Today, I yield this space to a bosom friend of mine, Prof. Eyitope Ogunboodede, the immediate past vice-chancellor (2017 – 2022) of my alma mater, the University of Ife, GREAT IFE! (now Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife). Titled “Requiem for Arakunrin Oluwarotimi Odunayo Akeredolu”, Ogunbodede’s reminiscences on the late governor of Ondo State are as moving as they contain a lot of useful information. Enjoy it!

“It is a harrowing experience writing this piece on Arakunrin Oluwarotimi Odunayo Akeredolu, who many prefer to call by his alias of "Aketi ". I am united to Aketi not only by his and my membership of the Owo Community or by virtue of Obafemi Awolowo University (OAU), of which he was a committed alumnus, but also as bosom friends. Oluwarotimi Odunayo

Akeredolu (SAN, CON), born on 21 July, 1956 in Owo to Reverend Jacob Ola Akeredolu and Lady Evangelist Grace Bosede Akeredolu of Aderoyiju family of Igbotu, Ese-Odo, in Ondo State, passed on to glory on December 27, 2023 while serving his second term as Governor of Ondo State. He studied Law at the University of Ife (now Obafemi Awolowo University - OAU), graduating in 1977 and was called to the Nigerian Bar in 1978. He served as the Attorney-General of Ondo State from 1997 to 1999. In 1998, he became a Senior Advocate of Nigeria. He was chairman of the Legal Aid Council from 2005 to 2006. He became president of the Nigerian Bar Association in 2008. In 2012, the Nigerian Bar Association named its new secretariat in Abuja after him for “his selfless service”. He was a Managing Partner at the Law firm of Olujinmi & Akeredolu, which he co-founded with Chief Akin Olujinmi, a former Attorney-General and Minister for Justice of Nigeria.

Akeredolu was sworn in as the governor of Ondo State on 24 February, 2017 in Akure, the Ondo State capital, having won as the flag-bearer of the ruling party, the All Progressives Congress (APC). While at OAU as a student, he served as president of the Law Students Society. He was also an active member of the National Union of Nigerian Students (NUNS), which metamorphosed into the National Association of Nigerian Students (NANS) in 1980. Akeredolu displayed great passion for Obafemi Awolowo University, his alma mater. Their Law firm, Olujinmi & Akeredolu, are External Solicitors to OAU and it handled many cases for the university pro bono. He eruditely delivered the OAU Convocation Lecture at the December 2021 convocation during which Professor Yemi Osinbajo, representing the Visitor, humorously referred to him as “the Commander-in-Chief of Amotekun Forces”!

Akeredolu was an ardent lover and supporter of African culture. During one of his invitations to OAU, he was officially welcomed by the Kegites Club. To the surprise of all that were present, he took the microphone and sang some old Kegites tunes, which were unknown to the current members. He was their “World Songito” and composed many songs for the Kegites during his student days at Great Ife. The Kegites Club, with the motto “Unity in Diversity”, is the first socio-cultural club in the world, founded in 1962 at the Ibadan campus of the then University of Ife (now Obafemi Awolowo University) by students. There are now branches nationally, UK, India, USA and others. Akeredolu was, until his death, working on a befitting World Headquarters for the Kegites Club at OAU. I do hope the project will be completed.

A major lesson to learn from Aketi’s life and times is that when we think as mere mortals that it will be long, God in His own mysterious ways may decide to make it gloriously short for His own purpose. Dying at 67 years is untimely and saddens us but it is comprehensible because we are mere mortals that can be called home at any time or age. In the case of Akeredolu, we have every reason to be thankful because, while he has physically departed, his legacy, good deeds, love for humanity and memory will live forever.

Aketi demonstrated very clearly the numerous positive contributions that can emanate from the toils of a genuine patriot, committed leader and political strategist. He was an epitome of humility, commitment, competence, tenacity of purpose and absolute dedication. He was a political leader that refused to play “politics” with his people. When I challenged him on his posture on some trending issues during his campaign for second term, he simply retorted “Tope, I will only promise what I know is possible. If I fail, I will go back to my law practice. It is not a do-or-die matter”.

In the heat of his bid for a second term, the leadership of the Peoples Democratic Party at a press conference falsely alluded that I was the Returning Officer invited by INEC for the (Ondo State) governorship election. The party further disclosed that it was rejecting my appointment because I was “a known crony of Governor Akeredolu of the All Progressives Congress and hails from Owo, the same hometown as the APC candidate”. The embarrassment to me was mitigated when INEC immediately countered the spurious assertion, informing the public that “the Returning Officer for the Ondo Governorship election is not from Ondo State and not from the university mentioned in the said press conference.”

Aketi called me and asked in his characteristic humorous manner “Tope, what is this falsehood that they are peddling about you? If they truly know you, they will know that you will never accept INEC’s invitation to serve as the Returning Officer for Ondo State where I am one of the candidates. Don’t worry, it is all politics and will soon be over.” I met Governor Seyi Makinde at the book launch of Professor Tope Alonge at Ibadan in March 2021. It was a great surprise to me that he openly apologised for the embarrassment that the misrepresentation must have caused me. I was not expecting any Governor in Nigeria to tender an apology to an “ordinary” citizen. In that rare gesture, Governor Makinde actually deviated from the norms and exemplified humility at its best. His attitude to power is worth emulating and my respect for him has soared since that Ibadan meeting.

All who know Akeredolu will agree that he was not the conventional politician whose main preoccupation is to talk and act in ways that sway the voters and endear them to support him. He not only declined chieftaincy titles but officially adopted the sobriquet “Arakunrin”, the Yoruba equivalent of “Mister”. Even as governor, he refused every opportunity to play to the gallery. An example will suffice. He was at a wedding ceremony on my invitation. At the end of the church service, he pulled me aside and jokingly expressed in Owo dialect his displeasure on the physical condition of the church. Three days later, he called to inform me that he had taken a decision to personally and anonymously complete the construction of the church, and that I should not disclose to the church that he was the benefactor.

When construction materials were deposited in the church, the leadership called me to find out who was the generous donor. I told them the donor said I should not disclose, and they misinterpreted my statement to mean that I must be the one. When I found that the renovation of the church was being arrogated to me, I called Aketi to let him know that I needed to divulge the information to the church. Though he raised a serious objection, I went ahead to let the cat out of the bag! The church members were in utter bewilderment because it came from an angle they never imagined. The church was completely transformed within a few weeks. That is Aketi for you!

It will surprise many to know that in 2019, when the staff of OAU were being kidnapped along the Ife-Ibadan express road, I ran to Aketi in Akure for advice. He listened attentively to me and retorted “Tope, we will find a solution to the problem”. He immediately called the then AIG in charge of Zone II comprising of Ondo, Oyo and Osun States, Adeleye Oyebade (who later

retired as DIG in 2020): “Leye, I want you to please help us look closely into this challenge on Ife-Ibadan road. The VC of OAU is with me now and the university community is worried”. I am aware that DIG Oyebade (rtd.) immediately swung into action and, working assiduously with the then Commissioner of Police, Mrs. Abiodun Ige, they combed the entire landscape and found a solution. The rest, as they say, is history.

At the church service during the burial of his mother, the Bishop in his homily lamented that “life is hard in the country and the poor are getting poorer”. He opined that Nigeria needs a change that will ensure safety and security for all, and called for a government that understands economics. When Akeredolu had the opportunity to speak, the Senior Advocate in him propelled him to query why some of his modest achievements were never mentioned for a balance. In his words, “We have listened to your political sermon. It was wonderful listening to the sermon and I will not contend with you. But I know as politicians we are doing our best. It might not be good enough for everybody. You should also acknowledge those things that we have done. Continue to pray for us that we will do our best”. Such is the man Aketi, genuine and direct, no-holds-barred, no pretence!

Akeredolu has done his best and now leaves the rest for His Excellency, Governor Lucky Orimisan Ayedatiwa. I had the opportunity of sitting on the same table with Governor Ayedatiwa (then Deputy Governor) for about four hours at the Jacob and Grace Garden, Owo during one of the ceremonies for the burial of Lady Evangelist Akeredolu in November 2022. I had met him before then but never had such close interaction with him. Since that meeting, I have watched him very closely and I admire him for his hardihood, vivacity and zeal. I can say unequivocally that he is committed to the progress of our “Sunshine State” and that he has the experience, temerity and political sagacity to raise the state to higher heights. I wish him well in his new assignment, and pray that the almighty God will guide him to make the right decisions!

Now that Aketi has gone home to rest, we take solace in the fact that he positively touched numerous lives and that his legacies will endure. Until his death, he was the chairman of the Southwest Governors’ Forum. He led the Southwest Governors to establish the Western Nigeria Security Network, otherwise known as Amotekun, at a time the ruling party, to which he belonged, was vehemently opposed to its establishment. Akeredolu will forever be remembered as the Lion-heart of Nigerian politics. He was down-to-earth, extra-ordinarily bold and daring, the architect of Amotekun, and a dominant force in Nation-building.

I cannot agree more with Lasisi Olagunju who wrote in his article “Akeredolu, death desires and 2024” in the Sunday Tribune of January 1, 2024 that: “He did so well as a field commander that, at his death last week at age 67, it was as if he had lived for 100 years.” One project that was very dear to the heart of Arakunrin, which he did not have the opportunity to complete, was the upgrading of the Rufus Giwa Polytechnic (RUGIPO), Owo to a university status. He was initially reluctant but once he got convinced, he wanted it done immediately and he supported the project with all available resources. It, however, suffered a lull when he fell sick. The greatest legacy that the State government can bequeath to Arakunrin is to complete the process, which is at the final stages, and name the university after him.

May his gentle soul rest in perfect peace!”

And all shall say, AMEN!

In the sweet science of boxing, the quality of the boxer’s corner is virtually as important as the pugilist’s skill itself. There are tricks that the trainer and the cut-man know that could swing the fight one way or the other — a word of caution here on how to better handle the opponent, expert management of cuts to staunch bleeding or swelling there… In the roped square where there is no hiding place, a boxer’s fate is inextricably tied to the quality of his corner.

One of the classic instances of a trainer saving his ward from possible disgrace was when Angelo Dundee widened an existing small split in one of Muhammad Ali’s gloves after Henry Cooper had knocked him down in the closing seconds of the fourth round in their 1963 fight. In the process of fitting Ali with another glove, the boxer regained his full composure and was able to resume the fight with added gusto. But I digress.

Nigeria has been fighting the battle of survival in the ring of life since the country was cobbled together. Sometimes it seems all will be well; at other times it is clear that external assistance may be needed. But in the ring of life, God help that pugilist whose cornermen are atavistic belligerents quarrelling during the break between rounds instead of inspiring their boxer to go out roaring like a lion.

Say what you will, there are worse eventualities that could befall a person than being born in Nigeria. However, in this ring of life, it has been Nigeria’s lot to have in its corner, people fighting their own personal battles with invisible demons and leaving Nigeria to its own devices. Each time you need somebody to show up for Nigeria among the statutory cornermen, one showboater in need of minders shows up. Now who is minding who?

Ordinarily, Senator Ali Ndume, given his long years in the senate, could be counted among the cornermen in Nigeria’s ring of life. When the waters seem rough, people like Ndume ought to be moderating forces to ensure a smooth sail. But, as we have seen recently, the senator thinks his position is that of a tribal champion.

Ndume was unhappy with the decision to relocate the headquarters of the Federal Airports’ Authority of Nigeria (FAAN) to Lagos, four years after the former administration relocated all the aviation agencies to Abuja.

The Air Transport Service Senior Staff Association of Nigeria (ATSSSAN), the National Union of Air Transport Employees (NUATE), and the Association of Nigerian Aviation Professionals (ANAP) also commended the move. In a joint bulletin, the groups said the initial relocation of FAAN headquarters to Abuja was hurried and improperly done. “Senior staff were left stranded without office and working tools while junior staff were helpless, with no provision for documents and working files and most worrisome, absence of backup for data.” They urged the government to ensure that the current directive is properly executed for staff welfare and ease of service delivery.

Another case of relocation which Senator Ndume reads as a conspiracy to return the country’s capital to Lagos is the directive of the CBN for the relocation of some departments to Lagos for administrative convenience. The departments penciled down for relocation by the CBN Governor, Yemi Cardoso, are Banking Supervision; Other Financial Institutions Supervision; Consumer Protection Department; Payment System Management Department and Financial Policy Regulations Department. It was explained that the directive was given because most of the banks’ headquarters are in Lagos and the CBN has a sprawling edifice in the city which is lying fallow while the Abuja headquarters is congested.

Ndume interprets this as an attempt to return the capital to Lagos, against the interests of “the North”. He warned that the relocation of the CBN offices and the headquarters of FAAN from Abuja to Lagos will brew political crisis. He ignores the fact that Abuja is constitutionally stated as Nigeria’s capital and that there are other federal agencies, such as the National Inland Waterways Authority (NIWA) headquartered outside Abuja

He thinks the relocation is the idea of some “Lagos boys” around President Tinubu: “Some of them think that they know better than everybody. But, they don’t know anything. When you don’t know Nigeria, you only know Lagos, then you start doing things as if Nigeria is Lagos…”

The senator has threatened that there will be political consequences of relocating any department to Lagos. Analysts are not in any doubt as to what he meant. The president is being warned that the North is a monolithic voting bloc capable of torpedoing his electoral canoe in 2027 (hear, hear)! That sounds like the argument of people who have an entitlement mentality, not allies in nation building.

Ndume is not the only one to have faulted the relocation. The Arewa Consultative Forum, a socio-political group in northern Nigeria, also argued that the CBN’s decision showed a disturbing pattern of antagonistic actions often taken by certain Federal Government agencies “against the interests of the North and other parts of the country”, noting that northerners will be negatively affected by the spontaneous exercise.

ACF also accentuated the ethnic angle: “ACF wishes to remind all concerned that decades ago, the seat of the capital of the Federal Republic was moved from Lagos to Abuja for reasons that remain valid, it is constitutional even more so today, constitutionally so, although, of course, a section of the country never liked the decision.”

Several other notable individuals and groups also spoke for or against the planned departmental relocation. A body which described itself as the Arewa Consultative Youth and Women Forum (ACYWF) distanced itself from the criticism and protest over the relocation.

However, the most authoritative voice in terms of empirical knowledge of the subject matter, came from the former governor of the central bank, Alhaji Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, who stood above the fray: According to Sanusi, “Moving certain functions (of the CBN) to the Lagos office (which is bigger than the Abuja head office) is an eminently sensible move… In my mind what I would have done was to move FSS and most of Operations to Lagos such that the two Deputy Governors would be largely operating out of Lagos or, even if they were more in Abuja, the bulk of their operational staff would be in Lagos… Economic policy, corporate services and all the departments reporting to the Governor directly such as Strategy, Audit, Risk management, Governors’ office, etc would remain in Abuja.”

Sanusi continued: “Moving staff to the Lagos office to streamline operations and make them more effective and reduce cost is a normal prerogative of management. The question of locating functions is a strategic and not a tactical one. A proper analysis should be done to identify which roles are best suited to Lagos and which to Abuja. Once the logic is clear, the people then follow. Non-communication of strategic intent opens the door to mischievous misrepresentation and arbitrariness.”

He recalled that he faced the same kind of opposition when he was the CBN governor: “When I was about to license Jaiz Bank there was a lot of religious noise from the Christian Association of Nigeria and some other organisations…” Another insider, Mohammed A. Yakasai, a retired Director of the CBN, testified to the truth of Sanusi’s disclosures.

My question: In this boxing ring of federalism,  who is going to man Nigeria’s corner, not just a tribe’s or region’s? My sadness is that some politicians are orphaning Nigeria, making the country cut the picture of a scantily clad urchin shivering in the early morning harmattan wind, its sunken eyes betraying hunger, even anaemia. Its ‘minders’? They’re busy struggling for turf while the orphan wastes away.

Nigeria is the world’s poverty capital. Most Nigerians live on less than $2 a day. Nigeria’s economy is powered by only 4,000MW of power. Even Republic of Benin has better road infrastructure than Nigeria. Over 70 percent of Nigerians are unemployed. Nigeria has a housing deficit of 28 million. Some 16 million Nigerian children are out of school. The 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria was written by the military. Unless we ditch the 1999 Constitution and write a new one, Nigeria will never develop. Governors run to Abuja every month to share federation allocation. Nigerian president is the most powerful in the world. Etcetera etcetera and so on and so on.

If you have ever held any of these notions, or reinforced them without fact-checking, Mr Babatunde Raji Fashola, former governor of Lagos state, has a message for you: take a chill pill. That is not exactly how he puts it in his book, ‘Nigerian Public Discourse: The Interplay of Empirical Evidence and Hyperbole’, which will be presented on February 8, 2024 in Lagos. His underpinning arguments are: one, some collective assumptions about the development indices of Nigeria are not based on verifiable facts; two, policy decisions must not be founded on assumptions, suppositions or facts of dubious origins. A wrong diagnosis of an ailment will lead to a wrong prescription and treatment.

Fashola — who was minister of power, works and housing from 2015 to 2019 and thereafter minister of works and housing for four years — keeps to a theme that cautions public analysts, social commentators and public servants on the assertions they make while discussing the state of the nation. Some pronouncements are disseminated with such “unwavering conviction” that it becomes hard to summon the courage to critically examine their veracity without appearing either naïve or contrarian, he notes, warning that “a mere conjecture or personal opinion, expressed with authority on a national platform, assumes the guise of an empirical principle which cannot be disputed”.

For a start, anytime you say most Nigerians are living on less than $2 a day and use it as a measurement of the poverty incidence, Fashola would want you to apply the brake. He famously challenged the $1/day measurement and is still not satisfied despite the doubling of the figure. His explanation may be controversial but it is profound, nonetheless. To be clear, he is not questioning the incidence of poverty in Nigeria, but he is unsure of the reliability of the data being used to declare Nigeria as the “poverty capital of the world”. Politically, this dubious distinction has been a potent campaign tool in the hands of opposition parties, which is to be expected in election seasons.

There are two issues here, as pointed out by Fashola. The first is that the World Poverty Clock used data from 2013 and its forecast based on that to arrive at the conclusion that Nigeria was the poverty capital, effectively discounting economic interventions that took place years before the report was written. The report also used the General Household Survey of 2012/2013 and not the Harmonised Living Standards Survey. Using dollar as a measurement without considering the purchasing power parity is also questioned by Fashola, who argues that what one dollar can buy in Nigeria is more than what it can buy in, for instance, the US. He uses the price of a bottle of Coke as a simple example.

The second issue from this is that the poverty data “presents a stark disconnection with the true identity of the Nigerian populace” by a narrow interpretation of “indigenous economics” — in Fashola’s words. The data neglects people’s disposable income. Fashola calls this “cultural economic relativity” which he says Western economists may not understand. The extended family system in Africa is so potent that “it could assist family members to offset rent, school fees, medical bills, sponsor children in school, and other expenses”. He quotes a study on Informal Safety Net which shows how people regularly receive helps ranging from N1,000 to N500,000 from family members.

Fashola’s proposition here is that these are also incomes, howsoever defined, but the poverty data does not countenance them and is confined to what is formally earned by the average Nigerian. He proposes a comprehensive study within the context of the African social support system for a more accurate assessment of poverty. He insists that efforts to reduce poverty in Nigeria by all tiers of government are not insignificant as evident in investments in transport, education, water, health and related services. Above all, he wants the public to demand the provision of more amenities that will tackle poverty rather than weaponise the “poverty capital” claim that is, at best, “an estimate”.

There is also the interesting anecdote of a Briton who asked Fashola if there were banks in Nigeria. He found the question frivolous and uninformed. Fashola took time to explain to the man that Nigeria has over 20 banks, with many of them ranked among the world’s Top 1000 by reputable institutions and publications at various times. The man apologised but explained his question: “I was intrigued by what I read online about the federal government and state governments distributing money in Abuja. Whenever I encounter such a headline, I am left contemplating why states must convene in Abuja… and collect cash. Could this not be facilitated through the banking system?”

The senior lawyer takes time to explain the revenue allocation mechanisms. The constitution and relevant laws are very clear on the membership of the Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC): minister of finance (chair), commissioners of finance of the 36 states, two persons appointed by the president, and accountant general of the federation (AcGF). Governors are not members. Two meetings are convened monthly, the first by the AcGF and accountants general of the 36 states where they receive and verify statements of income from revenue-generating agencies, and the second by the FAAC where metrics are used to calculate the revenue to be shared by the three tiers.

(I would like to quickly insert this here: what the three tiers share at FAAC is “federation” — not “federal” — allocation. The use of the word “federal” is part of what distorts debates on our nationhood. Using the word “federal” allocation suggests that the money is coming from the “federal” government to the states and councils. This is incorrect. The money belongs to the federation, and federal government is just a tier of the federation. The constitution mandates that all revenues collected on behalf of the federation be paid into the consolidated revenue fund (CRF) from where they are shared by the three tiers. This little detail is sometimes lost in public discourse.)

There are several stimulating essays for those who are sincerely interested in discussing Nigeria’s development trajectory. We are fond of saying Nigeria produces only 4,000MW to power a $448 billion economy. Fashola thinks we are missing something. South Africa with 58,000MW has a lower GDP of $351 billion. This is not adding up. “By accepting the erroneous figure of 4,000MW, we have overlooked the substantial amount of electricity generated by solar power, industrial and individual diesel generators and independent power producers across the country,” he asserts. Chief Adebayo Adelabu, the minister of power, recently said Nigeria gets an additional 40,000MW from generators.

What is Fashola’s point, though? He believes off-grid power is usually discounted but it is valuable. He lists the power projects executed in Lagos state when he was governor. They are off-grid but their outputs outstrip actual generation in The Gambia. He also lists the off-grid projects he inaugurated across the country when he was minister of power. The Rural Electrification Agency (REA), owned by the federal government, is undertaking solar projects in rural areas across the country but the outputs are not included in the assessment of total Nigeria’s power supply. Basically, Fashola is saying we use incomplete data in making categorical statements on power supply and GDP in Nigeria.

He says an assessment and redefinition of the problem led to the introduction of the mini-grid policy, with residential estates and small-scale factories encouraged to generate their own energy instead an endless wait for connection to the national grid which would require laying cables across thousands of kilometres, among several other costs. Sticking to popular sentiments about the state of power supply in Nigeria would not have helped, he maintains, also contending that “it is not necessarily accurate, nor is it academically rigorous, to attribute all developmental challenges to the paucity of electricity”. Even if we have 24/7 power supply, manufacturing still faces big challenges.

No doubt, this book will invite controversy. There may be questions as to what we should be more concerned with — waiting in pain and in vain for the accurate stats or confronting the largely unaddressed stark reality even without reliable data? More so, if the popularly held datasets are not realistic, why doesn’t he provide the accurate figures? If the housing deficit is not 28 million, what is it then? His approach is that we should wait for the census so that we can be more scientific, but the last one was in 2006 and we don’t know when the next will be. There may also be critical comments of some submissions which many will view as an attempt to offer excuses for government failures.

In all, I have three take-aways from this book. One, a major problem confronting us is the misrepresentation of the problem — “often in bombastic and hyperbolic terms” — which diverts our attention from an accurate diagnosis, to paraphrase Fashola. We will thus be looking in the wrong direction in trying to solve the problem. Two, how can we assess and address our challenges decisively if we are led more by sensational hyperbole and less by verifiable evidence? We need to interrogate certain assumptions, datasets and analyses that we have adopted in making policy decisions. Three, beware: hyperbole has the tendency to make us downplay our little wins.

AND FOUR OTHER THINGS…

KILLING FIELDS

Plateau state is back as Nigeria’s killing fields, with the renewed ancient ethno-religious war. The killings are not spontaneous; they are orchestrated. Nigerians will keep taking sides on the basis of religion and ethnicity but there will be no winners. Government must revise its security strategy in order to protect lives and property better than it currently does, but I reckon that the fuel of the killings is hate. Armoured tanks cannot extinguish it. Only love and tolerance can. I will continue to say this: until those who matter in these communities decide that they have wasted enough blood, there will never be peace and progress, no matter the number of soldiers on duty. Troubling.

POLITICAL CAPITAL

The decision of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) to move one of its units from Abuja, the federal capital, to Lagos is “heating up the polity” (don’t laugh). Those opposed are classifying it as anti-north and are making political capital out of it. But dig deeper and you will realise it may have nothing to do with the north. Most of those to be transferred are said to be children of the powerful, some of whom got the job by connections and hardly come to office in any case. But framing it as an anti-north move is a sure winner in an emotionally charged country like ours. This government has, like the one before it, been very poor and clumsy with communication and engagement. Shame.

PLASTIC POLICY

The Lagos state government woke up one day and banned single-use plastics “with immediate effect”. No previous warning, no transition plan, no stakeholder engagement, no sensitisation. Just “with immediate effect”. Companies had produced goods already packaged in these plastics and on the way to delivery points; some had stockpiled supplies for months ahead with bank loans; factories are fully in production and there will be consequences for jobs. And then you ban “with immediate effect” — reminiscent of the days of military rule. After the ban, sensitisation and stakeholder engagement will begin. Welcome to public policy making in 21st-century Nigeria. Wonderful.

NO COMMENT

Have we heard the last of the curious case of Umar Sadiq, the Nigerian striker who plays for Real Sociedad of Spain? He was in Nigeria’s squad to the Africa Cup of Nations in Côte d’Ivoire but was dropped at the last minute because of a report by the Super Eagles’ medical team that he had a knee injury and would be out for a while. It turned out it was just a bruise. He was back playing for his club a few days later. “Upon returning to my club and undergoing thorough examinations, the medical team revealed that I had only suffered a bruise, and as a result, I was cleared to resume training,” he explained, after an uproar. Is this the misdiagnosis that we are so used to in Nigeria? Fantabulous.