OTHERS' VIEWS

OTHERS' VIEWS

With the current reality, there is an urgent need for the Mr President to revisit and realign the activities of the NCCC, particularly with the requirements for Nigeria to access climate finance for adaptation to and mitigation of climate effects, as well as to benefit from the rapidly developing voluntary action, and to participate in carbon trading markets.

In the contemporary landscape, the spectre of climate change looms large, compelling me to delve into a multifaceted exploration of perspectives and urgent imperatives.

As the world grapples with the far-reaching consequences of environmental shifts, it is worthy of note that our collective choices carry a profound weight, echoing through the tangible consequences of the shifts.

The concept of climate change revolves around long-term alterations in earth’s climate patterns, primarily attributed to human activities. It encompasses global warming, shifts in weather patterns, and the increasing frequency of extreme events (disasters such as flood, drought, earthquake, and fire outbreaks).

The idea underscores the impact of greenhouse gas emissions from activities like the burning of fossil fuels and deforestation, leading to an all-time warming planet, with temperatures higher than ever experienced in human history.

Addressing climate change involves mitigating the human-induced factors, adapting to the changes already underway, and fostering sustainable practices to ensure the health and resilience of our planet, while accessing emergency funding for the loss and damage suffered from the effects of climate change.

Man as the Driver

Human activities have significantly contributed to climate change and solutions. From the Stone Age to the Bronze Age, Iron Age, to the Classical Era, which led to the Industrial Revolution of the last 300 years.

The quest for progress, fueled by mankind’s insatiable appetite for resources — water, woods, sands, gravels, stones, granite, limestones, coal, oil, gas, and iron ores — has led to a profound transformation from our evolutionary ape-man to modern civilisation.

One can applaud humanity’s achievements in fossil-fuel-driven automobiles, aviation, and maritime voyages. All these have greatly benefited modernity and productivity.

Nevertheless, the widespread use of airplanes and ships, while boosting prosperity, comes with incalculable climate change costs in the form of emissions and rising temperatures. This is why the recent ESG policy framework for any investment and financing has become mandatory globally.

In the pursuit of resource mobilisation across the planet, man-made canals such as Suez and Panama interconnected seas and oceans. The repercussions of these endeavours, coupled with oil and gas drilling, quarrying, and mining, have resulted in significant distortions to our planet earth.

As a layperson, it appears that the profound impacts on geography are unfolding in an unprecedented manner and this is why climate finance has become imperative.

A typical success story of climate financing is what is going on in modern-day China, where renewable energy, solar, and wind are becoming very dominant in their energy mix.

The burning of fossil fuels, deforestation, industrial processes, and agricultural practices release greenhouse gasses into the atmosphere, leading to phenomenal global warming.

 

This warming has no boundaries, and the argument that Nigeria and Africa do not do up to four per cent of the global warming does not insulate us from the effects and consequences of climate change, and that is the more reason why Nigeria must quickly have well-coordinated climate change and energy transition policies.

The effects of warming include general increases in temperature; variations in rainfall; the rise in sea levels; resulting shoreline erosion and flooding (the UN recently estimated that at least 27 NIgerian states are now increasingly at the risk of serious continuous flooding); drought and desertification (which is causing the depletion of Lake Chad and the consequent southern migration of Fulani herdsmen and insecurity); land degradation (which is making farming more difficult and affecting our food security); and significant damage to the ecologically-sensitive Niger Delta.

 

Also, improper waste disposal, industrial emissions, and reliance on non-renewable resources contribute to pollution, thereby impacting air, water, and soil quality. Methane is a serious issue in climate change management.

All these elements gave man its food, clothing, and shelter – which is life sustenance. The evolutionary ape man transformed these natural elements into the era of modernity, which we can attribute to the special natural gift of brain power which is higher than that of the other lower animals.

Now the BIG Questions

  • How rational has man been in extracting all these materials?
  • How rational have all these materials been processed?
  • How rational has man been in appropriating all these materials among his various multidimensional uses and applications across the large spectrum of needs – demands and supply?

From the primal use of wood for survival to the current reliance on hydrocarbons like coal, bitumen, and petroleum, the evolution of resource utilisation is a testament to the intricacies of human ingenuity.

According to the EU’s Copernicus Climate Change Service, December 2023 set a historic milestone as the warmest December globally, capping off a year marked by record-breaking temperatures.

Each month from June to December in 2023 surpassed previous temperature records, solidifying the year as the warmest ever recorded since the beginning of climate records.

In 2023, the global average air surface temperature reached 14.98°C, surpassing the previous 2016 record by a significant margin of 0.17°C.

According to Copernicus, 2023 exhibited an average temperature of 1.48°C higher than the pre-industrial levels, marking the period before the widespread human use of fossil fuels.

This inquiry is not merely a contemplation of the past but a call to action for a sustainable and conscientious future. Nigeria’s energy transition must be articulated and must accommodate our peculiar developmental needs for the next twenty-five years, because while fossil fuels are globally transiting away, yet Nigeria needs fossil resources to earn revenue for its urgent developmental requirement.

This highlights the concerning trend of escalating global temperatures and underscores the imperative of concerted efforts to address and mitigate the impacts of climate change.

The induced production of carbon and methane impacts air quality, and the rise in surface temperatures crystalises the narrative of intense resource exploitation from our activities on the planet earth.

The Elements

Water: Potable water, essential for survival, intertwines with activities like fishing, irrigation, river roads, and seas. Water is a lifeline for the global populations, regardless of their size.

As the global population hovers between seven and eight billion, the demand for potable water is intensifying. The River Nile water conflicts are escalating, and proliferation of boreholes worldwide for water extraction and agricultural irrigation. The impending consequences prompt us to question the rationale and optimisation of water resources across the spectrum: Must every household have a borehole?

Can’t neighbourhoods and communities have just one giant borehole for their use through reticulations?

Many related issues, such as the power generation system, must be rationalised, with optimisation employed to save our environment. The ecosystems of our national lives must be rationalised and holistically reviewed to comply with the new normal of green lifestyles.

These are serious and fundamental issues that will require the National Council on Climate Change, with the approval of Mr President, to revisit the energy transition policy and all the critical stakeholders for effective climate financing governance.

Land: A foundational support carrying all organic and inorganic elements, land plays a pivotal role in agriculture, housing, and mining activities — both on the surface and subsurface.

To what extent does mankind abuse the use of land in Nigeria, particularly whether in agricultural practice, urbanisation, or mining? The NCCC, as may be approved by Mr President, must revisit our land use and mining activities.

Hydrocarbons: From the early use of coal to the pervasive application of bitumen and petroleum, hydrocarbons have taken centre stage in modernity, permeating various aspects of human life.

As we reflect on the journey from evolutionary dependence on nature to the current anthropogenic era, the overarching question persists: To what extent have we exercised rationality in managing, extracting, processing, and appropriating these resources, recognising our responsibility as stewards of the earth?

This inquiry is not merely a contemplation of the past but a call to action for a sustainable and conscientious future. Nigeria’s energy transition must be articulated and must accommodate our peculiar developmental needs for the next twenty-five years, because while fossil fuels are globally transiting away, yet Nigeria needs fossil resources to earn revenue for its urgent developmental requirement.

It is a delicate policy that Mr President and the NCCC must deliberately pursue.

Solar: In the 19th century, the pillars of industry relied on coal, limestone, steel, and cement, as well as the advent of oil and gas. However, the 21st century has witnessed a transformative shift towards renewable energy sources, particularly solar and wind power.

Solar energy, in particular, has emerged as a sustainable alternative, prompting humanity to reconsider and reduce dependence on traditional, environmentally impactful sources.

This transition reflects a growing awareness of the need to harness cleaner energy options and minimise the exploitation of non-renewable resources.

Even farming and agricultural practices are fast transforming to smart agriculture with minimal use of fossil-driven apparatus.

The urgent call to action for Nigeria and the government of President Bola Tinubu

Fortunately, Nigeria is well placed to drive forward a dynamic and home-grown climate action agenda. The passage of the Climate Change Act 2021 paved the way for the creation of the National Council on Climate Change (NCCC), which reports directly to Mr President, with the mandate to act as a clearing house and convening platform for climate action initiatives within and across government. It is important to distinguish NCCC’s convening role from the still critically important operational role of the Ministry of Environment, which sits as a key member of the Council.

With the current reality, there is an urgent need for the Mr President to revisit and realign the activities of the NCCC, particularly with the requirements for Nigeria to access climate finance for adaptation to and mitigation of climate effects, as well as to benefit from the rapidly developing voluntary action, and to participate in carbon trading markets.

A big lesson from COP28 was that we need to accelerate action and take more deliberate steps to ensure greater coordination of activities, both in and between the public and private sectors. Also flowing from COP28 sessions, Mr President will need to reconstitute the NCCC and infuse new vibrance into the Council. It is important that all the critical stakeholders are co-ordinated and appropriate working groups are created around and within the Council.

His Excellency has already taken bold steps to accelerate the potential to access greater flows of climate finance through the recent creation of the Carbon Market Committee, ably led by Zach Adediji, the executive chairman of the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS). The NCCC provides a platform to ensure coordination with the Ministry of Finance.

In navigating Nigeria’s energy transition, a critical reassessment of existing policies is imperative, including a revision of the Energy Transition Plan promoted by the former Vice president, especially given the given the complex interplay of forces advocating for and against the phasing-out of fossil fuels in the new administration.

For example, the National Energy Commission is expected to play a significant role in the energy transmission policy. Given the new ministerial portfolios, the ministers, sitting as members of the Council, need to be re-designated. The Council already has provision for representatives from the organised private sector representatives, civil society, and all the state and local governments, and these representatives need to be appointed immediately. Also provided for is a role for the National Security Adviser in the NCCC, underscoring the potential role of climate change in worsening conditions that could increase conflict risks, such as poverty and food insecurity.

The past missed opportunities by Nigeria to access the Loss and Damages Fund can still be regained. Our position for the ability to access climate financing can be strengthened, while the building of technical capacity for the NCCC is urgently required if we are to catch up with countries like the UAE and Saudi Arabia. The establishment of the Climate Fund, as the repository of such funding, as well as other flows of climate finance, is a critical function of the NCCC under the Climate Change Act, and we must move quickly, working closely with the Ministry of Finance, to accelerate progress on this.

To expedite decarbonisation and achieve swift progress on carbon credit, it is crucial for Mr President to actively request monthly updates. This approach will ensure proper coordination and effective monitoring of the activities surrounding climate change issues in Nigeria.

In navigating Nigeria’s energy transition, a critical reassessment of existing policies is imperative, including a revision of the Energy Transition Plan promoted by the former Vice president, especially given the given the complex interplay of forces advocating for and against the phasing-out of fossil fuels in the new administration.

The National Energy Commission is also expected to play a significant role in the energy transition policy.

The nation stands at a pivotal juncture, carefully balancing the complex interplay of forces advocating for and against the phasing-out of fossil fuels; the need for continued oil and gas exploration against market constraints for petroleum products; and the delicate equilibrium between decarbonisation targets and credits,  which is essentially a debit and credit game. A revised plan must consider also the time-sensitive nature of attracting investments in both conventional and renewable energy sources, particularly solar, which necessitates meticulous oversight by the NCCC.

While acknowledging the significance of oil and gas as essential resources for economic growth, and the feeding of our sizable population, we must also recognise agriculture’s potential, albeit requiring substantial mechanisation.

Optimising power generation entails a strategic shift towards hydro, gas, and solar options, with the proposal of a 6,000 MW nuclear power base load to be constructed by the Chinese, as may be approved by the President.

This minimum nuclear power supply base for Nigeria, when added to our current 4,000MW per day, will give Nigeria a minimum of 10,000MW every day, and that can propel our GDP growth to two digits.

This choice becomes imperative for Nigeria to overcome its energy deficit and alleviate poverty. Careful consideration and progressive adjustments over the next two to three years will be essential in achieving a balanced and sustainable energy landscape.

In maintaining a delicate balance with fossil fuels, it’s crucial to consider transitioning fuels such as LPG (Liquified Petroleum Gas) and CNG (Compressed Natural Gas). While these alternatives offer cleaner options, their production is energy-intensive and carbon-laden. Nigeria currently requires about five million tonnes of LPG to replace traditional cooking methods involving firewood, charcoal, and kerosene.

One of the working groups of the NCCC could  be made to deliberately drive this LPG/CNG deployment, as was done in Indonesia 11 to 12 years ago.

Nigeria currently faces mounting pressure from the encroaching Sahara Desert, demanding immediate attention from the Ministry of Environment.

In the short term, a collaborative effort between the Ministry of Environment and the Sahelian states can swiftly implement the strategic planting of special desert trees. Such tree-planting campaigns must be supported with irrigation systems.

This proactive measure holds the potential to generate positive carbon credit footprints in Nigeria.

Concurrently, urbanisation and housing strategies must undergo rationalisation, adhering to set standards by various government agencies to ensure climate change compliances are captured in design and building.

These are just a few examples of the issues that need to be co-ordinated and become part of a holistic climate action plan. There are many other initiatives, including in transport and industry, that require accelerated development.

To expedite decarbonisation and achieve swift carbon credit progress, it is crucial for Mr President to actively request monthly updates from the NCCC on progress with these initiatives. This approach ensures proper coordination and effective monitoring of the activities surrounding climate change issues in Nigeria.

My submissions as articulated above are to guide Mr President Tinubu appropriately and to draw the attention of all the critical stakeholders to the urgent need for reorganising the NCCC and engaging in capacity building, as well as proper alignment with the Ministry of Environment, Finance, the National Energy Commission, the Federal inland Revenue Service, etc and others.

I share this reflection as a private citizen who had the privilege of attending COP28. I intend to ensure that the essence of the conference isn’t lost amidst the day-to-day dynamics of governance in this administration.

Dan D Kunle writes from Abuja, Nigeria.

The internal memo at the Central Bank intimating the staff of management’s plan to move certain departments to its other facilities in Abuja, Lagos, and understaffed branches in the country has generated so much negative vibes. The reason given is that the Central Bank offices in the headquarters are congested. The carrying capacity of the building is 2,700 workers, but the current staff load is 4, 223. The management, therefore, has expressed health and safety concerns, especially in view of warnings by the organization’s facility manager about the danger of the bank exceeding the capacity limit to such a level. The findings of a Committee purposely set up to look into the issue confirmed the fears of the facility manager who, I want to believe, must be a structural engineer who must know his onions. The management then decided to implement the recommendations of the committee. It is not as if Yemi Cardoso just woke up from a bad dream and out of a brain wave he decided to move some units to other branches to decongest the head office building in Abuja. For the opposition to garner maximum effect, the memo is being twisted to concentrate attention on only movement to Lagos.

The memo mentions another facility in Abuja as well as “under-staffed branches.” It is amazing to see far-sighted safety and good health measures being embroiled in ethnic jingoism and war drums being beaten. Listen to Senate Chief Whip Ali Ndume in an interview with Channels Television: “…they do not know how Nigeria works and will not be able to help the President when the repercussions come.” He was referring to those he derisively called “Lagos Boys.” He went on to tell Politics Editor of Channels, Seun Okinbaloye: “Some of them think that they know better than everybody. But they don’t know anything. When you don’t know Nigeria, you only know Lagos, then you start doing things as if Nigeria is Lagos. Lagos is in Nigeria.

 

“Why was the headquarters moved from Lagos to Abuja? Was it not because of the congestion there? I don’t even see any issues of congestion…Don’t try to bring tribalism into it…” He said it was not Lagos votes that made Tinubu to be President. “Those misleading the President are not doing him any good because this is going to have some political consequences. If Tinubu was not elected president, the CBN governor would not be there. It was not Lagos votes that put Tinubu there.”

“That’s a wrong decision. We will not accept it. Besides, you know they are not doing any favour to Mr. President because this will have political consequences. Yes, I’m telling you this. And these guys who are just sitting down there trying to hang on to Mr. President will not be there to amend the political mistakes or even to correct it because they don’t know anybody. They only know their offices. And they only know that they have brains.”

The Human Resources department had stated in the memo as follows: “The action is necessitated by several factors to ensure compliance with safety building standards and hence the efficient utilization of our office space. Our current occupancy level of 4, 223 significantly exceeds the optimal capacity of 2, 700 designed for the Head Office building. This overcrowding poses several critical challenges.”

 

Professor Kingsley Moghalu, a former Deputy Governor of the Central Bank wading into the issue cannot understand what the storm is all about. He said there is no reason for the disquiet whatsoever. From his interjection, it can be seen that the issue of the relocation must have predated the Tinubu Administration. I have the feeling that the possibility of decongesting the Abuja Headquarters was mulled when he was in the Central Bank although he did not quite clearly state that. He said in his tweet that the Lagos office was inaugurated 12 years ago during his tenure as Deputy Governor, but the facility has been underutilized. He believes that the relocation addresses the overstaffing challenges at Abuja Headquarters where the staff count exceeds the recommended health and safety limits. He believes, indeed argues that the decision is logical because the departments to be moved oversee market entities based in Lagos. In his words: “I don’t see any serious basis for such disquiet…Moreover, the market entities supervised by the departments that will move to Lagos are mostly in Lagos. So, what’s the problem? Seems a rational decision to me.”

Moghalu has ready support from Mohammed A Yakasai, a retired Director of the Central Bank. He said: “With the massive political employment in CBN, the Head Office is overpopulated. The majority of those young men and women prefer to work only in Abuja and the Head Office, and so it was. I am of the view that what the current management is doing is corrective and should be supported. The thought has since been that most of the important banks’ Headquarters are in Lagos. Those departments that are supervisory in nature should relocate for effectiveness and cost minimization.”

 

He continued: “Those young boys that were untouchable because of their political lineage are beginning to see the rule of law re-emerging. It is not their prerogative to determine where they should work. After all, everyone signed a declaration that the bank can post you anywhere. We are beginning to see the restoration of discipline in the system. The act of the new management should not be politicized.”

In a climate of building collapse here and there in the country should the Abuja Head Offices give way, with heavy casualties, how are the authorities going to explain it? There were warnings; a competent committee was set up which recommended decongestion of the place. A building with a carrying capacity of 2,700 is populated by 4, 223. The load is in excess of 1,523. Surprisingly Ali Ndume and his ilk, going by his emotional outburst, cannot see a sense of responsibility in taking pro-active steps to avert a serious disaster waiting to happen! Senator Ndume asks why the relocation is not to Nasarawa, Kogi, or Kaduna. We do not know yet because the circular says the redistribution of some of the staff would go to understaffed branches. Kaduna may well receive some of them as it already has a branch there. It is also so easy to see that movement to places where there is the absence of branches would entail finding suitable property and having to pay rent whereas the property in Lagos belongs to the CBN. This means extra costs. The fear that officials of the bank would have to be traveling up and down between Lagos and Abuja with the attendant risks should be allayed by the promise of the technological wonders of these times. In this day and age, such travels can be reduced to the barest minimum. The units can work effectively from anywhere. The Central Bank Governor, Yemi Cardoso, and his four deputies are firmly in Abuja. The headquarters remain in Abuja. The policy-making team in the bank is in Abuja. What does Abuja lose with relieving Abuja of its overload? The Presidency has also made it plain that Tinubu is not relocating the Federal Capital to Lagos.

 

Senator Ndume spoke with nauseating arrogance: “I am not a Hausa man; I am not a Fulani man. I am a Northerner, I am first a Nigerian.” That he is a Nigerian sounds like an afterthought. What he appears to be saying is that he is a Northerner. Is he thereby suggesting that Abuja belongs to only Northerners? Why are we making a mountain out of a molehill? When are we going to grow up in this country? Everything ought not to be seen from an ethnic prism, especially from principal officers of the state. Of course how we see things are governed by the level of inner maturity of each person. For this reason, perception and cognizance must differ from individual to individual. Why can’t we learn from what obtains in other places? South Africa, a sister African country, has something to teach us in this respect. The Executive arm of government — the President and his Ministers are in Pretoria, the capital city, but the Legislative arm, the Parliament is in Cape Town while the Judiciary, the Supreme Court is in Bloemfontein. The Constitutional Court is in fact at Johannesburg.

Senator Ndume also spoke about NNPC. Yes, what is wrong in relocating its head offices to Port Harcourt? That is the heartland of oil production. Being in Port Harcourt will make for close monitoring and efficiency. It will enable the company to attend promptly to oil theft and curb it; also to oil spill and have greater understanding of empathy for environmental degradation in the Zone — Warri, Bayelsa, Rivers, Akwa Ibom, Cross River and Imo axis.

General Murtala Mohammed, Dr. Tai Solarin, and Justice Akinola Aguda must be feeling exceedingly ill at ease wherever they may all be on the several planes of the Beyond, seeing the twist being made of the vision that led to building a fresh capital city to which all parts of the country can lay claim. Dr. Solarin wrote articles pressing for a new capital city citing as an example Brazil moving her capital from Rio de Janeiro to Brasilia as a purpose-built and centrally located city in the 1950s. That was of a particular attraction to him. He also mentioned Russia which moved her capital from St. Petersburg to Moscow in 1918. Tai Solarin said Lagos was too congested for continuing meaningful development and for fresh air. General Mohammed was persuaded by Dr. Solarin’s arguments. Upon driving his tanks into Dodan Barracks to dislodge General Gowon on 29 July 1975, the founding of a new capital city was given life on his mind. It became uppermost in his thinking. He raised a committee headed by Justice Akinola Aguda. Of course, Tai Solarin was on the committee so he could realise his dream. The members went round the country and eventually settled for Abuja which was considered centrally placed. Head of State, General Mohammed announced the Federal Capital moving from Lagos to Abuja before his assassination on 13 February 1976. Upon General Obasanjo’s coming to the saddle in succession to him, Bolaji Ajose-Adeogun was made the first Minister, empowered by Decree 6 of 1976 to see to the planning and development of the new Federal Capital. The development went apace when Shehu Shagari became President. It was Babangida who intensified efforts and gave the development such a necessary push with General Nasko as Minister that made the proper movement possible from Lagos to Abuja in 1991.

 

President Bola Tinubu has said he has no plan to relocate the Federal Capital from Abuja to Lagos. The Lagos city fathers themselves have for some time been complaining that Lagos is too congested. That should settle the wild and unfounded speculations.

State Police is the answer
As I was saying last week…Former Senate President, General David Mark, concerned about the mindless killings, banditry, and spate of kidnapping, said it is as if most Nigerians have lost their humanity. He spoke in the wake of the murderous attacks on Plateau. During the week, according to reports, bandits dressed in military uniforms kidnapped 31 persons at Tashar Nagule in Batsari Local Government area of Katsina State. Before this incident, three students of Al-Qalam University, Katsina State were seized and whisked away by heavily armed gunmen. Some 10 days ago, bandits killed nine persons and burnt five vehicles at Kukar Babangida village, also in Katsina State. That state is one of the worst besieged by kidnappers in the worsening state of insecurity sweeping through the Middle Belt, that is, the North Central States and Nigeria in general. In December last year, five abducted students of Federal University, Dutsin Ma, in Katsina State were set free after being in captivity for 74 days. Ekiti State had a bitter taste of the insecurity at a portion where a road is being reconstructed from Iju and vehicles necessarily have to slow down. Reports state that about four persons were kidnapped. The Governor of Plateau State has declared a state of emergency in parts of the state following restiveness and reports of continuing security concerns after more than 200 people were killed in a night attack in the axis on Christmas Eve.

As I did ask former President Muhammadu Buhari in 2018, and posed the same question to President Bola Tinubu his successor last week: How many more of our people are we waiting to see killed before doing the right thing? Till a senior government functionary, a governor, a federal lawmaker or a minister falls victim? Already the criminals have attacked military and police formations, one of the security organization’s headquarters — the most fearsome violence–unleashing weapons of state power.

We may wish to borrow a leaf from some other countries of the world. Take Belgium as an example where there are two main forces: The Police Communale and Gendarmerie Nationale. Police Communale is made up of 589 Municipal Police Forces, each independently funded by the local town mayor to whom it is accountable, and with powers to operate only within their particular municipal territory. Gendarmerie Nationale operates at what we may call a “supra level” covering the entire country with special responsibility for traffic on national roads, drugs, terrorism, and organized crime. In Belgium there are also smaller, specialized forces — judicial police, maritime police, airport, and railway police forces. In Holland, there are 148 such municipal forces.

 

I say that it is delusional to think it is only training, equipment, and motivation our security forces need as at present constituted — very key as these are. As Ali Ndume rightly stated, our men in uniform are very poorly paid and looked after, calling for an urgent rectification. No doubt about that. This column is talking about structure which a country of Nigeria’s size requires to stem bothersome criminality in the land.

Denmark and Norway have police forces which, although are decentralized, yet are autonomous because the Districts are independent.

No one can – or should – be surprised by the remarkable decline of foreign capital investment in Nigeria in Nigeria’s economy in recent months and years. The divestment of about N300 billion worth of investment by Procter & Gamble, GlaxoSmithKline, PZ, Unilever and others is simply logical from the standpoint of the business operators. But, as someone who advises some of the world’s largest institutional investors in emerging markets for a living, I believe this phenomenon calls for a more nuanced understanding of the role of foreign investment in economic growth and transformation if such investments are to be truly helpful to our economic aspirations. Outside of a role as part of a grand economic strategy, foreign investment may not serve the purpose of real economic transformation – which is a different thing from growth – whether it rises again or continues to fall. The GSM revolution in the early 2000s was a notable exception and game-changer.

Foreign investment is not just a quest for profits for investors, which is first and foremost what it seeks. It also is a barometer of external market confidence in how a country which has investment potential is managed. We must understand that “the economy” is not some stand-alone item we can separate from every other aspect of how we manage our affairs as a people and as a country. Issues of security, corruption, the courts and the rule of law, who we appoint to certain sensitive positions, all matter. So do how our public institutions are run – their strength, independence, and their effectiveness in achieving their mandates. It is the sum total of these things, together with real, knowledge-based economic management and purposeful political leadership, that determine both investor perception and how the economy performs.

Foreign direct investment (FDI) – “bricks and mortar” or equity investments in business enterprises in one country with capital from another – can create jobs. But this is more the case in some sectors such as agriculture and manufacturing, than in others such as the purely extractive plays in natural resources that have historically formed the bulk of FDI in African countries. Foreign portfolio investment (FPI) – passive investments in financial asset classes such as bonds and equities in the stock market – can help maintain or improve foreign exchange supply for a country such as Nigeria with an undeveloped value-added export economy and a dependence on a natural resource for foreign exchange inflows. This has created a problem for the value of the Naira and is a major reason foreign multinationals are exiting.

Countries with serious economic management have varying attitudes to foreign investment, depending on their overall economic development and transformation strategy. India is a rising economic power, but it is highly suspicious of foreign investment and is less welcoming of it. India is more interested in outward FDI in which its companies invest abroad, than in inward foreign investment in which it is the host of FDI. China takes a similar approach of care in receiving FDI, but has generally been far more open to it than India.

In Nigeria, our political leaders have spent billions on foreign travel chasing increasingly elusive foreign investors.   More work and valuable time at home creating the conditions that will attract such investors would have been a more productive investment. But the frequently misplaced efforts have been stymied by our macroeconomic distress, insecurity, and corruption. Weak physical infrastructure, capricious legal systems, absence of skilled manpower (made even worse by the seemingly endless “japa” wave of emigration), policy inconsistency (investors seek predictability), are a major challenge. The absence of adequate electricity is a foundational disincentive.  Rising poverty rates have also dulled the previous attraction of our 200 million population, as the middle class is under threat of extinction and people have less disposable incomes.

Beyond our present problems, and returning to the standpoint of economic strategy which ought to guide our future outlook, lies the question: How much does FDI/FPI really matter? Does FDI cause economic growth and development? Can investment inflows from abroad play a fundamental role in economic transformation? The answer is: “It depends”. There is a widely held belief that FDI is essential for development. It certainly can play an important role, but only if some conditions are met. FDI facilitated the economic transformation of China and Singapore. But these two countries did not blithely assume that FDI would work a miracle for them, the way we tend to in Nigeria. They approached incoming FDI from the standpoint of strategy. They kept a firm grip on the evolution of their economies and calibrated their FDI strategies to shifts in their domestic conditions such as cheapness of labor and the availability of skilled labor.

But there is evidence that FDI does not automatically trigger productivity. It can complement, but not substitute, LOCAL factors that are essential for development. We need to understand three important things about foreign investment. The first is that the real importance of foreign investment depends on the receiving country’s prior level of development. The economic growth impact of FDI is more in high-income developing countries than in low-income ones. In the latter, investments in secondary school education would matter more than FDI. Second, well-performing economies attract more investment than weak economies, which often experience capital flight.. Growth therefore drives FDI, rather than FDI driving growth. Third, the assumed technology-transfer benefits of foreign investment only happen when the investment is made in countries in which research and development (R & D) is a practical priority. We cannot honestly argue that this is the case in Nigeria. But it is in South Africa. In China, investment in R & D increased by 20% annually between 1999 and 2011, to more than $100 billion.

Foreign direct investment can concretely help lift a country’s economy if it is targeted at the real economy. But two most important factors must be present. These are (a) the presence of a skilled labor force and (b) infrastructure, in particular electric power, efficient seaports, and rail infrastructure. Nigeria is clearly deficient in the former, which brings back the conundrum of an education system that does not position the country for real productivity. A focus on the latter without the former cannot be transformational because there isn’t the required level of human capital to take advantage of the infrastructure projects for real wealth creation. This has been a fundamental error of economic thinking in Nigeria. The first and most fundamental condition of economic transformation is human capital. HCI (Human Capital Index) measures the contributions of health and education to worker productivity. Nigeria has one of the lowest human capital indexes in the world, ranked at 164 out of 169 countries by the World Bank in 2020. Singapore ranked at number one. Borrowing to build roads and rail in a country with nearly 20 million school-age children out of school is to put the cart before the horse. China’s first massive investments in the 1950s, 60s and 70s were in building skilled human capital.  In order words, Singapore and China built the essential foundation before FDI could be of any real help.
Seen from this perspective, we need to return to the drawing board. Rather than a misplaced  belief in the transformative power of FDI on its own, we should focus predominantly on two things – our own local investments, combined with types of FDI, that can help address our problems of weak human capital (e.g. technical/vocational, technological, and health-services education, and building adequate energy infrastructure. This is why you will see companies like Boeing in Egypt, but not in Nigeria.

We must have a real national strategy for FDI, as well as sub-national strategies that key into national priorities in a well coordinated manner. One of the most important priorities we must pursue is the diversification of Nigeria’s seaports. Nigeria’s Southeast region, which is a major trading and industrial hub, needs at least one major seaport. This will massively boost Nigeria’s economy. We need to align FDI with a transformational paradigm shift towards competitive advantage – the ability to source raw materials from anywhere, manufacture value-added products for domestic and export markets at competitive costs, as well as information and communication technologies and a diversification from extractive industries. Investors must be offered strong protections, and we must prioritize governance and institutions. I know from personal experience that investor confidence in the independence and strength of the Central Bank of Nigeria between 2009 and mid-2014 drove high levels of FDI and FPI towards Nigeria at the time.

Finally, we must adopt a national interest stance in engaging with FDI. Nigerian leaders often pursue foreign investment as if investors are doing us a favor. This is a sure recipe for a weak negotiating hand and a failure to identify, and protect, our own national interest. Capital seeks to expand and grow. Providing investors the opportunity to pursue that fundamental  interest must be on the condition that it advances another – the national interest of the FDI host country. Local populations must benefit from job creation, rather than investments serving the rent-seeking interests of political cabals. And investment, domestic or foreign, must be environmentally sustainable. Just ask the impoverished people in Niger Delta’s toxic wastelands of oil spills how much they have benefitted from the “foreign investment” in the region by the oil majors.

In this context, the extraction of solid minerals in Nigeria is the next frontier. The Federal Government’s new policy stance that investments in solid mineral extraction must have -value-addition components is a step in the right direction. But we must first see that happen in real life in a country in which its security apparatus appears unable to stop illegal mining of minerals in various places. To that policy should also be added a requirement for investors to establish technical training institutes for local youth who should eventually be employed in such industries.

*Prof. Moghalu, a former deputy governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, is the CEO of the consulting firm Sogato Strategies LLC and Chairman of the Africa Private Sector Summit.

It has turned out so far, to be the only centenary conference marking the passage of Vladimir Lenin, the first person to lead a socialist revolution. The other activity was in Moscow where flowers were laid in his mausoleum.

In Abuja, Nigeria, over 300 of us from Nigeria, United States, Cuba, Ghana, South Africa, Venezuela, Palestine, Russia and United Kingdom met physically for two days from January 22-23, 2024 to mark the January 21, 1924 exit of Lenin. We were joined virtually by people from various countries, especially in Europe.

 

As the Chair of the Conference Coordinating Committee, I said the main issue is the examination of Lenin’s ideas, especially within the context of current global challenges, and how they can help extricate humanity from crises.

 

Conference Chairperson, Professor Warisu Alli, a political scientist and international relations expert, said apart from its international dimensions, the conference offers Nigerians an opportunity to review the state of the country, especially its high levels of unemployment, increasing poverty, frightening insecurity, as well as to chart the way forward.

Professor Nuhu Yaqub, former Vice Chancellor of the University of Abuja, and Sokoto State University, said Lenin was able to mobilise and lead the workers; so what we need is leadership of that calibre that can bring about progressive change.

Cuban Ambassador, Miriam Morales Palmero, emphasized the socialist character of the Cuban Revolution, adding that Cubans are convinced that socialism is “the only possible solution to the serious problems facing humanity…”

Russian Embassy Councellor, Andrey Savushkin, said the ideals of Lenin are still alive in the hearts of Russians a century after his passage.

Palestinian Ambassador, Abdullah Abu Shawesh, argued that the issue in the Palestine is not Israelis versus Palestinians, or about religion. Rather, it is the aim of imperialists to exploit and dominate people. He added that the region should be safe for everyone with justice and freedom for all. The audience rose in solidarity with the Palestinian people.

The representative of the Socialist Movement of Ghana, Yaw Appiah-Kubi, asserted that Lenin showed humanity that the world is not given and can be recreated for all, irrespective of race, ethnicity and other divides.

The International Communist League representative, Raymond Bishop, who flew in from the United States said the League does not see how any meaningful discussion on human development can hold without tapping into the ideas of Lenin. He added that key problems in the universe, including the underdevelopment of Africa and Latin America, can be defeated with proper programming.

President, Nigeria Labour Congress, NLC, Joe Ajaero, said Leninism encourages workers to transcend their immediate economic concerns and recognise their broader class interests, which involves the masses taking control of their country. He added that the new Minimum Wage, to be negotiated, should not be seen solely as the business of the NLC and the Trade Union Congress of Nigeria, TUC, but rather, as a collective struggle in which all should join.

The presidential candidate of the African Action Congress, Omoyele Sowore, recalled that when in 2018 his party proposed a National Minimum Wage of N100,000, a workers’ party made fun of his party, claiming that it would cause inflation. He argued that it is not wages that will cause inflation but rather the system being run.

Ene Obi, former Country Representative of ActionAid Nigeria, noted that many of the poor who have gained admission into tertiary institutions have been unable to register as students due to high school fees. She pointed out that if the Nigerian state invests in human capital, it will not be doing anybody a favour, but would instead be addressing the problems of human capital and the economy.

The President of the Academic Staff Union of Universities, ASUU, Professor Emmanuel Osodeke, posited that the unprecedented looting in the country has become so endemic that it demands peoples’ intervention. Represented by Professor Adelaja Odukoya, Dean, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Lagos, the ASUU President added that the crises in Nigerian require that the working people, in line with Lenin’s ideas, go beyond theory to the level of praxis.

Twenty six papers were presented and discussed at the conference. Former Deputy Permanent Representative of Nigeria to the United Nations, Ambassador Usman Sarki, made a presentation on “The Philosophical Foundations of Lenin’s Foreign Policy and its influence on State Relations”. He noted that, with the severe and unprecedented sanctions against Russia, the country is employing the same strategies Lenin adopted after the October 1917 Revolution when it was under siege by imperialist countries. The strategies, he added, include appealing for solidarity from non-Western countries and building closer relations with African, Arab, Latin American and Asian nations. These paid off handsomely.

 

Papers by the elderly radicals in the country include “Back to Lenin: A Political Introduction” by mathematician and journalist, Dr Edwin Madunagu. Professor Abubakar Mohammed Sokoto spoke on the “The Relevance of Marxist Theory in the Teaching of Sociology in Academic Institutions.” Jonathan Ihonde, who 61 years ago created the long running satirical drama series, ‘Hotel De Jordan’, wrote on “Maxify Lenin In Our Clime.”

On the other hand, the papers by the young generation included: “The Dialectics of Terrorism: Exploring the October 20, 2020 Lekki Toll Gate Massacre from a Marxist Lens” by Olusegun Michael Ogundele; and “Students, Youths and the Struggle for Total Liberation” by Juwon Sanyaolu, one of the leaders of the EndSARS (Anti-Police brutality) Movement.

South African Lawrence Mmoiloi spoke on: “The Breakdown of US Hegemony and the Struggle for Workers Power.” His comrade, Jesse Altman, presented a paper on “South Africa: In Defence of a Permanent Revolution.” Dew Povey of the Socialist Labour, United Kingdom, spoke on: “Lenin Supported Strikes as Seeds of Working Class Self-Emancipation.”

Two ladies, Comrades Ene Obi and Hauwa Mustapha, the Chairperson of the Closing Session, carried out ‘a revolutionary coup’ at the conference when they organised a surprise birthday for former ASUU President, Dr Dipo Fashina, who on January, 23, 2024, turned 76. Fashina, a philosophy lecturer delivered a paper on: “The Growth and Development of Leninism.” In it, he examined the centrality of Africa in Lenin’s theory of imperialism; his impact on African socialism; and espousal on students, youths and trade unions in revolution.

The conference was a beautiful mixture of the old and young, women and men, academics and non-academics, political theorists and political activists. Notably were students, mainly from the Bingham University, Keffi, who displayed a thirst for knowledge, raised critical questions, and demonstrated a grasp for issues.

 

Fittingly for a Lenin programme, it was a conference populated by people who are not afraid of ideas, are willing to discuss and are ready to go wherever ideas lead.

The tectonic plates of international relations were not just trembling in January 2024; they had been grumbling for months. The tremors first became apparent on the floor of the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) in December 2023. Ryan Shaban, in the January 2024 Eurasia Strategy Insights report, described the scene of the first UNGA emergency session held in 26 years, where a resolution demanding an "immediate humanitarian ceasefire" in Gaza exposed a starkly fractured world. 153 out of the UN's 193 member states voted in favour of the resolution -- highlighting a shift in the global power dynamic. The United States, for the first time in recent memory -- which voted alongside 9 other countries that opposed the resolution -- seemed to be on the outside looking in; its grip on the international political order loosening. This undercurrent of multipolarity, which has now bubbled into January 2024, has promised to reshape the international stage in unpredictable ways this year.

For those of us here in Nigeria, the tremors in December should have been a reminder that in the global order, alliances are fluid and interests diverse. 

This is why, with the North-South divide at Davos, the newly expanded BRICS+ flexing their muscles globally, the US-China diplomatic dance in Africa, and the lessons of African excellence from the ongoing African Cup of Nations — the message has become clear: the old world order has changed — and Nigeria must be intentional and strategic if it wants to play a prominent role in the new global order.

Here are three geopolitical trends that Nigerians should pay attention to on the international stage in 2024.

NORTH VS SOUTH, DAVOS VS KAMPALA

The World Economic Forum in Davos brought together leaders from the established powers of the global North to discuss pressing international issues like climate change, economic inequality, and technological disruption. At the same time, the Non-Aligned Movement summit in Uganda gathered representatives from about 120 nations — many of which are developing countries that belong to the global South — to advocate for their interests and priorities on the international agenda.

These contrasting events underscored the evolving landscape of international relations. The global South, once largely on the periphery of the global order, is now playing an increasingly assertive role. Developing countries are becoming more vocal about matters that affect their national interests — and collaborating to advance these shared interests.

The juxtaposition of the cold, wintry forum at Davos, and the warm, sunny summit in Kampala also highlighted the key areas of divergence between the interests of the global North and the global South. Going into 2024, the North is focusing on cold hard issues like economic growth, the proliferation of artificial intelligence and the free market system. On the other hand, the South is prioritising optimistic objectives like sustainable development, poverty reduction, and access to resources. These differences in priorities may lead to increased tensions this year— or, they can serve as launchpads for collaboration on the international stage.

As the world continues to evolve rapidly, it is important to bridge the divide between the global North and South. Developed and developing countries need to find ways to communicate and cooperate on common challenges in order to build a more inclusive and equitable international order.

This is why, at the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, Nigeria's calls for a democratisation of the international order could not have come at a more appropriate time. While speaking on a panel titled "Securing an Insecure World," our Minister for Foreign Affairs, Ambassador Yusuf Tuggar, argued that the current structure of the United Nations Security Council, with its permanent members and veto powers, is outdated and hinders effective decision-making on critical issues that affect the global South.

Responding to a question on what the global North must do to accommodate the interests of the global South, the Foreign Minister criticised the veto power held by the five permanent members, which he described as undemocratic — stating that these powers prevent the passage of resolutions on pressing conflicts. He also called for a number of reforms, including the creation of new permanent seats for countries like Nigeria — which would better reflect the realities of the 21st century.

Now, Nigeria must see how it can work within the established international framework to lead this democratisation process —understanding that this change will not be served à la carte and that the only thing that remains constant on the international stage is that every country, even our allies, are self-interested.

BLINKEN, CHINA, AND BRICS+

In another major trend, geopolitical analysts are also closely monitoring the growing influence of China and BRICS+ nations on global affairs. To put this into perspective, according to the Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU), with a projected 43% of global oil production under their belts, BRICS+ nations are poised to challenge the West's dominance in the financial sphere through the creation of a new institutional development bank and their de-dollarisation agenda. This move could potentially reshape the global financial landscape and offer alternative financing options for developing countries.

China, specifically, with its expanding influence in the global South, will also have a major impact on the future of international relations. For instance, following the Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi’s recent visits this month to Egypt, Tunisia, Togo, and Ivory Coast—in response, the United States Secretary of State, Antony Blinken, announced a four-state visit to Cape Verde, Ivory Coast, Angola, and Nigeria.

For both superpowers, their visits to Africa were strategically motivated. China was sending a signal regarding the future trajectory of Africa-China collaboration. While the United State’s visit was aimed at securing and strengthening its already existing partnerships across the continent.

For us here in Nigeria, we must see the visit of both Wang Yi and Blinken to Africa as a reminder that the global superpowers have growing or declining strategic interests on the continent. Hence, we must evaluate our strategic alliances on a case-by-case and issue-by-issue basis. As the foremost political, economic, and military force in the West African subregion, if we want to maintain our strategic relevance, every decision that we take must adhere to our longstanding commitment to multilateralism and non-alignment.

Moving forward, our foreign policy must be primed to monitor the growing influence of BRICS+ on the global financial system, in order to take early advantage of any benefits that might arise from such a system. As we do this, we must also maintain a strong relationship with the West that prioritises our development objectives and overall national economic and security interests.

AFCON AND SOFT POWER

The ongoing Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON) organised by the Confederation of African Football (CAF) in Ivory Coast serves as a powerful reminder that the world will pay for and pay attention to well-organised African entertainment, and will tune in to watch African excellence. With a staggering 6000 media accreditation applications – over 100% more than the 2022 Cameroon edition – the tournament has captivated global interest. This surge is further fuelled by a significant increase in financial backing from broadcasters across continents, promising a substantial viewership boost for this AFCON. This translates not just to amplified broadcasting revenue for CAF, but also to a crucial boost for football development across Africa.

Nigeria must see this AFCON’s success as a story of African excellence translated globally through entertainment. This is why we must look beyond the traditional avenues like security, economics, and diplomacy to exert our international influence. We already have an organic international reputation as a global superpower in the entertainment sector; it is time for us to turn this reputation into an actual National Softpower Strategy. 

Such a strategy should be driven by the global reach of Nigerian music and Nollywood. It should also focus on crafting a new and compelling international brand for Nigeria that amplifies our strengths, confronts our negative stereotypes, and opens new doors for beneficial international partnerships. It would be non-traditional diplomacy, but with the way the world is fast-evolving beyond non-traditional ways of doing things, a national ‘dancing diplomacy’ strategy — aka a Softpower Strategy — may not be such a bad idea.

 

First published in Daily Trust and Guardian newspapers on Thursday, January 25th,2024: https://dailytrust.com/from-superpower-to-soft-power-nigerias-diplomatic-dance-in-2024/ and https://guardian.ng/opinion/from-superpowers-to-soft-power-nigerias-diplomatic-dance-in-2024/

 

Kidnappers are no longer on the prowl. They are now on a rampage. They have run riot, running rings around hapless Nigerians. The impunity with which they go about it means they know that the coast is clear for them to go about their criminal activity without fearing that there will be consequences. Once there is no chance of punishment, there is no deterrent. As it is said, where there is no law, there is no sin. It is more or less the same thing - or even worse - where there is law but the law is trampled by everyone without consequence.

In Nigeria, those who trample the law the most are those who made the law and those charged with enforcing the law. Once other criminally-minded people know this, all they need to do is compromise these sets of Nigerians by coming under their wings. So, thugs, area boys and other sundry criminals come under the wings of politicians and are assured of protection. Those who engage in financial crimes have informants and insiders in the financial institutions that give them privileged information. The whole of Nigeria has become a crime scene. Nigeria as a going concern is a criminal enterprise. You no longer know who to turn to for succor.

I listened to an interviewee who listed all those who benefit from the rising wave of crime in the country. Government officials benefit because it gives them justification to allocate huge resources that should have gone into other productive sectors into the so-called war against insecurity. No war is fought, though, and money so allocated is diverted into private pockets. We saw an example of that in the arms bazaar that took place under former President Goodluck Jonathan. Money voted for arms to fight Boko Haram was shared to politicians to fund election campaigns and such other unrelated matters.

Governors benefit from insurgency because it gives them an alibi to further raise their humongous security votes which secure nothing. Many of them draw this money on a monthly basis and go to the real estate market buying properties on a binge. Nothing is secured and no one is secure in their state. Security votes are unaccounted for; they are not audited; why this is so, I do not know. It could be because of the cloak of secrecy that is woven around security matters. But I think it is time we rend the veil and make everything open. Afterall, we cannot be left unsecured and still lose our money under the guise of security votes.

Legislators, those that some people have chosen to call legis-looters, also benefit from this racket. They seldom pass anyone's budget unless their palms have been greased. In every budget, they have items they hide here and there that they come for after the budget is passed and money is released. Oversight function is another avenue through which lawmakers hold government officials to ransom. Like I said, it is a racket. One thief steals; another surfaces to demand his own share of the loot. They work hand-in-gloves. They operate in cahoots.

Those charged with the risky task of carrying guns and confronting the criminals also have criminals in their ranks. We can safely expect that criminals will find their way into the fighting forces. For one, that is the safest place to be as a criminal. Who will ever suspect or stop a man in uniforms for stop-and-search? They also can work as informants. They can loan out their uniforms to criminals for a fee. Their guns and ammunition also. They can turn their guns on the State that employed them and pledge their loyalty to their partners in crime.

Now, who pays more: the government or the masters of the crime world? I am sure you know salaries are peanuts here. Take-home pay takes no one home in Nigeria. You have to find ways to augment the peanuts you receive as salaries. Most times they do not even come as when due. Most times you are owed a backlog of salaries and other benefits. And you have mouths to feed. You have responsibilities you cannot shirk.

In the middle of this, you see the opulence of the rich flaunted in your face on a daily basis. You see them take good care of themselves while they neglect you. Besides, you know they, too, are criminals of the worst order. They steal billions with a stroke of pen. If all the ransom money collected by kidnappers since 1999 is put together, it will still be mere trifle compared to the billions that one Accountant-General of the Federation stole. And the man was seen the other time playing monkey games with the court. Is it that the authorities did not know the antics of this man? Of course, they do but they are members of the same clan!

I do not support kidnapping and kidnappers. I am against the booming business of kidnapping for the purpose of collecting ransoms. In fact. I am against all forms of kidnapping and all manner of criminality. But, where do we start? We must start by checking the criminality of the ruling class. It is their own criminality that gave rise to the other criminality that now threatens to sink all of us. It is their own criminality that is not allowing them to see clearly and act appropriately to deal with the criminality of the rank and file.

Virtually everyone is sucked into the ongoing criminality that has made Nigeria an unsafe place day and night. The cities are not safe, even up to Abuja, the seat of power. Homes are not safe. No longer is the home a man’s fortress as the scripture says. The roads and highways are not safe. Schools are not safe. Even military facilities are not safe. Criminality has become big business and more and more people are trooping into it. After politics and corruption, criminality is next in the order of the “businesses” that yield the highest return on investment.

Let me share a post I read a while ago and then close: “Why do kidnappers succeed in collecting ransom from their victims? Based on my job, I learnt something special this week from security agents in Mali that we went on a rescue mission together. I don't know if the Nigerian security agencies are in collaboration with kidnappers to take ransom and share together; if not, no kidnapper can succeed in taking any ransom where security formation is effective. The story is that, I received a message from Nigeria concerning a 16-year-old girl that was trafficked to Mali for sex trade. This victim called her parents about the situation and they passed the message to me from a government agency for an urgent rescue. When I called the number that the victim used to call her parents and I asked the traffickers to send the victim to me so that she can go back to Nigeria, they refused. Later, they removed the line from their phone; now the number is out of use. I informed a security agent about the situation...

“Now, the number I used to contact the traffickers is no longer in use. I don't know the name of the village the victim is. I sent the number that they had removed to the security agent. After two hours, they notified me the name of the village and the current new number the traffickers were using. We went on a mission without calling the new number. We arrived at the village at midnight because it was about a 15-hour journey. The second day, Information reached us about the exact location the phone number was last used before they switched off the phone. After an hour, information came again that the person was having an appointment with somebody at 11:00am. We hung around the place. When the person came around, there was a vibration from one of the security gadgets for us to know the person coming with the number. We monitored her entry to the house. We were able to rescue the victim. No call. Nothing.

“So, ransom collection in Nigeria could be between the kidnappers and security agencies. If not, no Nigerian should pay ransom to any kidnapper if really our policemen have the necessary security gadgets. This is just a trafficking issue; not that some criminals will hide somewhere and be calling people twice to pay a ransom. You cannot call three times before being caught in Mali”.

This happened in small Mali but we are the giant of Africa. Mali is poor but we are rich. The difference between us and Mali is the kind of leaders we have had.

I also read a report in a national newspaper of repute accusing commercial banks of encouraging the kidnapping epidemic in the country as, wait for it, “some ransoms are paid into bank accounts!” Are you kidding me? Nigeria, we hail thee!

The report was treated like a footnote in the main press, but social media and online news platforms gave it a wider play. It’s the story of the launch of a nomadic vigilante service by Miyetti Allah, a group of herders turned political pressure group, comprising mostly Fulani.

The national president, Bello Bodejo, said in Lafia, Nasarawa State, where the launch took place, that the vigilante service, which had already recruited 1,144 Fulani youths, would assist security agencies in the state to combat criminal activities.

Four years ago, the Nnamdi Kanu-led separatist group, IPOB, made similar doubtful claims when the group set up the Eastern Security Network (ESN), for the South-east states. But federal security agencies crushed it. Yet, in a move that seemed to suggest that one vigilante group is greater than the other, the Nasarawa State Police Commissioner was a special guest at the Miyetti Allah vigilante service launch last week.

There was a report on Wednesday that Bodejo had been arrested by the DSS, but the DSS has since denied. While no one is sure of the whereabouts of Bodejo, he appears to have launched a vigilante service that, regardless of the pretence of confusion surrounding it, bears the mark of official approval.

It would be a mistake, however, to think that this once mostly feared and despised association of herdsmen and the police are in bed after only one evening of flirting. Of course, Miyetti Allah may have been motivated more by group self-interest, relevance and survival. But the dalliance with the police, the indifference of the main press, and the muted public response, are not an accident.

Epidemic of desperation

They are a reflection of the despair and desperation over the growing insecurity in the country, especially its latest franchise in form of widespread kidnappings, even in places once thought to be safe havens.

As a result of multiple internal security challenges from banditry and insurgencies in the North-east, North-west and North-central, the unrest and violence by separatist groups in the South-east, not to mention pipeline vandalism in the South-south, the police have almost been reduced to Boys Scouts, while the military is doing more for less.

A recent report by The Economist, citing ACLED, a global monitor of conflict, said more than 3,600 people were kidnapped in 2023, with the sharpest rise in May – the most ever – while almost about 9,000 Nigerians were killed in conflict last year.

In a horror story that spooked memories of the Chibok girls, the family of Mansoor Al-Kadriyar was attacked in their home in Bwari, Abuja on January 2, and six of the girls were abducted. The eldest was killed and the other five released after 19 days in captivity and N55million reportedly paid in ransom.

It’s in light of this widespread misery and what appears to be a general state of helplessness that Miyetti Allah, a symbol of Fulani hegemony, launched its nomadic vigilante service in a region fraught with a variety of deadly clashes, the latest of which has been the murderous rampage of ethnic violence in Plateau State that has, so far, claimed nearly 200 lives in less than two months.  

Ostrich game

Thanks to elite hypocrisy, after years of playing the ostrich, we are back where we started: a realisation that the current policing model is not working. With broken noses, bleeding hearts, and a variety of poor imitations, we’re dragging ourselves back to the very thing that we have always tried to run away from: state police. State police is not a silver bullet, of course. But in the last 25 years, we have seen improvisations that have barely dented the monster.

The Oodua People’s Congress (OPC), for example, founded by Fredrick Faseun and Gani Adams was a citizen vigilante-led attempt to curb insecurity in the South-west. It’s still active in many parts of the region. But former President Olusegun Obasanjo with those close to him who feared it was a South-west agenda towards state police, kept OPC in check, often deploying an iron fist.

In a watered-down attempt to devolve more policing powers from the centre, we’ve seen attempts by the Federal Government at so-called community policing end up with greater Federal control, with the notorious pay-as-you-go police protection being enjoyed by the rich, especially politicians, who can afford them. It was only when the farmer-herder clashes threatened to ruin some states in the South-west that governors in the region, led by late Rotimi Akeredolu, rallied to form Amotekun.

The South-east followed this lead with Ebubeagu, and a number of states in the North-west, especially, also set up their own vigilante services. In August 2022, then Benue State Governor, Samuel Ortom, launched the Community Volunteer Guard.

In spite of states drifting towards it, in spite of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) including state police in its manifesto, and in spite of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu being one of the most notable champions of it, the idea is still something of anathema.

Constitutional Conference report

Ten years ago, state police was one of the most hotly debated issues at the Goodluck Jonathan-brokered National Conference, a conference whose report, unlike those of a number in the past, has proved quite durable.

A summary of the 2014 conference report presented at the Second Chris Ogunbanjo Lecture Series in 2017 by a member of the conference and Chairman Emeritus of PUNCH, Chief Ajibola Ogunshola, said, “Any state that requires it, can establish a State Police for that state, which should operate in accordance with the provisions of the law setting it up, to be passed by the State House of Assembly.

“Its powers or functions will be determined by such legislation and should not be in conflict with the duties and powers of the Federal Police.”

The conference also made suggestions about changes in nomenclature and structure of the police and also in the relevant sections of the constitution. Of course, nothing significant has been done since, which is not a surprise. Former President Muhammadu Buhari whose lot it was to get it off the ground, told me during an interview nearly two years after he took office that he had not read the report and was not interested.

If Buhari preferred treading the beaten path, Tinubu cannot pretend that we can continue the same way, or that he is unfamiliar with the merits of state police.

There’s a familiar trope against it, and I have heard it over and over again: that state police in the hands of the states would be used by governors against their opponents. That’s a genuine concern, especially in a country where governors behave as if the states were their fiefdoms. But isn’t it warped to argue that it’s OK for the Federal Government to use the Federal police against its own opponents in the centre and in the states while we’re all held hostage by the fear that the states would abuse it?

Bull by the horns

In the case of Miyetti Allah’s nomadic service, which potentially is worse for regulation than Amotekun which is at least under the control of the states, whose weapon would the vigilante be? The Federal Government’s, the states’ or the battering ram of an unrepentant ethnic militia called Miyetti Allah?

Ethnic militias are festering because the elite, especially members of the National Assembly, that are supposed to take the bull by the horns have refused to do what they should do to emplace structure and regulation by amending the constitution to allow the states play a more active role in policing.

Tinubu cannot afford to allow the drift to continue. He cannot manage the country’s security the same way that Buhari did for eight years and expect a different result.

 Azu Ishiekwene is the Editor-In-Chief of LEADERSHIP. 

 

In the 2023 elections, Senator Akpan (widely known by his initials as ‘OBA’) polled 132,262 votes, while the APC, whose candidate, Akan Udofia, was removed from the ballot by court order, scored 127,602. Pastor Umo Eno won the elections with 350, 348 votes. OBA is therefore coming into APC to begin early preparations for the 2027 elections, notwithstanding that the Supreme Court is yet to decide on the appeal against his criminal conviction by the Federal High Court in Uyo. His future political fortunes depend on the judgement of the Supreme Court. But his defection into APC signifies his seriousness and deep passion to occupy the governorship seat. There are, however, some undercurrents that continue to affect the strength of the party.

In the first place, that the defection event took place in the palatial country home of Senator Godswill Akpabio in Ikot Ekpene Senatorial District, and not in Uyo, has rankled many leaders from Uyo senatorial district who have all along been smarting from non-recognition by President Bola Tinubu since he assumed office.

In politics, symbolism could be more important than substance. Of all the important 10 political appointments made by the President to the people of Akwa Ibom State, none is from Uyo Senatorial District. The district is not only the most populous of the three districts, it is also home to Ibibio ethnic stock, the largest ethnic bloc in Akwa Ibom. A few weeks ago, some Ibibio leaders have drawn the President’s attention to this egregious act of discrimination. At its general meeting early this year, Ekid Peoples Union said:  “we note with dissatisfaction the non-appointment of indigenes of Ibibio which make up 5.2 million of Akwa Ibom’s 7.7 million people by the Federal Government so far’’. EPU described the lopsided appointments as “very sad’’ and urge the President to reverse it.

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Apparently aware of the disaffection of a cross-section of Akwa Ibom people in general and APC members in the state in particular, Senator Akpabio attended the meeting of Uyo senatorial district stakeholders’ meeting last Thursday. It was at this meeting that Akpabio promised that he would facilitate appointments of Uyo persons into some federal agencies. He then made a curious statement that the reason he did not campaign for the APC governorship candidate in the last election in some parts of the state, especially the nine LGAs of Uyo senatorial district was because he was not invited to participate in the campaigns. It was quite a strange statement because the candidate himself, Akanimo Udofia, had earlier joined Akpabio to campaign for his senatorial election. Senator Akpabio’s absence from the governorship campaigns of his party had caused quite a concern among APC members last year; and so, when he gave the reason that he was not invited to join in the campaigns, not a few were taken aback. How could that be when the director general of the campaign was his commissioner for works for eight years?

Eventually, Senator Akpabio’s donation of 50 bags of rice; nine cows and N10 million to the people at the meeting might have helped to appease the rank and file of the party.

Another source of anxiety at the Thursday meeting was the absence of key party members stayed from the meeting. Former Minister Umana Okon Umana; the party’s governorship candidate in the 2023 elections, Akanimo Udofia; businessman Chief Sunny Jackson Udoh; Mr. Sunday Okon Anyang, a Federal Commissioner at RMAFC and Engr. Maurice Ebong, a businessman were among prominent leaders who did not attend the meeting. Even Dr. Ita Enang, the Zonal Secretary of the party did not attend because ‘’I got the notice of the meeting while I was out of town’’.

‘’The morale of our members, especially those from Uyo senatorial district, is very low. We have been humiliated, weakened and embarrassed by the selfish actions of certain persons. We shall make our case known to the party in Abuja and as a last resort, we may consider pulling out of the party’’, said a party chieftain who has played important roles in building the party since 2015. It is a strange political development that those who fled from PDP to APC in 2015 due to some actions of Akpabio who was then governor, are now contemplating fleeing from APC due to the actions of the same Akpabio.

But Hon. Kufre Etuk, a prominent APC member from Uyo senatorial district who was also a member of the House of Assembly, told this writer that since Senator Akpabio has promised to facilitate appointments of Uyo persons into boards of federal agencies, it is important for members to wait and see how well the promise would be kept. “I think we should show some restraints and wait and see the quality of appointments that come to Uyo,’’ he said.

Another cause of discomfiture among APC members was a statement made by Senator Bassey Albert Akpan at his defection ceremony Friday. His assertion that no Akwa Ibom governor, apart from Akpabio, has served the state well has resonated negatively with supporters of Obong Victor Attah who is widely revered in the state as Father of Modern Akwa Ibom State. ‘’It was the height of insensitivity and political stupor for him to have made such sweeping attacks against our former leaders’’, said Gabriel Udofia, an APC leader in Ibesipo-Asutan LGA, Obong Attah’s community.

Akpabio and Senator Bassey Albert Akpan have built quite an interesting relationship over the years. He was the commissioner of finance for almost all of Akpabio’s tenure. But after he resigned in 2014 to contest for governorship, the governor forced him to withdraw his ambition and brought in Udom Emmanuel. Akpan was placated with a senate ticket on PDP platform. He spent eight years in the senate and last year, made another attempt to run for governor, this time on YPP, while Akpabio was running for senate on APC. Akpabio, ever wiser than the serpent, convinced OBA to get his YPP supporters to support him for senate on the condition that he would announce to APC members to vote YPP for governor. OBA kept his own side of the bargain, but it is not clear if APC members had voted OBA in return. With OBA moving into APC and getting set for 2027, Akwa Ibom people are waiting to see how OBA-GOA relationship will unfold in the years ahead.

It is not just that politicians are the most distrusted group of professionals in the world, being a politician in itself is a nightmare as it carries a stigma of being an unprincipled, corruptible double-dealer. And as if to justify this, their zero-sum struggle for power is often anchored on the belief that ‘the end justifies the means’ or as John Lylys puts it in his novel Euphus: The Anatomy of Wits, ‘All, is fair in love as in war’.

Ironically, we need politicians more than they need us. We owe our survival as organized society to their brinkmanship and skilful exploitation of our infirmities. In a world where it is the survival of the fittest, politicians are the only people who are capable of reconciling private affluence with public squalor. It is they alone that can make us dream dreams and convert such dreams to reality.

It is this paradoxical nature of politics that is responsible for the dearth of politician statesmen. Committed politicians dedicated to the service of humanity often face what many regard as ‘politician occupational hazards.’  Nearer home, Awolowo in an effort to create a more egalitarian society for his people and the rest of the country, was framed up and jailed for 10 years by those, who because they did not share his world view, accused him of trying ‘to topple her majesty’s government’ citing as evidence, entries in his diary to the effect that he dreamt he became the Prime Minister of Nigeria. Adekunle Ajasin, Bisi Onabanjo, Bola Ige and Prof. Ambrose Alli whose only earthly possession was an empty plot of land at death, were jailed for a total of 400 years for creatively raising funds from state contractors to prosecute free education, free health and setting up of universities in their different states. Bisi Akande, Ige’s deputy was jailed 44 years.

For standing up against his fellow politicians who wanted to loot the resources of Osun State, Governor Akande was rigged out of office as governor of Osun State in the fourth republic. Long after some of those who fraudulently took over power have been found to be men with feet of clay, Akande was described by Buhari, his former persecutor, as “a man of inflexible integrity”. 

If there is anyone who truly understands occupational hazards of committed politicians in Nigeria, Bisi Akande fits the bill. With Ambrose Alli going blind in Buhari’s gulag and his colleagues’ untimely deaths as a result of their inhuman treatment in detention, Pa Akande is in best position to raise an alarm about the danger of allowing fraudsters posing as anti-corruption crusaders take over power in the country.

 

It is from this context we must understand his last week’s timely warning about the danger that lies ahead with the prospect of take-over of power by those he described as “the new brand of vagabonds’, the drug barons, crude oil thieves,” who he claims “are among you; are richer than you; are calling you corrupt and hiding behind the cloak that they are not corrupt, but they are more corrupt and they will fight you.” For him the danger is real because “we are in a Nigeria now where everybody is struggling to be corrupt and the mind-set of everybody is corruption, and they don’t point the fingers to themselves; they are pointing it at you, politicians.”

Successive administrations in Nigeria according Chief Akande, have failed to defeat corruption due to the mind-set of Nigerians. According to him, “In a country where everybody is corrupt like Nigeria, The mind-set is corrupt. The man who wants prosperity by miracle is corrupt. You want to own a car, or house by miracle. Such a community can never be prosperous except of course “Nigerians have a change of mind-set and embrace the virtues of dedication and hard work”.

 

Akande has been around long enough to also understand Nigerian miracle seekers have short memories. He also knows how vulnerable we are as a people, especially with the advent of social media and some unprincipled main stream media who after changing all the rules of journalism, pretend to be driven by national interest.

Two events during the 2023 election exposed their hypocrisy. Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi were leading light of PDP, a party that raped the country for 16 years. Atiku Abubakar, as Obasanjo’s VP presided over the mismanaged privatization programme and was accordingly indicted by a National Assembly report. Peter Obi, who moved from PDP to Labour on the eve of the 2023 election was mentioned by the PANDORA Papers as one of the rich people in the world “who clandestinely set up businesses operated overseas, including in notorious tax and secrecy havens in ways that breached Nigerian laws” Curiously, the duo were presented as anti-corruption crusaders trying to save the nation from Bola Tinubu who had never held public office or engaged in federal government contract.

There was also the case of Godwin Emefiele who as sitting CBN governor, wanted to contest for the presidency of Nigeria on the platform of APC. He was ably promoted and supported by segment of the media. However as soon as his ambition was truncated by the judiciary, he donned the toga of an anti-corruption crusader. In October 2022, he embarked on a political redesign of N200, N100 and N1,000 bills. He ordered depositors to take their savings to the banks. He claimed his target were some presidential candidates and governors he accused of stashing funds to buy votes. His media promoters were less restrained. They made it clear the target was Bola Tinubu who they alleged shipped monies in bullion vans to his residence on the eve of Buhari’s 2019 contest against Atiku Abubakar.

 

It turned out that enough new notes were not printed. The result was that banks and bank staff were attacked by angry depositors who could not access their deposits when needed. A number of people died on the queues while trying to make withdrawal. Intervention by the Supreme Court declaring the old note legal tender was ignored by anti-corruption crusading Emefiele. Even as Nigerians groaned, he was egged on by the social media and his mainstream media sponsors.

Now out of office, the full report of the Special Investigator on Management of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), under anti-corruption crusading Emefiele, has revealed that the redesigned Naira is

 “illegal and should be withdrawn from circulation with immediate effect while Emefiele and his group should be made to face criminal charges for an aberration that led to the loss of lives of many Nigerians, the closure of businesses and joblessness.”

That “The sum of N1,727,500,000, according to the Obazee report “was also spent on questionable legal fees on 19 cases that are directly traceable to the Naira Redesign and reconfiguration agenda”;

 

That in the UK alone, the Special Investigator said his probe led him to 543.4 million pounds kept by Emefiele in fixed deposit accounts. The report claims Emefiele manipulated the Naira exchange rate and perpetrated fraud in the e-Naira project of the CBN.

The investigator also discovered a “fraudulent cash withdrawal of $6.23 million” – about N2.9 billion at the then official exchange rate of N461 to a dollar.

With the above revelations, Nigeria would have been doomed under Emefiele and his promoters. Having experienced first-hand, the betrayal of corrupt elements in borrowed anti-corruption cloak, I suspect Pa Akande is trying to remind us of the danger ahead if we allow ‘a brand of vagabonds, powerful drug barons, crude oil thieves who share the same worldview with Godwin Emefiele, the fake anti-corruption crusader, to take over power.

 
Last modified on Thursday, 25 January 2024 06:09

By now, you must have read the story of the Al-Kadriyar family. Their five daughters and a female relative were kidnapped for ransom on January 2, 2024, following a gun battle that left several policemen and a relative dead. During their harrowing three weeks in the kidnappers’ den, those girls would become the face(s) of the Nigerian kidnapping crisis. Reports of abductions have become so normative there is no telling where and how one can be picked. People are abducted in their homes as much as they are taken on the highway. It is hard to hide from an evil that has grown omnipresent.

From the news reports, there is no specific type of victim. Virtually anyone is vulnerable. The kidnappers do not seem to have prior information about those they pick up. They demand an unreasonable sum of money from families to test how far they are willing to demonstrate their love and then calibrate the ransom figures accordingly. If not for the trauma and potential of death involved, one could say it is a transaction that carries no malice in its intent. It is just random. Talk of the banality of evil!

Accounts of people being abducted for money have steadily grown in the past years, and the numbers are unrelenting. There is a high probability that a significant number of the cases are unreported. So commonplace have the incidents become that people now go to church for thanksgiving after the incidents. I was stunned to listen to testimonies in a church where the speaker talked about getting their loved ones back safely after paying a ransom. There was a time when testimonies of abductions used to feature fantastic accounts of miraculous interventions. Now abductions have become so routine they no longer test our creative faculties to produce a story of divine intervention that edifies as much as it entertains. We have entered a new normal.

The father of the abducted girls, Mansoor Al-Kadriyar, was initially kidnapped along with his children but later released to source for money. When the deadline they gave him to raise the huge amount demanded passed, the kidnappers killed one of the sisters, 21-year-old Nabeeha Al-Kadriyar, to stimulate a sense of urgency in the fundraising. Thankfully, the remaining five girls in the kidnappers’ den have now been released. Following their return home are the conflicting narratives of whether they were rescued through the efforts of security operatives or whether their family paid a ransom.

 

On Sunday, the Police Command in the Federal Capital Territory released a press statement claiming that, in concerted efforts with the troops of the Nigerian Army, they rescued those girls the previous night. They claimed they “accomplished” the “successful rescue…following the relentless advancement of the Federal Capital Territory Police Command’s Anti-Kidnapping squad…” The Al-Kadriyar family, however, disputes the police version of the rescue account. BBC News quoted the girls’ uncle, Sheriff Al-Kadriyar, saying the family picked up the girls after paying the ransom. He said, “There’s nothing like rescue on this matter, we paid ransom – even though I can’t disclose how much for security reasons.”

The difference between the accounts has implications beyond the police’s using an unfortunate incident to steal credit to redeem its image after being serially embarrassed by its inability to curtail Nigeria’s insecurity problems. Whether ransom is paid or not in high profile (or highly publicised) cases goes a long way in determining future incidents and the tensile strength of a society’s moral resolve. That is because kidnappers do not just want money. Like terrorists, they also want to shake a society’s moral foundations to create an atmosphere of fear that not only makes us vulnerable but also makes society even more conducive to their operations.

The kidnapping crisis has degenerated to the point that the question is no longer about whether to pay or not to pay but whether to admit it publicly. It does not even help that an existing law explicitly proscribes ransom payments. The penalty is a jail sentence of 15 years minimum. In the history of poorly conceived (and therefore unimplementable) laws in Nigeria, this one must be one of the top five. Even the lawmakers who passed the law would spurn it if they—or their loved ones—were ever to be taken hostage. Really, what were the sponsors of that bill thinking? That people whose children are taken would worry about a 15-year jail term, or that abductors would understand that the families of victims were incommoded by a section of the constitution that forbids paying ransom?

One cannot, of course, blame the families that admit they paid. To ask them to redact the truth and let the police take the credit is also to demand they absorb more trauma. They would be bearing the weight of the lie in addition to everything they have been through. Equally important is that people who crowdfund for ransom cannot allow the police to get away with a story of ransom-less rescue because they must be accountable to the public that opened their hearts as well as their wallets.

Yet, one cannot dismiss the implications of admitting ransom payment. Somewhere right now, a bunch of criminally-minded people have been inspired by the Al-Kadriyar episode. Knowing that the public can even be moved to contribute toward a ransom means, every potential abductor will be hoping for a story that will go viral. Every life is of course important, but those kidnappers also know that people are more likely to respond to a type of victim quicker than others. In this case, society must be entirely desensitised not to be outraged by the abduction of six children. They use that sentiment to taunt us to prove our humanity by donating money. Even if it feels wrong to us that we are being wound up to join the abductors in putting a monetary value on human life, we still cannot look away. We cannot negate our own humanity; we must donate. Viscerally or vicariously, we all thus become victims.

Whether ransom is paid or not has crucial significance for society at large. Knowing that previous incidents ended with ransom payment emboldens kidnappers while also whittling society’s faith in the police’s ability to protect. Once a case becomes a national (or international) sensation, the kidnappers know they have the upper hand, and the stakes go up. Some people have suggested that public fundraising efforts should be downplayed so as not to play into the hands of the abductors, but how does one get people to donate money if the case is not sensationalised? How do you stampede government and security agents into taking urgent action if the case does not dominate the news cycle?

There are no simple solutions to the situation, but we are also not helpless tools in the hands of abductors. If there is any lesson the Chibok girls’ case taught us, it is the importance of discretion in how kidnapping is reported. The moment the United States First Lady Michelle Obama raised the “Bring Back our Girls,” placard on social media, it changed the game forever. Her action was in good faith but the global attention and the media campaign that followed practically legitimated the existence of Boko Haram (the abductors).

Going forward, the police and families of abductors should work together to craft a coherent (and less dramatic) account of how people are rescued. The Police Public Relations unit needs to be especially proactive and not merely leave the families talking to the press. They should work together with the family to shape the narrative that accompanies high-profile/highly publicised abductions rescue operations in a way that rightly balances the necessity of delegitimising the abductors while also factoring accountability to the public that donated money.