarist tokenism; it is wealth creation in action.
The Soludo administration’s compassion also finds real expression in its social justice programmes. Over 1,800 children separated from families have been rescued and reunited. Over 150 interventions have protected widows from inhumane practices, enforcing the Widowhood Rights Law. More than 3,000 disputes have been resolved through Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR), giving women and children an accessible justice mechanism. Over 2,000 perpetrators of gender-based violence and trafficking have been apprehended, while 121 children were rescued from exploitative conditions. Over 1,500 grassroots women leaders have been mobilised into governance, with 2,500+ women trained in vocational and entrepreneurial skills. Governor Soludo’s women agenda is empowerment by design.
With decades of dry taps behind them, Anambra residents are now witnessing the return of pipe-borne water. Five major urban water schemes, 15 small-town networks, and 109 rural projects, including 30 in Okpoko alone, have been rehabilitated and upgraded. For many, this is the first time in living memory that potable water flows at home.
Governor Soludo’s human capital agenda is a deeply personal, profoundly life-changing covenant with the people of Anambra. By investing in minds, healing bodies, empowering youths, uplifting women, and restoring dignity, he is building a better, more just, equitable society where every life counts. In Anambra, for the first time in a long time, governance has truly come home. Solution is here!
![[OPINION] Pastor Bakare: Tinubu is playing God - Ugoji Egbujo](/media/k2/items/cache/37181d78aae7c2725b1319393859a575_XS.jpg)
The PDP governors are queuing up to jump into the APC. They say their ship is sinking. They are singing and dancing and justifying their capitulation as nation-building. The PDP once thought it was the greatest party in Africa. These are trying times on all fronts. The conspiracy of the ruling class could be the final straw.
Indeed the PDP had been infected by a debilitating human virus. I need not name the motormouthed Nebuchadnezzar. The man who planted the moles who have been used to debilitate that party. But some of the governors weren’t motivated by imminent political homelessness, they were threatened to submission. Some others only had to see the juicy carrot of a no-contest reelection to reconsider their relationship with the dying PDP. Bakare said the destruction of the opposition was the deliberate handiwork of political bandits led by the president. Tinubu, many now say, is driving Nigeria down a one-party slope. Tinubu’s priority is political conquest. For the discerning, the future is concerning.
A one-party state is a literal civilian dictatorship. Nigeria’s eastern neighbour, Cameroon, has a certain geriatric called Paul Biya as president. He has been the leader of that poor country since time immemorial. After eliminating his opponents, he devised a strain of multiparty democracy with the ruling party as an indomitable lion and he, the owner of the lion. He stages regular elections to justify his perpetual presidency. Many of his critics are in jail. Most of the time, he is in a hotel in Geneva. Sometimes, for three-month stretches, he lives in Switzerland, ostensibly on work visits. That is where he says he finds the peace to work. Paul Biya lives in opulence, indolence and paranoia. And Cameroon, now cracking, has endured severe growth retardation.
Nigeria needs to look at Tinubu and look critically across the border to the east and recoil. These cavorting politicians waving flags of surrender with pomp and pageantry could be the first victims. The former presidents, governors, and ministers might think that the grass will bear the brunt. But Cameroon is a vivid cautionary tale. Paul Biya chased Ahidjo into exile. Then he eliminated most of the big men. That’s what authoritarianism breeds. Summoning the populace into Tinubu the Tinubu bandwagon might seem a smart move today. But inevitability, paranoia, and gossip will collaborate to pick out and liquidate the early victims from the uppermost echelon. History might be kinder to Paul Biya. He ascended the throne when autocracy was rife in Africa. What shall we say of Tinubu, the prodemocracy activist who came when democracy was the norm
Bakare has described a total emasculation of the parliament by the deft imposition of enterprising and often comical lackeys. They raise songs of adulation to worship the president when he comes to the parliament. The parliament was once described as a rubber stamp. But It is now more servile and less passive. It has the same quality of obsequious servility, but it no longer waits to be used, to be called upon to render abject service. It marches around searching for new ways, including bending the rules and sabotaging the Constitution to prove its subservience to the president.
Bakare didn’t dwell on the courts. Perhaps with the parliament in the president’s back pocket, the president is technically above the law. After all, he can very easily disregard the courts. The only body that can sanction him has sworn to serve him. The courts are a little fortunate. This president pretends to be a Democrat. So he perhaps spares the courts public humiliation. Rather than allow himself to disobey the law of the judges, he can make sure the judges understand his philosophy. So they work harmoniously. He has a certain man nicknamed POS Africa and a few others who have certified expertise for that liaison. This president may never have to disobey a court. The courts can be retrofitted and synchronized to fly at the same altitude as the executive. By the time the judges realize the damage, by the time a one-party state arrives, the judges would have gone from being judicial merchants to no more than errand boys at the temple of the chosen one
Like Bakare reminded the lawmakers and governors, no man is good enough or wise enough to be entrusted with absolute power. One-party rule has brought prosperity to a few countries. But it hasn’t worked anywhere in Africa. It might require a sense of shared nationhood, which doesn’t exist in most countries created by white imperialists. The impetus to work hard to be validated by the electorate won’t exist. The electorate will become detached and accustomed to the grossness. In a fragile multi-ethnic Nigeria, sick with tribalism, a one-party state will ultimately lead to marginalization, disenchantment and disintegration. Tinubu should know that. But will Babasopecracy, which is his preferred democratic model, allow him some room for sober reflection? Tinubu is preoccupied with political conquests. Bakare says Tinubu has ordained opportunism as the political philosophy of the conniving ruling class.
Bakare says Tinubu is playing God. Tinubu’s brazen nepotism, cronyism and tribalism could all be elements of the God complex. Being answerable to no one. We could actually have misunderstood omniscience and omnipotence and questioned his disregard for equity and fairness. The sinister plot to wreck the opposition, demolish dissent, and corral the masses into a single party in some form of political monotheism could all be mortal designs of a motor park chairman. But Tinubu ‘s tendency to order reforms he won’t be bound by, travel to France to work from there for weeks and suspend a governor on a whim all fit into the God psychology.
Pastor Bakare was courageous. Other pastors have gone mute. They are praying and fasting for good governance. They do not want to use their anointed heads to collect a wasp. Many erstwhile crusaders of social justice, democracy and good governance have lost their voices. Pastor Bakare was incisive. He didn’t powder the boil. And he didn’t just lacerate Tinubu and his friends; he pointed them to the path of redemption. Bakare asked Tinubu to think like the biblical Joseph, who planned an economy for good and bad days for the benefit of the people, transforming Egypt into a booming and resilient nation.
Bakare wants Tinubu to have a compelling vision which he can sell to all Nigerians to restore hope. He wants Tinubu to lead by personal examples. He wants Tinubu to discard hubris, embrace humility, and pursue reconciliation and national unity. He wants Tinubu to overhaul his team and find Joseph-type leaders to replace the hyenas in his cabinet. Bakare, like a good pastor, left many prescriptions. But he was emphatic that without a change of attitude to promote social justice, moral politics and good governance, Tinubu may become a god but his kingdom shall not endure.