
OTHERS' VIEWS
There is no denying the fact that Prof. Farooq Kperogi is as engaging as he is informed about Nigeria that he discusses with passion and flair. He writes with conviction and leaves no one in doubt he wants the best for his country, Nigeria. Many Nigerians have shed the toga of patriotism that Kperogi still wears like a badge. Nigeria, to many, is a lost cause already.
A professor of dentistry compared Nigeria to a cancer patient whose cancer can no longer be isolated for treatment because the virus has metastasized to other vital organs of the body. Even advocates of restructuring have since moved away from that prescription, believing that events have overtaken it. But no matter what we may say, Nigeria hopping on one leg is still a pot of delicious soup for those in the kitchen where the food is prepared.
How much of the suffering of the people do our leaders in all honesty feel? They are too far removed from the suffering to feel the pain. It’s like a fairy tale or Alice in Wonderland when you describe the deprivation that hapless Nigerians have to put up with. How people who do not feel the pinch will solve a problem they know little or nothing about remains to be seen.
Yes, Tinubu cannot and must not attempt to govern like Muhammadu Buhari did. Buhari’s administration was the most ruinous ever in the history of this country. He destroyed the present and mortgaged the future. He piled up mountains of debts for this and coming generations with nothing to show for it.
Like Fela's crooning, misery, sorrow and tears were Buhari’s regular trademark. His administration met us with only the scourge of Boko Haram but left those of Fulani herdsmen and bandits in addition. Blood flowed freely all over the country. Historians record that King Nero fiddled while Rome burned.
One carton I saw pictured Buhari picking his teeth while herdsmen, bandits and other sundry criminals ran rings around hapless Nigerians killing, maiming, destroying life and property and walking away free. Kidnappers strolled to the bank to collect ransom money. Yes, Kperogi is right: Tinubu cannot – and should not – govern like Buhari did. No country can survive two Buharis in a row!
Kperogi followed the mainstream narrative of the twin policy of fuel subsidy removal and one-window foreign exchange policy being the cause of the unmitigated suffering in the land and the recent protests over high cost of living, especially of foodstuffs, in some parts of the country. There is no denying the fact that these policies have contributed but they are not the real cause of the problems we face today. They may have acted as catalysts but the problems have been knocking on our door for decades.
The colonial masters diverted our attention from growing what we need (food crops) to growing what they need (cash crops). That was the beginning. Growing up in the late fifties, my father was a merchant-cum-farmer. He had sprawling cocoa farms with food crops like yams, maize, cassava and what-have-you interspersed in them. My mother was a petty trader and food vendor who also engaged in subsistence farming. On holidays, most children followed their parents to the farm, to return only a day or two before the resumption date. No more!
We are now all in the cities engaged in white- or blue-collar jobs! The farms are abandoned. Where will the foodstuffs come from? The problem of insecurity that has driven the remaining hands off the farm has accentuated the problem. That is why the food protests which, ordinarily, should have started in the big cities where the cost of living is more biting, have started from so-to-say agrarian backwoods. Why? Because agriculture is the mainstay of their sustenance.
There is little commerce that takes place there. So, with the dislocation of agriculture caused by insecurity, they are left high and dry. It may not be politics at work; hunger is what is inciting the people. Agrarian societies, where hunger, suffering and deprivation are more pronounced, are less able to survive in today’s Nigeria than the commercial centres.
Were we not aware that rural-urban migration that has been on for ages, draining the rural areas of the needed energy and manpower, would have deleterious consequences on food production? What did we do to stem the tide? Were we also not aware that uncontrolled population explosion (Malthus theory), where population growth outstrips the resources available, would also lead to undesirable consequences?
Think also of the three curses, nay four, that we have allowed to befall this country: The first is the resource curse where we depended, and still depend, on one resource – crude oil – and have failed to leverage on it to develop our agricultural and industrial sectors. Instead, we squandered our riches. One-time military Head of State, Yakubu Gowon, said the problem of Nigeria was not money but how to spend it! And not knowing how to spend the oil windfall, we squandered it again and again! And we think we will not pay a steep price for that down the line?
Growing up, we ate rice only during festive periods. Bread was not on the menu those days. Today, our taste buds are no longer for the foods we grow but for foreign foods and goods. We waste billions of dollars on food imports. Rice curse and wheat curse combined drain us of billions of dollars yearly! We are a country of net importers and we wonder why our Naira is weak!
In those days, foreigners came here to school; no more! Instead, we now spend billions of dollars yearly to send our children to schools abroad. In those days, our hospitals were, perhaps, the best in Africa, especially the University College Hospital (UCH), Ibadan. No more! Today, led by our shameless leaders, we spend billions of dollars on medical tourism yearly. Industries that used to be here have voted with their feet. We produce nothing but consume everything foreign – and we think there would be no consequences?
In one of my recent columns, I proffered reasons why I think Nigeria was not moving forward. My editor, Comrade Nojeem Jimoh, called and said we should stop asking that Nigeria move forward! Instead, we should advocate that it goes backward! Yes, because our best days and years are in the past! May you not know better yesterday! But Nigeria has known better yesterday! Each government that comes appears worse than the one before it!
Nzeogwu and his colleagues who plotted the first coup described the politicians of the First Republic as “ten-percenters…who make this country look big-for-nothing” Today, our leaders not only take 100 percent after they have mindlessly inflated the contract sum, they also end up only signing papers and doing no job! Where any job is done at all, it is shoddy! Revelations coming out of the tour of duty of the Minister of Works, Dave Umahi, confirms that. What Nzeogwu called corruption in his own days is like comparing a mere headache with today’s cancer that has eaten deep into every fabric of Nigerian society. And we think there would be no consequence regardless who is the president?
My own thoughts, dear Kperogi, is not Tinubu’s removal of subsidy and trying to stop forex round-tripping but what he has failed to do. Everyone agreed on the policies - but how and what should replace them? And what should we subsidize instead?
Tinubu was hasty in his announcement. It appears he did not have a plan of action on ground before making the announcements. He leaped before he looked. He acted before he had a full picture of what he was coming in to meet. Most importantly, Tinubu, surprisingly, has not engaged with the Nigerian people enough. He appears more intent on defending Buhari/APC than acting on the side of Nigerians. He seems more prepared to make himself the sacrificial lamb than haul Buhari and his henchmen into the public domain to give account of their stewardship, which many Nigerians would have preferred.
It is not that Tinubu, like Buhari, does not command his own cult-hero image but it appears he is reluctant to activate it. Wasn’t the same Buhari stoned in the North? Tinubu has what it takes to match any anti-Tinubu protests with his own pro-Tinubu protests. He can turn the tables and have the people in his corner - but will he?
Is it also not preposterous to hint that the South-west will abandon Tinubu where the feudal North did not abandon clueless and incompetent Buhari? The South-west is politically savvy enough to see through the trick and refuse to fall into the trap. Why is Tinubu unpopular in Christian Northern Nigeria, according to Kperogi, when Muslims in the same North accuse him of surrendering his government to Christians?
Christians have the very powerful offices of First Lady, SGF, Minister of FCT, Minister of Works, Minister of the money-guzzling Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs, among others. What more does Christian Northern Nigeria want from Tinubu? His blood?
One advantage of subsidy removal has been the humongous amount that state and local governments now collect every month from the Federation account. What are they doing with this money? Food protests will achieve better results if the heat is turned on state and local governments rather than chasing after Abuja. After all, every politics, they say, is local!
How could such a fine gentleman, so generous, warm, humble and respectful die so violently with his wife, son and a friend? Why would such a visionary business leader, Godfearing and kindhearted human being perish so tragically? The United States aviation authorities should conduct full and detailed investigations into the helicopter crash that took away Dr. Herbert Wigwe, one of our finest and most industrious bankers and business icons, and his family. The callousness of the operators of that aircraft borders on criminal negligence. It is notable that Nigerian air accident investigators are collaborating with NTSB (National Transportation Safety Board), the agency that investigates air and road accidents in the US, to unearth the causes of this crash. It was in January 2020 that Kobe Bryant, an American basketball star, died in a similar chopper crash with his daughter also in California. If those helicopters in the US are not well maintained, they should not be put up for charter. If the Californian weather is too treacherous in winters, those choppers should be grounded till the conditions improve. It is unconscionable wickedness to carry innocent people to their deaths.
I am so sad, pained and devastated. This is one loss too much. The outpouring of griefs and the floods of messages from across Africa and around the world; from world leaders, colleagues and ordinary folks testify to Herbert’s extraordinary qualities and outstanding contributions. Millions of Nigerians from all walks of life, including millions of Access Bank’s customers, shareholders and employees, as well as the thousands of workers who are toiling to build Wigwe University are benumbed, stunned and pained by Herbert’s sudden death. To die at such a relatively young age with one’s wife and son is numbing, and, to say the least, disorienting. How is such a catastrophic calamity explained in the Bible? What does God say about good people dying so painfully and suddenly? Why did this happen, for goodness’ sake? The last time a young Nigerian’s violent and sudden death gripped the nation so painfully was on Sunday, October 19, 1986. If Dele Giwa’s death through a parcel bomb from some military evil planners had frightened the nation, Herbert Wigwe’s death in a helicopter crash in California has transfixed us all.
From all indications, I was chatting with Herbert some hours before his death. It was his habit to read his messages and respond promptly despite his grueling schedule. But when I noticed that he had not opened his phone for close to 15 hours on Saturday, I started developing a dreadful sense of foreboding, and I made a mental note to call him soon after the meeting I was attending that afternoon. But as soon as the meeting ended around 5pm, a call from a friend I haven’t heard from for long confirmed my fears. My hunch hardly goes wrong.
Herbert was an extraordinary human being who did not allow his outstanding attainments to dwindle his humanity. Some people disconnect completely from their roots when they get to the top. Not Herbert. He related well with the high and mighty as well as the low and forgotten. He kept in touch with his secondary school classmates; church members; village chiefs; community leaders as well as former staffs like me and other bank CEOs and Heads of governments. From one end of the spectrum to the other, he remains his witty, kind, humorous and amiable self. He was passionate about our youths and he created several mentorship programs for them. His philanthropic activities through his foundation are well known, but I guess, establishing a university for those he referred to as the ‘fearless’ generation will forever remain a timeless legacy. I am grateful that the people he assembled to midwife the institution have vowed to carry on the dream.
Working with Herbert in Access Bank, I realized early on that he was imbued with courage, boldness, determination and all the epithets that define fearlessness. The vision, mission and values of the bank were underpinned by the drive to conquer all obstacles and excel. It was for nothing that we called ourselves ‘’Access Warriors’’. I first met him on a Sunday afternoon in March 2008 when I appeared before him for an interview to join the bank. I was already used to his chubby face in the press, but in real life, Herbert looked serious, businesslike and his beady eyes were penetrating. I was slightly uncomfortable, but I was determined not to be intimidated. He asked just a few questions. My five years in the bank turned out to be some of the most rewarding.
The bank’s meteoric growth in the over 21 years he and his friend and partner, Aigboje, have been in charge reflects their collective business acumen. Herbert took over from Aig in January 2014, leading the bank through various growth phases till 2022 when it was restructured into a holding company structure. As the Group CEO of Access Corporation, the holding company, Herbert added economic diplomacy to his huge responsibilities. He visited foreign leaders, spoke about Africa renaissance, the climate crisis, green energy, the roles of tech in finance and the importance of giving our youths the opportunities they deserve as the bank expanded across Africa into Europe and Asia. The bank has invested billions of dollars in the 15 African economies it has operations in. The messages from Presidents Emmanuel Macron of France and Cyril Ramaphosa of South Africa say it all.
I have reached out to Aig and a few other members of the Access family. The Group has lost three members in as many months. This must be the most difficult moment in the life of the institution, but I’m heartened to note that Aig has pledged to ensure that Herbert’s personal dreams, including the university, are not aborted. Now Herbert’s children are orphans. Losing their parents in such a circumstance could be traumatic. I trust that Aig will now step in to play a fatherly role to them (Proverbs 18:24).
I am told that we should not or cannot question the decisions of the Almighty God. I have also been told that God is not capable of doing bad things. But the mysteries of this life continue to confound me. Why are the good ones dying off so suddenly? While those who have stolen from this country and mismanaged it continue to flourish, others who worked hard to contribute to its development are quickly taken from us, some so violently.
The last message Herbert sent to me was that he would never be discouraged from working to change Nigeria positively. The development of this country was his obsession. May his aged parents, siblings, friends and colleagues be consoled.
[OPINION] Insights into the Global Cassava Opportunities: Understanding the Landscape - Adeola Odedina
Admin
Over the past few weeks, the social media sphere has been abuzz with a certain video showcasing cassava processing from a specific county (Name withheld). Predictably, the video quickly went viral, coinciding with a period of elevated prices for gaari/cassava. As a seasoned cassava expert and farmer, many of my admirers forwarded the video to me, accompanied by questions like...
"High Chief Dr. Odedina, why can't we replicate this?"
My response is simple and direct:
First and foremost, Nigeria reigns as the top producer of cassava globally, yielding over 60 million metric tonnes annually. However, the sobering reality is that we consume over 80 percent of this production as gaari, fufu, or akpu.
In 2006, during the inception of the Presidential Initiative on Cassava, I had the privilege of actively participating alongside other stakeholders on Cassava, precisely a collaborator on pre emotive management of Cassava Mossic disease and we multiplied and recommended top Cassava varieties that formed the basis of high yield been experienced today.The landscape initially shifted positively, but later took a downturn when investments in cassava processing faltered due to the lack of inclusive and sustainable supply of raw material to industries persuaded to be established to use Cassava as raw materials.
A few years later, the Bill Gates Foundation and other global donors launched the largest cassava intervention projects in Africa, namely CAVA 1 and CAVA 2 (Cassava Adding Value for Africa). I was honored to serve as the Productivity Advisor for these projects in Nigeria and other African nations
Over the span of eight years, significant efforts were made to unlock the immense potential of cassava and its derivatives, such as Glucose Syrup, ethanol, starch, and High-Quality Cassava Flour for various applications like bread and biscuits. Nigeria took the lead due to its strength, size, zeal, and commitment. While only a few flash driers were installed in Ghana, Malawi, and Tanzania, Nigeria boasted more than 20 in one state alone. I remember spending some time in the Northern states collaborating with cassava processors to ensure sustainable raw material supply. Remarkably, there are more large cassava processing firms in a single state in Nigeria than in any other country in the world or Africa. These mega-scale facilities process over 300 tonnes of cassava daily,Yes. each of those factories
Utilising up to 300 to 500 fresh Cassava roots per day ( 500 long trailers per day!) producing products like Gaari and Starch for both local consumption and export, thus presenting ample job opportunities for farmers and youth. To provide a glimpse into these operations, I'll share a video showcasing one of the large-scale cassava processing facilities I've been involved with in Nigeria. Stay informed about the facts on Cassava! Do not be misled!
The onus is on stakeholders and value chain actors to fashion out ways of reaping the benefits of the unique position of Nigeria in the world to facilitate how the crop can deliver food, jobs , foreign exchange and fuel Agricultural Industrialization.
Dr Adeola Odedina is the Immediate Past Honourable Commissioner for Agriculture in Ogun State, Nigeria
Former Rector of Moshood Abiola Polythecnic, Ogun State Nigeria
And Former Provost of Federal College of Agriculture Akure Ondo State Nigeria.
Media
Most Nigerians are tense and not at ease. The reasons are plausible. The scourge of hunger, spiralling inflation, insecurity, and a sense that the country is in distress stares us all. The cumulative effect of these is anger in the land. A combination of hunger and anger is a time bomb. It is the emotional underpinning of every populist revolt.
There is absolutely nothing a hungry and angry man or woman cannot do. The signs are self-evident that the product of hunger and anger is upheaval. Ask the residents of Minna, Suleija, Kano and most recently Osogbo. They took to the streets last week to register their frustrations and distress on the level of hunger in Nigeria. Other cities may follow suit if the government does not respond promptly and concretely.
Nigerian workers represented by the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) and the Trade Union Congress (TUC) have already given the federal government two weeks to implement policies that will reduce the impact of the government’s economic policies on citizens.
The NLC and TUC said they are concerned about the “non-implementation of the 16-point agreement reached with the Federal Government on October 2, 2023.” “These agreements which were reached with the federal government were focused on addressing the massive suffering and the general harsh socioeconomic conditions prevalent in the land,” they added. Labour further acknowledged the fact that widespread hunger is now ravishing millions of Nigerians, with the workers’ purchasing power significantly eroded, while insecurity has assumed an increasing dimension.
These harsh economic realities have widespread social implications, including increased crime rates and social unrest. We have increased poverty levels, making it difficult for individuals and families to meet their basic needs. Many people struggle to afford necessities such as food, shelter, healthcare, and education.
Nigeria’s economic hardship exacerbates existing social disparities. Vulnerable groups, such as women, children, and older people, are disproportionately affected. These demographics face increased challenges in accessing resources and opportunities causing significant psychological toll on individuals. Anxiety, stress, and mental health issues are becoming more prevalent as people grapple with financial uncertainty and the challenges of making ends meet. This hardship strains social cohesion, increasing community tensions and contributing to social unrest or conflict as people express frustration over economic inequalities and lack of opportunities. Traditional community support systems have become strained as individuals and families face economic difficulties. Networks that once provided a safety net may find it challenging to cope with increased demands for assistance.
This economic uncertainty is negatively affecting investor confidence. Foreign and domestic investors are increasingly hesitant to invest in Nigeria despite the effort of the current government to woo them . This lack of foreign direct investment and local investments has led to a slowdown in economic growth. We are experiencing one of the worst exchange rate fluctuations in our history. Within one year, the exchange rate has increased by about 200%, which has devastated businesses, particularly those reliant on imported goods and services, and foreign investors considering the Nigerian market.
Small businesses, which often form the backbone of many economies, face closure or reduced operations due to economic challenges. This directly impacts entrepreneurs and employees, leading to financial insecurity. And migration patterns are changing as many are either ‘japaing’ to faraway lands seeking better economic opportunities while others are internally displaced due to insecurity and banditry . This internal and external displacement has potential social and cultural implications for communities.
It may not have occurred to the leadership that the just concluded AFCON football tournament may have been the pause to a potential national upheaval. The emotional attachment of citizens to the game of football resonates. By the last count, as a country, we have lost not less than six persons during the Nigeria-South Africa semi-finals clash. Citizens may have channelled their emotional reaction to the economic hardship to their passion for football.
It has been proven elsewhere that sports, in general, and football in particular, can relieve people in distress. It has put a pause in wars. It happened during World War One (1914), the Nigerian-Biafra Civil War (1968), and Côte d’Ivoire (2005). Although there is no consensus or empirical evidence yet, the love and passion for football have been an antidote to the potentially provocative reaction of Nigerian citizens to misery, anger, and hopelessness.
Psychologists have told us that football triggers a chemical known as endorphins, responsible for happiness and a relaxed mood. It promotes social bonding, community spirit, and a sense of patriotism that can help our anxiety. Football also acts as a distractor and relieves us from stress, the type most Nigerians are going through. In fact, “Football is the ballet of the masses”, as posited by Dmitri Shostakovich.
Football is more than just a game. It’s about life, struggle, and the beautiful moments that relieve us from our daily concerns. To the average Nigerian, football brings out 90 minutes of pure nationalism in us. In economic challenges, sports, especially football, provides a sense of unity and joy that transcends financial worries. The beautiful football game lifts spirits, create camaraderie, and offer respite from economic anxieties. Football tournaments unite communities, fostering a sense of pride and joy that transcends economic challenges. The AFCON tournament entertained us and reminded us that, despite our differences, we can come together for a common passion.
It is not the narrative of government officials nor the ingenuity of “palace jesters” that have kept the country calm in the past few weeks. With AFCON now over, it is time the government acted fast to relieve the tension in the land. If the AFCON has brought welcome distraction, its end could unleash a collective depression from the present crises of hunger and poverty. Attention will return to domestic issues. Economic and existential problems will magnify. As hunger escalates, misery reigns, and prices of essential food items surge, the government cannot misread the morbid silence enveloping the land as normal. It is not. As seen elsewhere, the anger and hopelessness associated with this situation is a natural path to popular revolt. The government can get away with impunity but not with the chronic hunger of the ordinary man drawing complementarity from the anger of the elite.
The signs that danger lurks can only be ignored by all at significant risk to the country’s existence.
Addressing economic hardship requires honesty, inclusiveness, innovative thinking and sustained government and private sector efforts. Policy reforms, anti-corruption measures, diversification of the economy, and investments in education and infrastructure are some strategies that can contribute to economic recovery and long-term stability. Also, targeted interventions that focus on social welfare, education, healthcare, and community development are crucial to improving the well-being of individuals and fostering resilience in the face of economic challenges. Economic hardship and poverty are the worst forms of violence against the people. They are like punishment for a crime you did not commit.
The government must create an enabling environment to confront hardship and poverty. Franklin Roosevelt aptly posits, “The test of our progress is not whether we add more to the abundance of those who have much; it is whether we provide enough for those who have too little.” And Mahatma Gandhi argued that “A nation’s greatness is measured by how it treats its weakest members.”
AFCON was the opium of the Nigerian masses. It has come and gone with its glory, impact on our collective psyche, and the emotional relief it gave us during these harsh economic times. The emotional excitement about the nation is a passing mass phenomenon. It can only last long and linger afterwards if the populace feels the government has given them so much. The excitement of a football tournament turns into heightened anger soon after the excitement blows over if there is no realistic solution to the misery. The danger lies in the government assuming that post-AFCON, if nothing realistic is done to ameliorate the economic hardship millions of Nigerians face, things will continue as normal. That may be a pipe dream. With the opium effect of AFCON gone, many Nigerians will focus on demanding an improvement in their quality and standard of living. This demand may come in ways we never anticipated, as demonstrated by the uprising in a few flashpoint areas across the country. We must not allow this to happen, for it may not portend well for Nigeria. Now is the time to “let Nigerians breathe” and avert possible doom.
I don’t think the founding fathers of this country wanted a single party structure. Not at all. They were aware of our diversity as a people. I don’t think a single political party or tribe or group can pocket this country for long. Any attempt to try it, will end in futility no matter the desperation.
Yes the founding fathers went to London to seek independence, but they went divided. They had their own prejudices even while requesting for independence. They played a cat and mouse game. They went to London under different slogans, proposals and prayers but none of them wanted a single party structure.
The Constitutional Conference held from May 23 to June 26, 1957 in Lancaster House in London, and presided over by the Colonial Secretary, Mr. Lennox-Boyd was anything but “cordial”.
Even before the conference, division was apparent. The division still exists till today.
Chief Anthony Eromosele Enahoro (22 July 1923 – 15 December 2010) from Uromi in Edo state of the then Action Group had moved a motion on March 31st, 1953 during budget sessions in the federal house, Lagos on behalf of his party and was seconded by Chief Festus Olawoyin Awosika(1911-1965), the Bajulaiye of Ondo Kingdom on self government, at the Parliament before the London Conference.
In moving the motion, Chief Enahoro declared “Mr. President, sir, I rise to move the motion standing in my name, “that this House accepts as a primary political objective the attainment of self-government for Nigeria in 1956”.
Sir, this motion is an invitation to the Honourable Members of this House to associate the highest legislature of our land with the expressed desire of the peoples of this country, whose views we all represent, for political autonomy in 1956. It seeks to provide representatives from all parts of the country with an opportunity to exchange views on the most burning question of our time. It is an invitation to this House to make a declaration of objective with regard to Nigerian freedom.
I do not propose, sir, to go into the arguments for self-government because I am satisfied that it is generally accepted on all sides of the House that self-government for this country at some future date is a desirability. Therefore I propose to deal with this motion in two main parts and very briefly –namely, of what significance is such a declaration of objective and secondly, why should the objective be 1956? Sir, I believe that a declaration of objective by this House has become a matter of supreme importance in our march towards self-government.
For the time being, this Legislature is the supreme voice of the people of this country, although not all majority decisions which have been taken in this House in the past could hope to survive the test of a referendum. It is essential, in my view, to assess why a formal motion of this nature the honest feelings of various sections of the House and to discover to what extent these feelings may truly reflect the aspirations of the politically conscious citizens of this country”.
Self-government is after all, sir, a subject on which it is of the first importance that people should believe rightly, and I cannot overstress the great inspiration and succour which various political parties in this country would derive there from if the demand for self-government in 1956 were to enjoy the full force of the backing of the highest legislature of the country”. 1956 is a convenient date, especially when the other two reasons are added, 1956 marked the end of the Macpherson Constitution. I therefore beg to move”.
The motion led to riots in Kano thereafter which broke out in the ancient city in May 1953. The nature of the riot was clashes between Northerners who were opposed to Nigeria’s Independence and Southerners, made up of mainly the Yorubas and the Igbos who supported immediate independence for Nigeria. The riot that lasted for four days claimed many lives of the Southerners and Northerners and many others were wounded.
Chief Awosika was elected into the Western House of Assembly in 1951. He was later elected into the House of Representatives on January 10, 1952 along with Prince Adeleke Adedoyin alias SERIKI TULASI, Dr. I. Nimbe, K. Momoh, J.G. Ako, S.O. Ighodaro, E.A. Babalola, Tony Enahoro, Moyo Aboderin, C.A. Tewe, F. Agidee and A.O. Ogedengbe.
Others elected were T.A. Odutola, T. Akinbiyi, O. Akeredolu-Ale, J. Oroge and Alhaji Dauda Adegbenro.
In 1954, he was appointed the central Minister of Works. On October 18, 1955, he became the Minister of Finance in the Western Region, succeeding Chief Obafemi Awolowo GCFR, who later became Premier of the Western Region.
However on May 27, 1956, Chief Awosika was among the four Ministers that were defeated in the general elections to the House of Assembly. Others who lost in the election were S.O. Ighodaro, Minister of Health, Mr. Augustus Meredith Adisa Akinloye, Minister of Agriculture and Natural Resources and J.F. Odunjo, Minister of Lands. A parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of Education, Mr. Kessington Momoh was also defeated.
One of them who lost the election Samuel Osarogie Ighodaro born on March 21, 1911 later served as Minister of Justice and Attorney- General, Western Region, 1959-63. He quit politics and served as Senior Lecturer, University of Lagos, 1966-67; appointed Judge, High Court of Midwestern Region (now Edo State), 1968-73; and later became the Iyase of Benin.
Four other Ministers were elected: Chief Anthony Enahoro, Minister of Home Affairs, Mr. Jonathan Olawale Odebiyi, Minister of Education, Mr. I.O.O. Oshuntokun, Minster of Works and Chief C.D. Akran.
In 1957, the Osemawe of Ondo, Oba Tewogboye II made Chief Awosika, the Bajulaiye of Ondo Kingdom.
The Northern leaders objected to the motion. The motion angered them. They fought back instantly.
To be concluded
I drove to Mamman Vatsa Writers Village, Mpape, Abuja. It is a huge sprawling estate of multiple storey buildings, many under construction. It is easy to get lost in this maze that is the home of the Association of Nigerian Authors, ANA. Somebody from the hilly top pointed at a building in what may well be a valley.
Outside the huge theatre, I found nobody. I was confident there were people inside. But it was like a void. Finally, I found somebody who confirmed a reading by Odia Ofeimum was scheduled for the theatre. But that was still some three hours away. I knew that, but I was also aware a pre-reading session was going on. The task was to locate it.
I finally did in the Femi Osofisan National Secretariat of ANA. In the packed hall was the most diverse array of writers I have ever seen in terms of demographic composition. There were nursery and primary school children with an average age of nine; youths, mainly from the University of Abuja and of course; Odia, 73, the Lagos-based political scientist, essayist, poet and writer who has gifted humanity over 43 books.
In a sense, he is an ancestor of ANA. When the writers association was to be registered, it was Odia, as General Secretary, who placed the public notice in the Thursday, October 24, 1985 edition of the Daily Times Newspapers. The advertised Trustees of the writers association were Professor Chinua Achebe, one of the most famous novelists in the universe. He was President. The second Trustee, Professor Wole Soyinka, under who I studied Drama in Ife, of course, needs no introduction. The third Trustee, was Major General Mamman Vatsa who secured the writers village for all writers in the country. Vatsa’s story is the stuff of tragic drama. He was a well-known writer in a military with an anti-intellectual tradition.
On March 5, 1986, his colleagues in uniform, led by General Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida, his childhood friend, and best-man, tied Vatsa, 46, to the stake, and sent him out of the world in a hail of bullets. His crime was for allegedly harbouring thoughts to overthrow the military regime. To add to the drama, his death was announced on network television, over one hour before he was executed.
This January 27, 2024 pre-reading session was by the Mbari Club, a body funded by intellectual power house, Professor Udenta .O. Udenta. When he turned 60 in 2023, Udenta off-loaded 23 books on the public.
ANA President, Dr Usman Oladipo Akanbi, who presided, fashioned out a consensus in the house which was that Odia should be referred to as a ‘Living Legend’ not ancestor. B.M.Dzukogi, former ANA National Secretary with at least ten books under his belt, who sat next to me, nodded enthusiastically in agreement.
We then moved to the main theatre for the ‘Odia Reading’ and literary festival which included performances by various artistes and prizes, especially for high school children who livened up the audience.
He read poem after poem and just as he seemed like an aircraft about to take off, he was reminded that the time was flying and he still had a panel discussion amongst other programmes.
Odia revealed that one of the greatest challenges he had to confront in life was the prediction that he would be of no use. His mother had believed this childhood prophesy. When he dropped out of school, it seemed to fall in line with this prediction. But he saw this as a challenge and moved to Benin City where his writings got him a job. However, he lost the job following a workers strike from which he refused to back out.
He made his way to Lagos, becoming a labourer, including a petrol attendant and factory worker. In all these, he focused on self-education. He passed the Ordinary and Advanced Level school certificate, and gained admission into the University of Ibadan where he read Political Science. He worked in the Federal Civil Service, as a teacher, and then, as the Private Secretary of Chief Obafemi Awolowo, perhaps Nigeria’s most programmatic political leader. Awolowo was known to pick only persons with photographic brains as his Private Secretary.
Odia left the prestigious Guardian Newspapers Editorial Board on a Commonwealth fellowship to Oxford University. He seemed settled in Britain. But I was surprised when in mid-1993 I ran into him in Anthony Village, Lagos. He was coming from the Imaria Street home of pro-Democracy leader, Dr. Beko Ransome-Kuti.
The June 12 presidential election had been annulled by the military regime, the country was in turmoil and Odia did not see how he could be out of a fight for the soul of the country. So, he took the next available flight to the country. He participated in the street battles and joined the underground press to fight military dictatorship.
This visit to the writers’ village was for me, a pilgrimage. I met mentors like Professor Nuhu Yaqub, former Vice Chancellor, Universities of Abuja and Sokoto State; veteran journalist, Tunji Ladner Jr; and retired Commissioner of Police and arts promoter, Emmanuel Ojukwu. I also got acquainted with the poet with the rhythmic name, Kabura Zakama, a veterinary doctor whose collection of poems, The Man Lived, won the 1999 ANA Poetry Prize.
To Odia, the reading was a sort of homecoming, having been off ANA activities for some time. He had for six years, been ANA Publicity Secretary and, General Secretary from 1982, and its President for four years from 1993. But he had gotten disillusioned about fights over the lands of the writers village, some of which were lost.
To him, the greatest asset of Nigerian writers is unity which can be further solidified by readings, performances, workshops and culturing the young.
A great polemicist whose writings cover a wide range of human life, including politics, Odia said of the significance of his reading at the Writers Village: “Some people thought I had stopped writing poetry, but frankly, it is the only thing I have really done.”
Herbert, my brother, my friend and my adviser.
Herbert, the king of visionary and disruptive ideas.
I'm deeply saddened by the tragic loss of my dear brother and friend, Dr. Herbert Wigwe, his dear wife Doreen, and their beloved son Chizi in a helicopter crash.
Herbert was not just a brother and visionary leader but one of the brightest minds in Africa. His impact on our nation and beyond will be remembered forever. My heart mourns.
Herbert’s contributions to Banking and the financial sector in Africa were unparalleled. He was an unapologetic believer in the Nigerian solution. His dedication and passion for progress inspired us all. Today, we mourn not just a leader but a true friend and brother. Lagos and Nigeria have lost a remarkable soul. Rest in peace, my brother.
We also lost another great business leader and legal luminary, my egbon Abimbola Ogunbanjo, former Group Chairman of Nigerian Exchange Group Plc, who contributed significantly to the development of the Capital Markets and Corporate law in Nigeria. May his soul rest in peace.
In this difficult time, our thoughts are with the families of all the victims, and we pray for strength and grace.
Babajide Sanwo-Olu
Lagos State Governor
[OPINION] If Nigerian judges are so poorly paid, why are they fixing their kids into judiciary? - Chidi Odinkalu
AdminIt is widely said that Nigerian judges are overworked and grossly underpaid. Senior lawyers have described the conditions of service of judges in the country as “a disgrace”. So poor indeed is their remuneration that in October 2023, the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) doorstepped the federal government asking that the salaries of judges in the country be increased by at least 300%. But some lawyers think this is even too low.
Judicial salaries, it is said, have depreciated to nothing since they were last reviewed in 2008. Since then, allegations of judicial corruption appear to have escalated almost in inverse proportion to the loss in value of judicial pay, leading to suggestions of correlation, if not causation, between the state of judicial remuneration on the one hand and judicial corruption on the other.
Gani Fawehinmi, a senior advocate of Nigeria (SAN), who died in 2009, in fact linked this to judicial mortality, lamenting the fact that many Nigerian judges “die in office under circumstances that are related to the barbaric conditions in which they work.”
Every president since Goodluck Jonathan has promised to address this situation without, in fact, doing anything about it. In his first three months in office, the current incumbent, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, has — like his recent predecessors — repeated the promise.
Unwilling to wait any longer for politicians whose promises are notoriously fickle, the judges appear to have decided to resort to self-help. On May 4, 2022, Osatohanmwen Obaseki-Osaghae, a judge of the National Industrial Court of Nigeria, issued a judgment declaring that “since 2008 is embarrassingly too low and unrealistic, given the current socio-economic and other realities existing in Nigeria and the current global comparative salaries and allowances paid to Judicial Officers of the same or similar cadre.”
She ordered the government to institute a new remuneration structure that would guarantee minimum salaries ranging from N84 million per annum for judges of customary courts of appeal, khadis of Sharia courts of appeal and of the various high courts in the country to at least N120 million per annum for the chief justice of Nigeria.
In reaching this judgment, the judge reasoned that “the downturn in the economy and devaluation of the Naira has completely eroded its purchasing power since 2008”. She claimed that in the 14-year period between the last review of judges’ salaries in 2008 and the judgment in 2022, the exchange rate of the naira to the dollar had depreciated in value from N117.74 to N415.83.
Among the many problems with it, the orders in this judgment were directed at institutions in the executive and legislative arms of the federal government, including the National Assembly; the Revenue Mobilisation, Allocation and Fiscal Commission (RMAFC); the Attorney-General of the Federation; and the National Judicial Council, (NJC). Preoccupied very much with the politics of elections since then, these agencies did not appear to have taken note of the judgment since it was handed down.
Stuck for options, it seems the higher-ups in the judicial hierarchy decided in the interim to sort themselves out by dealing with judicial appointments in a manner that entirely unravels their claims about judicial salaries. At face value, the widespread complaints about judicial salaries in Nigeria totally denude the office of a judge of much respect or appeal, or so most rational people would think. Surely, few parents would want to inflict on their much-loved children a job in which the remuneration and conditions are described in the form of expressions routinely used to describe judicial conditions of service in Nigeria.
Yet, despite all the complaints, the senior-most judges in the Nigerian judiciary have “turned the judiciary into premium job racket for family members.” The latest advertisement for this trend is — not for the first time — the recruitment into the High Court of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT). At the end of January 2024, the Chief Judge of the FCT High Court Husseini Baba-Yusuf, who comes from Kogi State, having secured permission from the NJC, requested nomination of suitable candidates to fill 12 judicial vacancies in his court. The request specifically named the states from which it sought candidates. These are: Bauchi, Bayelsa, Enugu, Imo, Kogi, Kwara, Lagos, Oyo, Plateau, Rivers, Taraba, and Zamfara
Kogi, Bauchi, and Oyo States, which were invited to send forward candidates, are already well represented on the bench of the FCT High Court. They just happen to be the states of origin of the chief judge of the FCT High Court; of the immediate past CJN, and of the incumbent CJN. The chief judge of the FCT runs the court system and will shepherd the nominations through the NJC, where the CJN holds sway. What better way to guarantee safe passage of the preferred nominees of the FCT chief judge than by sweetening it with a candidate allocated specifically to the CJN?
So, of the 12 slots on the list, it appears three are already spoken for, with one daughter or daughter-in-law of the CJN, his predecessor and the chief judge of the FCT apparently guaranteed seats on the list of appointees.
For senior judicial figures, the opportunity to plant a child on the bench as a parting gift has become something of a ritual, with judicial appointments timed to coincide with high-profile judicial retirements. For those who were unable to accomplish generational replacement for themselves on the bench before their retirement, arrangements are made to retrospectively cure the oversight.
Hence, for instance, the proposal to translate a daughter of the immediate past CJN, herself currently a relatively junior magistrate in the service of the FCT judiciary, to the high court bench.
This facility is also used to build bridges with political heavyweights. As he was about to retire at the end of his eight-year term as governor of Kogi State, Yahaya Bello, immediate past governor of Kogi State, got the magnificent gift of a judicial nomination for his beloved wife, Amina, to become a judge of the High Court of Kogi State. Her only qualification for this nomination, apart from having notionally been a lawyer for up to 10 years, is that she is the wife of the state governor.
Madam Amina is not a magistrate, a court registrar, an academic or a legal practitioner. But that did not stop the Kogi State Judicial Service Commission, headed by Chief Judge Josiah Majebi, from turning her judicial nomination into a parting gift for her husband. After leading SANs from the state sued the NJC, accusing it of blithely disrespecting its own rules in the Kogi State nominations, the NJC was forced to suspend the process of High Court appointments in Kogi.
It is not only children and spouses of judicial and political higher-ups who get planted into judicial sinecures in this way. Mistresses and other partners whose only qualification is intimate genital relations with people connected with politics or judicial appointments routinely get nominated too. This is not merely a debasement of high judicial office and the vocation of the judiciary or a clear violation of the Judicial Code of Conduct; it also is a very clear rebuttal of the case for improvement in judicial salaries.
Therefore, one may ask: if the job is so poorly remunerated, as they would have us believe, why would a sane and highly placed parent choose to hose-in their child into a dead-end position guaranteed to blight their lives over the course of a tenure that could last over 35 years?
There can only be two possible reasons. One is that the parent wishes the child ill. This is most improbable. The other is that the office of the judge has become so corrupt that the gazetted remuneration really counts for nothing. In the words of an infamous proverb from Conakry, once the child gets into the position, they will follow in the footsteps of their parent or paramour and feed off the fertile offerings within the perimeter of the judicial leash. If that is so, we may ask, why bother?
A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.
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I had planned to write on leadership lessons from the late General Murtala Muhammed who was assassinated 48 years ago. Tuesday this week is the anniversary of that sad memory. I had wanted to remind our leaders in Nigeria who are beginning to blame their predecessors for their poor leadership after eight months in office that the great leader, Hurricane Murtala spent only six months in office and was able to achieve three significant things we can’t easily forget.
The three remarkable things include incredible creation of a brand new capital for the federation. He set up a powerful panel comprising all the experts and stakeholders to recommend a site. He accepted the panel’s report and proclaimed a new capital for the Federation where our present leaders are blaming opposition for leaking a document, which contained a whopping N1.8 billion worth of recommendation for a panel to discuss appropriate wage review details for public servants.
Yes, Murtala who also led the whole of Africa to proclaim to the powerful West that indeed “…Africa has come of age…” at an extra-ordinary session of the then OAU on Sunday, January 11, 1976 had in a broadcast to the nation on February 3, 1976 proclaimed Abuja as the Nigeria’s new capital. He legalised it and also proposed Kaduna, Port Harcourt and Lagos as regional capitals of some sort, he designated “Special Areas”, for strategic reasons.
I had wanted to deconstruct the leadership style of Murtala and recommend some lessons from his proactive strategy without which we might not have had one of Nigeria’s major achievements in history – building a new capital. We will return to this important beat and other details in honour of the iconic Murtala someday.
I hope we can take away something significant here for our leaders: that Murtala was in power for only six months and the panel he set up to recommend a new capital reportedly travelled to several capitals around the world including Camberra in Australia, Washington DC, United States, and they didn’t spend hundreds of millions, according to the late Dr. Akinola Aguda I interviewed for Abuja Newsday in 1989.
Now to the brass tacks today, leadership lessons from football (management). Some of our leaders are likely to be in Abidjan to watch the epic AFCON final between Nigeria and Ivory Coast today. This isn’t new. Most world leaders do that whenever their countries get to finals. The female leader of Croatia, Kolinda Grabar-Kitarovic wore the team shirt and cheered her team at the 2018 World Cup final between Croatia and France in Moscow, Russia.
At the 2023 World Cup final in Doha, Emmanuel Macron was right there when France lost to Argentina. Macron was seen consoling Kylian Mbappe who was depressed by the loss to Argentina. And so as our leaders watch today’s final, let us also entertain them with some facts about sport and indeed football leadership, which will be useful to them.
First, our leaders should see the quality of stadia the sports leadership in another West African country has provided for the very successful competition that ends today. But much more than mere provisions of facilities for the beautiful game that normally unites our people behind our national team, there are more significant lessons that our leaders can borrow from football management model.
Why the lessons?
It seems to us from the fumbling and faltering we experience daily, that our leaders are just leading us by intuition; as their weak spirit leads them. Most of our leaders seem unprepared for leadership challenges as we are beginning to perceive again. They need some reflections and lessons on what leadership is all about: security and welfare of the people, which they can’t provide at the moment.
As I noted here in 2016, 2017 and 2022, I would like us to discuss again some points about business models that can affect governance and nation building in global context. Most of our political leaders may not know that they actually need to go to good business/management and leadership schools to manage their politics and development well. General knowledge is good, but with the way the world is witnessing some convergence between politics and business, it is important that leadership lessons and models that modern leaders need should include some modules in business and management schools.
It is sad that most of our leaders in Nigeria do not understand that we regard them as mere wasters. They gamble with the destiny of a great nation for four to eight years. They do not record significant achievements for eight years that most of them spend in office. They just take oath of office, enjoy themselves very well and just take a large portion of the state resources and go away in a culture of impunity where even anti-corruption managers too are corruptible and no institution to prosecute them.
And as soon as our dealers we call leaders leave office, the memories we have of them begin to fade away from even the week they leave office. That is why it is important to advise those who wish to seek public office next time that modern leaders need some empowerment called “dynamic capabilities” through proper education in business and political management. What is the nexus between business management education and success in politics? Here is the thing: good political leaders in modern governance system should begin to see people as customers to satisfy every day.
Leaders at all levels need to read the constitution contextually. For instance, the 1999 constitution, sections 130 (2) and 176 (2) actually provide that the president and governors are, and should be regarded as “chief executives” of the federation and states respectively. The services they should deliver, therefore, ought to be treated as if they were goods and services to be delivered to the customers called the people. As I was saying, so they should seek to treat service delivery as a brand whose equity should always be improved upon so that return on investment (ROI) to the owners will be tangible and robust.
The way most of our leaders see government money is something to be spent anyhow without accounting for it to the owners – the people. In this regard, there is an urgent need for curriculum reform in our local business and management schools to reflect realities of these times. Leaders of tertiary institutions and their regulators should note.
In this milieu, we still maintain Faculties of Business Administration and Public Administration instead of Business/Management School and Governance/Government School. These schools and faculties should be reformed and rebranded as leadership training institutions where would-be leaders should be trained on critical governance issues such as “Project Management”, Managing Finances/Management Accounting, Emotional Intelligence, Culture and Value Studies, Organisational and National Culture, etc.
In modern governance system, medical doctors who have got degrees in the science of medicine need to acquire science of management before setting up their businesses/health centres. There should, therefore, be many of them in management and business schools for science of management (of their clinics and hospitals). In modern times, management and leadership are taken very seriously beyond reading motivational speakers’ books that fill our bookstores and shops.
According to experts such as Margaret Weathley, to discover order in this chaotic world, we need to go back to school to discover case studies on “leadership and the new science”. The point here is that business owners all over the world headhunt chief executive officers who can manage their firms to make profits to shareholders. And these well paid CEOs work hard to make profit and if they don’t, they are fired. That is the way our leaders should think to make impact on the lives of the people that employ them.
My friends and colleagues at work know that I have been following Real Madrid so fanatically for about two decades now. I have just some interest in Barcelona because of the artistry of some of their icons such as Lionel Messi. But I follow Real Madrid in and out of seasons as a business model that is unique. Which is why I have often used the two Spanish giants, Real Madrid and Barcelona as examples of how to invest and manage talent, which I have also quoted sources to say can be overrated using again, Messi and Ronaldo as a case study. The two icons made their name and impact at the Real Madrid and Barcelona.
Recall that in the first year anniversary of the Buhari administration, I had on May 28, 2016, written on this page an article titled, “Buhari: Anniversary

Real Madrid’s Brazilian forward #11 Rodrygo celebrates after scoring his team’s second goal during the Spanish league football match between Real Madrid CF and Granada FC at the Santiago Bernabeu stadium in Madrid on December 1, 2023. (Photo by OSCAR DEL POZO / AFP)
Lessons from Real Madrid & Barcelona”.
I had then observed that in the last few years (about eight years) these two clubs have been producing the World Footballer of the Year (Ballon d’Or). Not only that, one of them, Real Madrid was then the richest (Manchester United had just then taken over), according to Forbes. Manchester United (England) was the third on the rich list in 2015. Bayern Munich (Germany) was fourth while Arsenal (England) was the fifth. Let’s stop at the sixth, Manchester City. I had then discussed the enterprise spirit in the investors in Real Madrid and Barcelona within the context of strategic human resource management (SHRM) model that leaders could borrow from. I still maintain today that the two players of the two selected teams, Lionel Messi and Christiano Ronaldo remain the discussion points every week after soccer competition. They remain the most frequently discussed in the world in soccer excellence, even in contextualising talent and training.
It is said that Messi now playing in the United States, is a raw talent while Ronaldo now making wave in Saudi Arabia is a reconstructed phenomenon through robust training. Now a former Barcelona manager, Pep Guardiola is turning Manchester City to another Barcelona in England. Only good world-class coaches are employed to maintain the brand equity of the top clubs that always produce excellent results.
This again is to draw the attention of our leaders at all levels to the point earlier made that you cannot rise above the quality of your team members or workforce. This is the model that a businessman called Perez Florentino, current President of Real Madrid has taught the world of business and leadership. The Spanish investor does not brook mediocrity in HR framework. He believes that only the best players can win big for Real Madrid that has won European Champions League back to back, (three times) first in the modern era of the tournament. Real Madrid has the highest number of CL trophies in Europe. He believes that you cannot recruit mediocre footballers to win La Liga and Champions League.
Therefore, if you want to be a high-flying organisation, economy or ruling party or government, you have got to aim for the best brains that can deliver services to the people in the manner Real Madrid have been doing and Manchester City are beginning to do. And this is the contextual issue here: The quality of your team should not be compromised on the altar of ethnicity and religion. Like Real Madrid, get the best anywhere to achieve results.
“Baba-Wole! Whether you like it or not, it is my duty to carry your bag into the plane today”, insisted Aketi, as we threw banters on the queue at the Ibadan Airport en route Abuja. I yanked my bag from his hands but he promptly reclaimed it. Our mutual friend, Bisi Ogunbadejo, who was also travelling, flashed a knowing wink, having gotten used to witnessing countless Great Ife theatrics between many of our alumni.
It was two weeks to Aketi’s electoral victory. I joked with him that, on second thoughts, it was probably fitting that he should carry my bag into the aircraft because it was likely to be the last time I would be seeing him as an ordinary citizen. He replied, matter-of-factly, that he would remain the same old Aketi we all knew and that power could never change him. It turned out to be prophetic: I didn’t have any physical interaction with Aketi again till he answered the final home call seven years later.
LEADERSHIP INCUBATION
Rotimi Akeredolu, a.k.a. Aketi was one of a kind. Way back at the University of Ife, he had been the Vice-President of the Students’ Union during the presidency of another patriot, John Olakunle Mabayoje, alias Awe. It was that position that honed him for future challenges because it brought out the latent goodness in him, especially his extraordinary ability to be empathetic. Aketi never went into any battle half-hearted. He always threw everything he had into the fray. As far as he was concerned, any battle worth waging was worth waging well.
That was the background that moulded his performance later in life as the President of the Nigerian Bar Association and later as Governor of Ondo State. Mabayoje traced Aketi’s trajectory from Ife to government house in a tribute he wrote when he learnt of the demise of his trenchmate:
“Emperor Aketi” as he was known at the University of Ife, started his political career at the University of Ife where, from being an activist, he successfully ran for the office of Vice President of the Students Union at a time when our dear country was at a crossroad following the removal of General Yakubu Gowon from office to end agitations which we all participated in between 1974 and1975 under my predecessor in office, Ayo Olukotun. 1975-1976 proved to be indeed a watershed year in the Nigerian academic community and the country as a whole. Rotimi was an integral member of the body of student leaders of that time. Courageous and savvy he was blessed with courage and wisdom beyond his years…”
Aketi’s demise brought to the fore the importance of vision and tenacity as necessary qualities for success in any worthwhile endeavour. There are leaders and there are dealers. Some people stumble into positions of power unprepared. True leaders, on the other hand, are armed with both vision and an action plan. More importantly, they demonstrate that rare quality of empathy, being one with the people in season and out of season; in good times and in bad times.
LITMUS TEST
There are many landmark projects that were executed during the stewardship of Aketi as governor of Ondo State. What captured the imagination of the world, however, was the way he handled the tragic loss of scores of worshippers in his native Owo town when a band of armed terrorists attacked St Francis Catholic Church in the town during Sunday Mass on June 5, 2022. The entire Owo community and sympathisers all over the country were unconsolable. As governor, Aketi didn’t play Tarzan. He showed that human blood flowed in him. When he made his way to the pulpit amid wailing indigenes, he, too, broke down in tears. That picture is etched in the minds of many people as they fondly recall how their governor rose to the occasion in those dark days.
He swore that never again would Owo be a sitting duck for any group of killers to take pot shots at. He said he would ensure that the dead had not died in vain by preventing the possibility of such a massacre in future. It was not surprising therefore that he was the arrowhead of the founding of the Western Nigeria Security Network (WNSN) codenamed Operation Amotekun. Those who chose to misunderstand the governor’s intention and who wanted to characterise the security outfit as a tribal army were shamed as Amotekun made one giant stride after the other.
To calm the frayed nerves of those tagging the Amotekun corps as a regional army, Governor Akeredolu took time to explain: “The Western Nigeria Security Network, Amotekun Corps, as a response, is now not just the first line of defence, but the ultimate bulwark in the protection of a way of life and of a civilisation. The efforts of our determined and valiant Amotekun personnel since inception must be underscored, encouraged and highly commended. We must all rise at this time to acknowledge their efforts.”
Other states outside the Southwest have started copying the idea. That is one everlasting lesson that people have learnt from Aketi’s stewardship. Power is not just about fancy clothes and sirens and assemblage of dark-goggled security guards. It is about caring, about holding the hands of the bereaved, about showing through words and deed that their governor has their back.
In a way, Aketi defined his era. A man may not know his worth until he takes his last breath. Positions of power attract favour-seekers like bees and nectar. The truth about a man’s worth is told after he expires. Is the funeral train purchased like party supporters paid to attend rallies? Or did they rise early in the morning to join the queue to do honour to their beloved leader? It is clear that Aketi bought himself a place in the hearts of his people. The currency he paid was love, diligence, honesty of purpose and brutal frankness.
Teach us to number our days, Lord, so that the preacher at our funeral would not have to lie about some phantom goodness which none but the liar saw in the deceased. The outpouring of grief since Aketi’s death testifies to the fact that he has positively touched many lives and the human community is poorer without him.
When the story of this era is told, Aketi’s stewardship will be chronicled as one of the brighter moments in people-centred governance in Nigeria. His tenure certainly lived up to the words of the Great Ife anthem: “Conscious, vigilant, progressive, a luta against all oppression…”
Adieu, Aketi. May the celestial rewards reserved for those who positively impacted the lives of their fellow men and women never pass you by.
The Last Dance
(For Jimi Solanke, 1942-2024)
His artistic gift was of elephantine proportions,
So, to each encounter-er, Jimi Solanke was at once the compelling thunderclap amidst the loudest of silences the coarse hair of Àjànàkú’s tail mounting sentry behind an otherwise hairless mass
Those piercing eyes conveying visions from unshared secrets
— Lamp posts of an aerobicised body
Ernest and persistent, commanding and pleading…
If six blind beggars are telling different tales
About the same mass
It is because they feel the elephant from different sides.
Is it the ivory of the tusk that tickles your fancy?
Or the rough tarpaulin of the body?
Or the four pillars with which it pounds the earth?
Or the trunk— nature’s straw
Enabling the slaking of thirst?
The elephant lies down like a hill On its deathday
Carvers bearing cleavers gather…
The last question on the elephant’s mind Is, “Who will mourn my demise when I expire?”
The heavens and the earth know
That Father Time’s unseen eyes do bear witness
To Lákátabú’s connection of the dots
Between the cradle and the grave
And they lead the cortège…
Yes, they do to attest that this funeral blurs the line
Between a requiem
And an alleluia
As Bàbá Àgbà does his trademark bata dance
Into ancestor-hood.
On Wednesday, Justice Ambrose Lewis-Allagoa of the federal high court, Lagos, ordered federal government to fix the prices of milk, flour, salt, sugar, bicycles, motorcycles, motor vehicles, and their spare parts. This looks like a judicial attempt to address the biting inflation and the harsh economic climate caused in the main by naira devaluation. My mind instantly flashed back to 1984 when the military government of Major Gen Muhammadu Buhari announced price controls for essential commodities, also known as “essenco”. The military had overthrown the democratically elected government of President Shehu Shagari on the back of untold economic hardship and corruption.
The hardship started in 1982 but Shagari papered over the cracks obviously because a general election was approaching. Crude oil prices were falling — from an average of $34 in 1981 to $32 in 1982 and $29 in 1983. Our foreign reserves, which stood at a decent $10 billion in 1980, had crashed to just $1 billion in 1983 as oil revenue dwindled. Before the oil boom of 1973, our foreign debts totalled $420 million. With the deceit of “unlimited” oil wealth, our debts had ballooned to $14.7 billion by 1982. We earned $22.4 billion from oil exports in 1980 but just $9.6 billion in 1982. The dramatic fall ruined the economy. Still thinking we were rich, we failed to make key adjustments.
We had become hopelessly addicted to imports because of what we celebrated as a “strong currency” — even though it was clearly propelled by oil revenues which are eternally volatile and unreliable. We insisted on keeping the naira at par with the dollar. We still refer to this as the “good old days”. With companies unable to access forex for raw materials and spare parts, they started folding up or sacking workers. Civil servants were being owed salaries, some for three to four months because, simply put, government was broke. Oil wealth has a way of making you live above your means until the day breaks and you realise your tummy has expanded beyond your feeding capacity.
As Nigeria could not import enough basic stuffs like rice, sugar and milk because of forex shortage, Shagari decided to introduce “import licensing” by issuing permits to a closed group of “importers” and allocating the little dollars in the kitty to them. We set up a presidential task force to import rice to sell at “control prices”. Many of those who got forex — using their connections with Shagari’s government — were not even importers or manufacturers and did not really need the allocations. They were believed to have diverted the scarce currency to the streets, and that was apparently the origin of the street trading in dollars which we have now given the fancy name of “parallel market”.
Shagari’s government went into absolute turmoil. It tried to keep Nigeria afloat through an emergency “stabilisation plan” that cut spending, reduced imports and hiked duties. There was still no relief. As we say in Nigeria, “water don pass garri”. Prices of goods and services went through the roof. Unemployment was unforgiving as retrenchment became the order of the day. The opposition parties came hard on the ruling party, the National Party of Nigeria (NPN). This was the condition of Nigeria when then-Brigadier Sani Abacha announced the overthrow of Shagari’s government on December 31, 1983. We all celebrated the coup, expecting a better economy and lower prices.
Buhari did the “right thing” for “the masses”: he ordered price controls for essential commodities. Soldiers took over the streets, invaded warehouses, shops and markets and started dictating the prices at which goods should be sold. I recall vividly how soldiers came to our village’s central market and started forcing traders to sell goods below the prices at which they themselves bought from wholesalers. “How much is Omo?” a soldier, with a horsewhip in his hand and a rifle on his back, asked an old market woman. “Fifty kobo,” she replied. “It should be 30 kobo,” he decreed, brought out three 10 kobo coins and paid. He went on and on and on. The poor woman was distraught.
When the soldier had bought three to four items, the woman pleaded with him to move to the next stall. We were kids and bystanders and were somehow enjoying it. We believed prices were too high and thought traders and hoarders were the problem. We knew nothing about costs of production and transportation and other pricing mechanics. All we wanted was cheaper sugar, milk and Omo. How it was achieved was none of our business. My grandmother, a trader, miraculously escaped the raid by the soldiers. She later told me that what the soldiers were doing was wrong. “I cannot sell my goods for less than the cost at which I bought them. It is as I buy that I sell,” she explained to me.
Despite the highhandedness of the military enforcers, prices did not come down. In fact, things got worse as traders began to hoard the goods to avoid being forced to sell at a loss. They only sold whenever the soldiers were not around (and, in any case, how many shops and markets across the federation could they police closely?) I would later take economics in my fifth form in secondary school. We were taught that when supply is below demand, prices would rise. We were also taught that you cannot control prices if you do not have excess supply. If you are in charge of supply and you can meet demand, you can decide to lower your prices. They don’t teach this in military schools.
Now that Lewis-Allagoa has ordered federal government to fix the prices of sugar, flour, vehicles, etc, we are celebrating again. It is a pro-poor judgment, isn’t it? But we’ve been here before, haven’t we? The logic behind price control, as canvassed by its proponents, is that inflation is caused by traders and hoarders who are profiteering at the expense of the masses. There should be an element of truth to this, but that is probably 0.00001 percent of the reason for inflation. Don’t take my word for it: order a used motorcycle or spare part directly from the US and do the math. It is common sense prices will rise as component costs rise. If transportation cost goes up, the price of tomatoes will rise.
How do we enforce this judgement? We import sugar. At what point are we going to fix the price? Should we go to Brazil and order their exporters to sell to us at a particular price? Or is it when the importer has brought in the commodity — after buying dollars at N1,200 or higher — that we will order her to sell at a fixed price? Or is it at the point that the importer sells to the distributor? Or when the distributor sells to the wholesaler? Or when the wholesaler sells to Iya Mufu at Oke Arin market? I guess police will be ordered to use horsewhips to force her to sell at N50 what she bought at N100. Even locally produced goods are at the mercy of rising production and transportation costs.
Apparently, there is an outdated law called Price Control Act that was enacted by the military in 1978 during the oil boom era when petrodollars launched us into a subsidy binge, including paying for meals and laundry for university students. Those were the “good old days” of subsidising consumption instead of production. According to Mr Femi Falana, the senior lawyer and human rights activist who instituted the price control suit, a Price Control Board is saddled with the responsibility of fixing the prices of goods, preventing hoarding of goods, and protecting customers from exorbitant prices. The goods listed in the law include bicycles, matches, salt and sugar.
What better time to “fix” the prices of these all-important items than now when cost of living has gone haywire and Nigerians are in severe pains? Sure, you can keep prices below cost through subsidies. No problem. But when the bubble bursts, you will be more than sorry. Venezuela did it for a long time with petrodollars and Venezuelans thought they were on top of the world. Under President Hugo Chávez, they barely paid the market price for anything. Petrodollars subsidised all. When oil revenues crashed and funding the mammoth subsidies became impossible, the inflation did not have Part Two. Since 2015, over 7.5 million Venezuelans have gone on a “japa” spree.
The solution to our current economic woes is not artificial price controls. It will only worsen the scarcity, empower black markets and raise prices. The solution is not border closure either, as suggested by Alhaji Abubakar Kyari, the minister of agriculture and food security. He obviously learnt nothing from our previous border closure in 2020. He should please ask the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) for data on food inflation for that year. Those who benefit the most from these knee-jerk policies are the security officers at the borders. We always avoid the hard work when it comes to policy thinking. The real challenge is: how can we reduce associated costs and boost supply?
Every economic reform must factor in safety nets for the poor. There are rational measures that can be taken in the short-run to reduce the pains. As Waziri Adio, one of Nigeria’s leading public policy analysts, proposed in his column last week, President Bola Tinubu can take urgent steps to address the food inflation by reducing tariffs on key items for a limited period of time. Releasing grain reserves can also help stabilise prices by boosting supply. This is a more sensible and realistic route to “price control” instead of using horsewhips and guns. If Iya Mufu buys a bag of flour at N40,000, how on earth can government force her to sell to consumers at N35,000? I mean, who does that?
Tinubu’s directive that grain reserves be released to boost supply and, hopefully, tame food inflation is a welcome step. Let’s hope the grains would not be diverted to hoarders. This is Nigeria. While the price control judgment has to be appealed and the law eventually amended, the truth is that Nigerians are suffering and they need to breathe. I have witnessed episodes of economic hardship since I was a kid but I have never seen anything of this dimension. I know Tinubu is clinically implementing tough reforms — which, I must agree, is inevitable if we are to have an economy — but I hope it does not end up as a case of “the surgery was successful but we lost the patient”.
AND FOUR OTHER THINGS…
GO FOR GOLD!
Displaying more of grit and less of panache, the Super Eagles are one match away from winning Nigeria’s fourth Africa Cup of Nations title. I believe I am speaking on behalf of millions of Nigerians when I say we are aiming for the trophy against Côte d’Ivoire today, having painfully lost four finals before. The way Nigerians of all “tribes and tongues” have been celebrating our outings once again confirms my bias — that we really love this country. We do not hate one another. It is just that our leaders have politically mismanaged our emotions. We are united by sport, Afrobeats and Nollywood but divided by politicians. Imagine how great Nigeria would be with quality leadership. Unstoppable.
AFRODEMOCRACY AGAIN
Senegal, one of the most politically stable African countries with no history of military intervention, is on the verge of a debilitating crisis with the strange conduct of President Macky Sall, who is due to step down as president this year after serving two terms. It is very clear that he wants to handpick his successor and is afraid of a strong opposition candidate being elected. In the typical behaviour of African leaders who have no respect for the liberal principles of democracy, he had been clamping down on opposition leaders and has now postponed the election, the first time ever, to “resolve” the crisis he orchestrated. And to think this man came to power as an opposition leader! Nauseating.
RIP, KT
I lost a dear friend on Wednesday. Kayode Tijani, the sports journalist and archivist, died at 55 after a prolonged illness, dating back to the Africa Cup of Nations in Egypt in 2019. He went there whole and returned in bad shape, never to recover. KT, as we called him, was one of the most knowledgeable sports journalists in Nigeria and had an incredible trove of videos on the country’s sporting history dating back to the 1960s. He worked at a number of reputable media organisations home and abroad. He was one of the major supporters of TheCable, the online newspaper I founded 10 years ago. I pray that his family, friends and fans will be comforted at these difficult times. Devastating.
NO COMMENT
Something to celebrate: The Nigerian National Petroleum Company (NNPC) Limited says it has commenced oil production from the Akpo West field in Port Harcourt, Rivers state. This will add 14,000 barrels per day to our production. It may look small — compared to 250,000bpd from Agbami — but given the various mortgages on our future oil production, this is better than nothing. The NNPC said the new production “is in line with President Bola Tinubu’s directive”. Have you noticed that many statements from government agencies these days start with “in line with President Tinubu’s vision” or “renewed hope agenda”? Is it a standing order or the signature tune? Wonderful.
Any analyst can with a high degree of accuracy confirm that many Nigerians are currently experiencing hard times far more than any difficult scenario of the nation’s history. Insecurity inherited by the Bola Tinubu led-government has been exacerbated by adebilitating economy.
The severity of the suffering is virtually rubbishing whatever gains are accruable from ongoing reforms just as cheap propaganda is making the cronies of government assume a posture of jesters. In reality, Nigerians are suffering. Both the Christian Association of Nigeria in the 19 Northern states and the Jama’atu Nasril Islam have openly urged both the federal and state governments to intervene in the prevailing economic hardship which had forced Nigerians into street protests.
Last week, angry youths and women took to the streets of Minna, the Niger State capital, to protest what they described as the rising cost of living in the country.The protesters reportedly blocked the ever-busy Minna-Bida Road at the famous Kpakungu Roundabout while calling on government to address the challenge of ‘hunger in the land.’
To aptly depict the level of their dilemma, the demonstrators deflected attempts to quell the protest by security operatives who fired tear gas canisters into the crowd amidst arresting some people. Similar protests had also erupted in Kano as well as in Ondo State Southwest of the country. Many well-meaning Nigerians have since admonished the government to avoid the spread of protests to other parts of the country where citizens are no less aggrieved.
It is noteworthy that the federal government has taken immediate steps to ameliorate the situation. To start with,a Special Presidential Committee on Emergency Food Intervention was immediately convened to respond to the situation. After two days of meetings, Mohammed Idris, Minister of Information and National Orientation, announced that ‘as a temporary response to the nation’s growing food crisis and the rising prices of commodities, government had ordered the immediate release of more than 102,000 metric tons of various grain types from the Strategic Reserve and the Rice Millers Association of Nigeria’ which would hopefully ensure a respite in the next two months. He added that government would consider the importation of additional supplies to augment shortages observed after the release of the first phase of food items
The quick response of government is no doubt commendable but there is much that is yet to be done. To normalise the emergency arrangements, more efforts should be directed at curtailing the enormity of the high level of insecurity in the rural areas that is reducing productivity of food items. Many farmers are no longer able to go to their farms as a result of the activities of bandits and terrorists.Only last Sunday, the media reported that some insurgents waylaid a convoy of seven goods-laden vehicles, heading to Allawa from Pandogari, a town in Kagara, the headquarters of Rafi Local Government Area of Niger State. Some citizens were either kidnapped or killed leaving the area in suspense and tension.
The situation is the same in the southern part of the country. In Osun state, a group of youths last Friday staged a peaceful protest along the MDS road in Osogbo, decrying the rising cost of living, with a call on the government to immediately intervene. The day before, farmers in Oriire Local Government Area of Oyo state, staged a peaceful protest with an appeal to both the state government and the Soun of Ogbomosho, to come to their aid over incessant attacks on their farms by suspected herders. They lamented that two products, cassava and cashew which they usually relied upon to feed their families were always either eaten or destroyed by the herders in the last 4 years. Of course, it would be easier to sustain those communities if the people are allowed to farm than the sending to them of some emergency relief supplies by government.
Again, providing an enabling environment for farming is not all that is required. A great menace lies in the extortion by law enforcement agencies and other officials in uniform who subject farmers to different taxes on the highway while bringing their produce to urban markets from the hinterland. In his days as Minister of agriculture, Audu Ogbeh had to publicly condemn the highway exploitation of farmers which automatically increases food prices as the illegal taxes on the highway have to be added to the cost production in order for the farmers to make some profit. When will government clamp down on men in uniform whose exploitation of travellers has increased considerably in the last 8years?
It amounts to a wasted effort if government cannot design a modality for effective management of its policies. For example, a few years ago, government in a bid to ameliorate the pains of high electricity costs on Nigerians decided to provide free metres to consumers. But notwithstanding that the concessioners were fully briefed on this, they coerced people to pay for the metres. Their reaction to a government clarification which insisted that the metres must be free was to promise refunds in kind rather than by cash – an arrangement that was clearly subjected to extortion. In any case, in rented apartments where the metres were paid for by landlords, how will refund be done through services when consumption is by tenants? This exemplifies how officials/agents render nugatory, benefits intended to be gained from government subsidies and palliatives.
As the nation awaits the promised release of grains to assuage the impact of our harsh economy, there is need to ensure that the goodies would not be mismanaged as usual. The well-known strategy had always been for the distribution of the palliatives to be politicised. Can someone please help us beg the ruling party that the grains are for the benefit of all suffering Nigerians and not privileged APC stalwarts? If this is not done, no one can guarantee that the grains would not be handed over to ward leaders who would then proceed to use party membership registers to share them while hoarding a large chunk. This is not an allegation but a reality of history which Nigerians witnessed in several parts of the country especially Lagos during the recent distribution of COVID 19, palliatives.
There is nothing that Nigerians cannot hoard. Only two days ago when Yemi Cardoso, governor of the Central bank was confidently announcing to federal legislators the gains his reforms would bring to the vexed forex regime in the country, he probably did not know that some of his audience are among hoarders of scarce forex allocations to our commercial banks. Indeed, some of the hoarders are owners of ATMs which always have cash that are unavailable in banks. Hoarding has become so prominent with our banks that customers often beg to be allowed to withdraw from deposits in their own domiciliary accounts. It is therefore not enough to assume that goodies which have been officially provided would get to the ordinary Nigerian. This is why one wonders about the destination of the grains which government has reportedly released to cushion the effects of our poor economy; will they get beyond hoarders and politicians?
If not, will food items ever become affordable? This question is relevant against the backdrop of the report credited to the National Union of Pensioners (NUP) that their members are exceedingly impoverished. Speaking last Thursday in Abuja, Godwin Abumisi, the president of the NUP, affirmed that many Nigerian pensioners especially those in the South East earn between N450 and N1000 a month. Neither these poor pensioners nor the least paid workers can buy even a discounted product because as of today, many states are yet to pay the old minimum wage – a breach that an Act has since criminalised. Yet, many of the offending states according to Comrade Joe Ajaero, the NLC president have been made members of the Tripartite Committee on Minimum Wage. Will such members not influence others to distort the emergence of a reasonable minimum wage?
If, however, the grains are to be distributed freely to Nigerians, President Tinubu must not be heard to have assigned the distribution to the Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs which has a notorious inclination of handing-over any goodies to themselves, their families and friends as well as the numerous ghosts in their registers of vulnerable Nigerians. Let the grains reach our people.