OTHERS' VIEWS

OTHERS' VIEWS

After nearly 70 years of agitation, Nigeria finally looks set to establish state police. That is, every state will have its own police force. On Thursday, House of Assembly speakers in the 36 states of the federation announced their support for the proposal. That means we should expect state legislators to endorse an amendment when it gets to them. First, two-thirds of National Assembly members must pass it. Only 24 of the 36 states are required to endorse it by a simple majority of the Houses of Assembly. It will finally require presidential assent for it to take effect. President Bola Tinubu has been campaigning for state police for decades, so I guess he will sign off as soon as it gets to his desk.

The book, ‘The Police in Modern Nigeria, 1861-1965: Origins, Development, and Role’, authored by Prof Tekena Tamuno and published by the Ibadan University Press in 1970, offers some insight into the historical battle for the control of police. The agitation for “regional police”, now called “state police” (since the federal structure has morphed from three regions to 36 states), started in the 1950s under colonial rule. As Nigeria prepared for limited self-rule and, eventually, independence, the structure and control of the police force became a hot topic, championed in the main by the now-defunct Western region, which is today’s south-west zone plus Edo and Delta states.

As related by Tamuno, a professor of history and former vice-chancellor of the University of Ibadan who died in 2015, S. Akinola, representing Ijesha (Western region) in the Federal House of Representatives, raised a couple of proposals during the house debates in 1955. One, he wanted police deployment to be done predominantly along ethnic and linguistic lines. That meant Yoruba would dominate the west; Igbo, the east; and Hausa/Fulani, the north. His second proposal was more radical: he wanted the police regionalised and placed under a “Regional Authority” rather than “remotely controlled” by the “big man in Lagos” — referring to the inspector-general of police.

Chief Obafemi Awolowo, who was premier of the Western region, was a fierce advocate of regionalised police. He argued that it was a feature of federalism (what we call “true federalism” in modern-day Nigeria) and that of all the federations he had studied, only the Federation of Malaya (now defunct and succeeded by Malaysia) centralised the police force. Awo said as a premier, he considered it “humiliating” that a regional government that was constitutionally vested with the power of maintaining law and order was denied the power of managing its own policing. He warned that the central government could become “authoritarian” under the existing policing structure.

From my reading of history, regional police was an idea loved and promoted largely by the Western region. The Eastern government preferred “a unified Federally-controlled Police Force”. The Northern Peoples Congress (NPC), the biggest party in the Northern region, was not that interested in the regional police debate, maybe because there was already the Native Authority Police which operated at the local government level. The Western region had local government police too, but it wanted the arrangement replicated at the regional level. Notably, the Eastern region did not have local police. Eventually, the constitutional conferences of 1957 and 1958 did not endorse regional police.

We, therefore, went into independence in 1960 with the federal police structure unchanged, although local police remained in Northern and Western regions. The 1963 Constitution also retained the structure. Western and Northern regions resisted attempts to absorb the local police forces into the Nigeria Police Force (NPF). In 1965, the Eastern region — perhaps, having observed how politicians were using local police in the other regions — decided to establish its own, but this was not implemented before the military took over in 1966 and thereafter amalgamated all the police forces in Nigeria. We have had the same structure and control of the police force since then.

However, with growing insecurity across the federation, the campaign for subnational police, initially viewed as the agenda of the south-west, has started winning disciples in other zones. In fact, the south-west defiantly set up Amotekun and the south-east Ebube Agu to do some form of internal policing in the heat of the debate a few years ago. With state police, the governors — as chief security officers — will assume some control over policing in their domains, including recruitment, appointment and funding. In theory, they will have no say in operational matters, such as deployment. But in theory, too, the president has no operational control over the federal police.

There are several arguments in favour of having state police. The most compelling is the need for efficiency. It is argued that a police force spread across 774 local government areas and controlled from Abuja offers something of a logistical nightmare. This is somewhat exaggerated: I have never heard that the police were informed of an ongoing robbery in Egbeda and they said they needed an order from Abuja to respond to the call. However, responsiveness is not something associated with the current structure. But is it the centralisation that hampers efficiency? Is it poor funding? Is it corruption? Is it a lack of local content, such as community policing? These are important questions.

Another argument for state police is the political abuse and misuse of federal police by the federal government. One of the resolutions of the constitutional conference held in London in 1953 was that “arrangements should be made to avoid the danger of the police coming under the control of a political party”. This is difficult to implement, whether at federal or state level. In 1955, members representing Asaba, Warri and Benin in the Western House of Assembly complained about the activities of local police in areas not under the control of the dominant Action Group (AG). We may end up only decentralising the political abuse of police when the states set up their own forces.

I must admit at this stage that I was once totally against state police. My reservations — which I will restate shortly — have not changed. But I have amended my position. I am now willing to watch us perform the experiment, even though I am not expecting any spectacular change in our situation. The problem starts from the way we identify problems and proffer solutions in Nigeria. We often narrow down to one out of several causes — and then propose a cure-all solution. Sadly, when an ailment is misdiagnosed, increasing the dosage of medication is not going to solve the problem. Most times in Nigeria, we are more interested in treating scabies than getting rid of leprosy. It is what it is.

A case for state police is “efficiency” — that is, the states will manage the forces much better than federal government. Really? Where is the evidence? There is this assumption that states manage things better than federal government. But are state-owned universities better run than federal ones? Are state-owned hospitals better? Are state roads better? What really do states do that can be classified as better than what the federal government does? For instance, there are far more federal employees enrolled in the contributory pension and national health insurance schemes compared to the states. But, somehow, we just believe that the police force will be better off under the states.

We certainly need better policing in Nigeria. But efficiency is not a function of what tier of government controls the police. It is about how police organise themselves and their operations. It is about professionalism and sophistication. For example, street lights, drones and CCTV, along with biometrics, can efficiently prevent or resolve crimes more than thousands of policemen and women mounting checkpoints and roadblocks in the streets. Also, a well-developed strategy of community policing — in which police officers bond with the community where they are serving — can efficiently improve intelligence gathering and tackle little and big crimes. We just need to think.

Moreover, we should not dismiss the fears of political and ethnic minorities who think state police might be used to oppress them. They have a reason to be afraid. The Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU) opposed regional police at the 1958 constitutional conference for this reason. The Willink Commission opposed regional police for the same reason, and its report was adopted by the conference. Today, will an Igbo feel safe in say Damaturu if all the police officers speak the same language? Will a Fulani feel safe in Imo state? The ethnic and religious diversity in federal police is a form of restraint and comfort on its own. We must think about this while designing state police.

There are so many reservations that must be addressed before we perform this experiment. Aside the fear that political thugs may form the core of state police, I think there are already too many uniformed agencies on the road harassing, terrorising and extorting ordinary Nigerians every day. Abuse of human rights could be an extra burden on Nigerians — as if they are not suffering enough. Meanwhile, some governors use federal police to harass journalists, activists and opponents. I wonder what the situation will be with state police. More so, a country with a history of mutual suspicion and ethno-religious rivalry should be careful with state police because of loyalty issues.

My misgivings notwithstanding, I admit that decentralised policing has its merits. It is not just a feature of federalism, local policing is also a feature of unitary systems. The part I am still unclear about is whether it should be at state or local government level. I am also unclear about the calibre of their arms they should carry and the extent of their powers. I worry about possible jurisdictional tension between federal and subnational police. We really need to think carefully about the bolts and the nuts. My experience with public policy in Nigeria has been traumatic. Many ideas that are brilliant on paper and work excellently abroad only produce sleaze, nightmares and aches in Nigeria.   

AND FOUR OTHER THINGS…

CAGING CANCER

I have always believed that medical scientists will find a solution to cancer someday. The journey may still be far, but advances are being made all the time. The latest news from the UK Oxford Population Health is very heartwarming: its researchers discovered hundreds of proteins in the blood that could warn people of cancer more than seven years before it is diagnosed. They pin-pointed proteins linked to 19 types of cancer, including bowel, prostate and breast. Why cancer is so brutal in killing people is the fact that it is hardly discovered before it maligns. With this test, it will be possible to treat the disease at a much earlier stage before it spreads. It can even be prevented altogether. Progress.

DEATH PENALTY

A bill proposing to impose the death penalty on convicted drug traffickers recently passed third reading at the senate. Senator Tahir Monguno (Borno north), while presenting a report on behalf of the joint committees on judiciary and drugs and narcotics, said there is a need to strengthen the war against drug trafficking. This is very interesting indeed. We need to strengthen so many wars in this country, although we are picking and choosing the ones to pour our righteous anger on. We already have the death penalty for armed robbery and, I think, kidnapping. Can we also have the death penalty for budget padding and extortion of ministries, departments and agencies (MDAs)? Vital.

COMMISSIONS GALORE

Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC). North East Development Commission (NEDC). And now, North West Development Commission (NWDC). Well, almost. The senate has just passed a bill to establish the NWDC “for the development of the north-west geopolitical zone”. We may soon have the North Central Development Commission (NCDC), South West Development Commission (SWDC) and South East Development Commission (SEDC). We will then create for every state and every LGA. All for political patronage, less about development. Since President Tinubu directed the implementation of the Oronsaye Report, we have been creating agencies per second. Continue.

NO COMMENTS

Insurgents have been attacking power transmission towers in Kasaisa, Gujba LGA, Yobe state, cutting the state from the national grid and plunging it into darkness all the time. The Yola Electricity Distribution Company (YEDC) recently reported that the insurgents attacked the towers in December 2023 and February 2024. The solution? Spiritual warfare. Mai Mala Buni, the state governor, on Wednesday led a team of clerics and students in prayers against the sabotage carried out by the insurgents. Cows were also sacrificed as part of the prayers. And that is where my interest lies: how much in total was spent on cows and the prayer session? Are you thinking what I’m thinking? Wink.

A Traditionalist, Oba Ìsèse Of Ogun State and Chairman "Ìsèse Kingdom Of Truth, Association Of Nigeria," Ifarotimi Adifagbola Balogun has said that celebration of the Ìsèse festival in Ogun State would continue to be celebrated annually.

Speaking on International Ìsèse Day with newsmen, the Oba Ìsèse in Ogun State, Adifagbola Balogun said their group was trying as much as possible to ensure the festival did not go into extinction as they infuse the culture into their children.

Adifagbola Balogun said, “When we observed that our fathers had gathered and had observed this festival, where they stopped, we get involved. If there’s a festival and we don’t involve our children, such festival would get destroyed, that is why we have the religion of the Ifa Council gathered together.

“We, the youths of today, gathered together in a temple way, we gathered children together in order for them to know that this Ìsèse should not be moved away from them.  You don’t have to be afraid of it, it is not something children should not see; that is why we gathered children for them to know that it is an important thing. It is the word of God being established, it is Irumole’s word we follow. It is how we are created; it is very important.

“In what Orunmila told us, the word of God is established, we have chosen a leader to teach us various languages. When he would gather some of them, he taught them various religions on Ìsèse. He taught them to follow any religion that suited them, and he said one should not hinder one.

“We would observe that this Ìsèse, we met it on earth. It was celebrated before the strange religion came in; that is why we youths of today turned it to religion so that our children would not be taken away. Then we started gathering children because they made them to be afraid of it. We gathered ourselves so that there would be peace. If we have various religions today, we are also there in between them. One religion is not stopping the other; what you believe in you serve with your heart.”

He said that five southwestern states in Nigeria including Lagos, Nigeria’s commercial capital have declared every August 20th as a holiday, that is, work-free to mark Ìsèse Day, a traditional Yoruba festival celebrated on August 20, every year. The other states are Ekiti, Ogun, Osun, Oyo and Ondo.

Adifagbola Balogun said this draws attention to the need to preserve cultural heritages and the inevitable marriage between culture and education, noting that it would also promotes religious tolerance.

"Indeed, the the Ìsèse Day has been set aside to celebrate the indigenous Yoruba culture and traditions as well as the preservation of the Yoruba heritage, and there is a need to accommodate Ìsèse festival in the country, so that every religion should be accommodated."

“We all know what’s called an idol. Irumole was well-known everywhere. Let’s accommodate ourselves. Peace is religion. Together with Ìsèse, let’s accommodate ourselves, we are not touts.

“We have so many religions, let us not push ourselves away. Let us not hinder ourselves. Anybody can worship what they like as religion; we have so many ways to God; you can’t say this is the purest religion. There is no language that God does not listen to. Let us accommodate ourselves, and let us accommodate peace,” Adifagbola Balogun submitted.

In the annals of military accomplishment, courage, dedication, and altruistic service to the nation, the name of Rear Admiral Peter Ebhaleme (Rtd) stands tall, as a beacon of unwavering commitment and exemplary leadership. As we pay tribute to the passage of this distinguished officer, we reflect not only on his remarkable career, but also on the indelible mark he left in the hearts and minds of all who had the privilege of knowing him, or crossing his path. He has gone – gone from this sinful world – but he lives with us in our hearts.

The Rear Admiral who was born in 1948 attended the Nigeria Military School, Zaria; the Nigeria Defence Academy, Kaduna; and the Britannia Royal Navy College, England. He later attended the University of Lagos in 1990, where he bagged the LL.B (Hons) degree. He did not rest on his oars in his crave for knowledge and education. Ebhaleme went ahead to the Nigerian Law School which he passed and was called to the Nigerian Bar in 1995. As a military officer, he held several command and staff positions. He started as a Commanding Officer NNS in Enugu 1994; Gunnery officer NNS Dorina in 1995. He later rose to become Chief of Administration, Defence Headquarters between 2001 and 2002. He topped it when he rose to the position of Chairman. The Admiral retired honourably from the Nigerian Navy in 2003 after a distinguished military career.

The Admiral’s journey is one marked by uncommon dedication to duty, exemplary service and profound contributions to his nation and the international maritime community. Throughout his illustrious career, Rear Admiral Ebhaleme consistently demonstrated an exceptional blend of strategic vision, tactical prowess and unwavering commitment to excellence.

As a naval officer, Ebhaleme rose through the ranks with distinction, exhibiting exceptional leadership qualities at every turn. His tenure saw him undertake a myriad of critical roles, from commanding naval vessels, to overseeing complex maritime operations, all with a steadfast focus on safeguarding Nigeria's maritime interests and promoting regional security.

Rear Admiral Ebhaleme's legacy extends far beyond his military service. His visionary leadership played a pivotal role in shaping the Nigerian Navy's capabilities, modernizing its fleet and enhancing its operational use and effectiveness. Under his guidance, the Nigerian Navy expanded its footprint in combating maritime threats, including piracy, illegal fishing, bunkering and smuggling, thereby contributing to the stability and prosperity of the Gulf of Guinea region.

Ebhaleme's influence transcended national borders, as he actively engaged in collaborative efforts with regional and international partners to address common maritime challenges. His diplomatic acumen and strategic foresight were instrumental in fostering meaningful partnerships for greater maritime security cooperation across the African continent and beyond.

Beyond his professional achievements, late Rear Admiral Ebhaleme is respected for his character, integrity, humility and compassion. At his 70th birthday and book launch on the 28th day of July, 2018, former Vice President, Prof Yemi Osinbajo described him as a man with the spirit of God and whose Counsel has always been right. Osinbajo scored the bull’s eye. Ebhaleme spoke truth and was a man of honour. He was a mentor and role model to countless young officers, inspiring them to uphold the highest ideals and standards of professionalism and ethical conduct. His selfless dedication to duty and unflagging commitment to the welfare of his subordinates earned him the respect and admiration of all who had the privilege of serving under his command.

Surely, Woodrow Wilson, former American president, was right when he declared, “if you lose your wealth, you have lost nothing; if you lose your health, you have lost something; but if you lose your character, you have lost everything”. Till death, Ebhaleme never lost his character. So, by dying, he has lost nothing. He has merely transformed from the physical to the spiritual; - from the terrestrial to the celestial; from mortality to immortality.  

As we reflect on Rear Admiral Peter Ebhaleme's remarkable journey through life, let us join hands to pay tribute to a fine officer and gentleman; a total family man and a conscientious Esan, Edo State Elder Statesman and true maritime pioneer, whose indelible legacy will continue to inspire generations of naval officers and maritime leaders. His profound impact on the Nigerian Navy and the broader maritime community serves as a testament to his enduring legacy of service, industry, honour, dignity and excellence. May Admiral Ebhaleme’s contributions never be forgotten; and may his spirit continue to guide and inspire us in the pursuit of a safer, more secure maritime environment for all. Amen.

City FM is inviting you to a scheduled Zoom meeting.

Programme: CITY TALKS WITH REUBEN ABATI

Time: 12:00pm

Guest: Mr. Ehi Braimah
(Publisher/Editor-in-Chief, Naija Times)

Topic: "National Minimum Wage Controversy"

Date: 18th May, 2024

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It was a good project mired in totally avoidable controversies. Months drew on. Then years flew by, while some low-grade quibbling went on in recondite corners; here and there. While that lasted, an investor who was ready to bring an inflow of 18 Billion dollars into the country, as the biggest ever single Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) left the country in frustration.

Back in 2015, on July 12 to be exact the project was greeted with some enthusiasm on this page. Under the title, “Inside Centenary City”, we enthused: “It is easy to believe that the Centenary City Project will be a major national success story. Following the incorporation of the Special Purpose Company (SPC) that will promote and drive the investment in the city, a total of 19 companies subscribed to the company’s Articles and Memorandum of Understanding; having met the initial capital call. … The Board of Directors of the company was inaugurated by President Goodluck Jonathan”.

Ten years later, the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike, had to intervene to revive what was looking more and more like a stillborn good idea. His action on the matter was reminiscent of the mythical story of a king who was said to have summoned a perpetually quarrelling couple, locked them up in a big house and then said to them: “The only condition under which I will let the two of you out of this place, and out of my sight, is that you will leave here resolved never to quarrel or fight again”.

Glaring at the couple, as the story went, he was reported to have said: “Under no circumstance must anyone hear ‘pim’ from either of you, in the name of a quarrel or disagreement. Until that happens, and until you come to your senses, you will be locked up here till further notice. You will be supplied all the provisions you ask for, but you will not step out of this place or see the shining sun until you agree to stop disagreeing”.

Well, Wike seems to have done something akin to that, but not with the threat of damnation or anything of the sort. He simply had to make it clear to all concerned parties and stakeholders that no one should try to upstage any endeavour that serves the long-term interests of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. It was as simple as that.

Since a Free Zone is created by a Presidential Directive that designates an area for special administration to attract FDI, create jobs, and enhance competitiveness, it was not a matter to be toyed with. Thus, for the minister, the Abuja Centenary City investment and effort was not only here to stay, but must be made to stay in the right and most sustainable way possible.

But Wike did not just roll out the tanks and the gun boats, no! He started by hosting the Federal Capital Development Authority (FCDA)/Federal Capital Territory Authority (FCTA) and Abuja Centenary City Plc. on Wednesday, April 17, 2024. Then he enquired into the issues that were considered to be bottlenecks on both sides.

Well, he got an earful. The lingering issues, the court cases, the distrust, the contrived bad blood, the mischief of those who should know better than to try to undermine the project. The narratives and narrations were legion. But the point of it all was to find a solution that everyone can live with.

It emerged that some of the obstacles being consistently put in the way of the progress and progression of the Centenary City Project rested on a fundamental misunderstanding of some legal points and other issues. Wike pointed out that a Free Zone is a Presidential Directive that creates a designated area for special administration to attract foreign direct investment (FDI), create jobs, and enhance competitiveness. To that extent, neither the minister nor any administrative institution of state can seriously, and meaningfully, contest the primacy of Mr. President’s powers in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) as custodian.

The conversation dovetailed into the further clarification of some mistaken perspectives regarding the legal identity, and administrative, autonomy of a Freezone, within an overarching umbrella of national sovereignty that still allows it to voluntarily outsource such municipal and other services it feels inclined to do. The operative word is ‘voluntarily’.

Then came the advice that was more of an angry, but pleasantly couched directive: For the FCDA and Centenary City management to resolve their differences amicably and work together in the broader national interest, so that the project can regain traction and move forward. The parties were reminded that the Centenary City project aligned with the Federal Government’s economic strategy of enhancing private sector investment in tourism, and other non-oil income earners critical for boosting the country’s economy.

With very clear guidelines regarding the law and management of Free Zones, and also knowing that there is no ambiguity about the status of Free Zones, the point of showing the best roles of FCTA/FCDA within the law is simply the only reasonable option on the road to lasting synergy. The result was that the parties found accommodation for each other’s perspective and signed a Communique to express their new cooperation. The current development also announced the cessation of court cases, encroachments, name calling and sundry acts of mischief.

For the record, the idea of a new Smart City, as part of Abuja urban renewal programme came after a detailed review of the Abuja capital city concept; as a small administrative capital. It became clear from the review that the upscale provisions for recreation, tourism, shopping, urban middle class accommodation would fill a gap that should not have been there in the first place.

It was one of the Legacy Projects initiated by the Federal Government and approved by the Federal Executive Council (FEC), as part of the programmes and activities for Nigeria’s Centenary celebration in 2014. It was planned following the vision of a Smart Green City that would rank among the most modern cities in the world.

The concept was patterned after model cities like Dubai in the United Arab Emirates, Songdo in South Korea, and Shenzen in the Peoples Republic of China. Part of the expectation was that it would signpost the Nigeria of the future, by leveraging world class urban development as a tool for securing Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) and catalysing various aspects of social and economic indices in the country.

That probably explains the formation of Centenary City PLC (CCPLC) as a public limited liability company, with 39 local and foreign investors. This came to 100% private sector investors, without any government funding whatsoever. The owners hired a management team, secured a Certificate of Occupancy (C of O) from the FCTA for the Centenary City land, and in lieu of the N3.611 billion premium on the land, it granted the FCTA, which was represented by the Abuja Investment Company Limited – AICL – , 5% of the equity of CCPLC; in addition to a Board seat. With this arrangement, the Government is part owner and part of CCPLC decision-making of the Project through the FCTA.

It was gleefully announced here in 2015 that: “The developer of the new city, Centenary City Plc., has fortunately been working with templates that guarantee both a seamless flow of activities leading to the final emergence of the city, as well as a compensation and resettlement programme for the landowners that will avoid the usual controversies often associated with compensation and relocations. The initial mischief, peddling of false information and the attempt to build a career out of spurious protests have all given way to a quiet and sustained engagement that all the parties concerned are looking at with confidence”.

The enthusiastic submission back then even went on to declare thus: “The Centenary City is the official counterpoise to the Eko Atlantic City in Lagos. Both are the two special economic cities designated as free zones by NEPZA. As a major national project, it was all woven into the centenary celebrations and offered to Nigerians as a powerful catalyst to stimulate investment – with multi-layered positive impact on the economy and the people”. Well, see where we are on the matter, after ten years. And, go and  see where Eko Atlantic City is.

With the commendable development under Wike, with the needed positive intervention from the Senate, it is hoped that the new locus of mischief, if any, will not find accommodation elsewhere. I say this because the time lag may become an excuse for mischief makers to begin new claims about ancestral lands and what not.

This is what was said about all that, back in 2015: “Knowing the controversies that have consistently trailed practically all previous compensation programmes in the country, especially for the original inhabitants of Abuja, Centenary City Plc. deployed dialogue and patient consultations to avoid any hiccups. The clarification given early in the day by the Managing Director about the entire compensation package was difficult to fault, or reject. It showed a two-pronged drive that combined cash payment for the crops and resettlement of the displaced landowners in houses built for them by Centenary City Plc. at its own cost.”

We said, further: “The payment to the landowners covers the crops and economic trees on their land, while the resettlement will provide adequate land for the buildings and other facilities to be developed by the Centenary City Plc. for their relocation to even better developed living conditions. Under the guidance of the FCDA, Centenary City Plc. will build adequate housing with infrastructure for the displaced landowners”.

We took it further, and I am deliberately going into history, because the current gains must not get lost in some political muddle once again. Hear this, as stated here on July 12, 2015: “To ensure a scientifically verifiable basis for the deterring eligibility for compensation, the FCDA authorities did a biometric capture of all the affected communities, matching facial recognition and fingerprint scan of persons who are seven years of age and above. So far, most of the 671 beneficiaries identified for compensation have been settled. Some had no title Deed, no C of O, etc., while others had only letters of allocation and nothing more. Today, they have not only been paid, or are scheduled to be paid, for land they did not really own, but are among those to be resettled in new and better houses very soon”.

Compensation to the Original Inhabitants for economic trees/crops and other property interests falling within the Centenary City site and the Resettlement site, as diligently facilitated by the FCDA, was to the tune of N1.4 Billion back then.

The economic benefits of the Centenary City project are easily measurable. So are the social benefits, as well as the extra political mileage that would come in due course.

Let Agencies of Government come to terms with the fact that Governments regulate, and do not “supervise” private sector projects. Let us also hope that

Nyesom Wike’s courage holds out and that the FCDA and Centenary City management remain on the right track in the national interest.

‘In all fairness to Tinubu, several of the promises were not meant to be fulfilled in the first year. They remain work-in-process.

Nigerians can only hope that the pledges will eventually be redeemed. Despite that caveat, it is clear that those scheduled for the first year have suffered the fate of politicians’ promises from time immemorial.

‘To crown it all, Nigeria, by the end of this year will decline from the largest economy in Africa to number four’.

“Tinubu wants to build a Nigeria that is confident and competitive on the global stage. Because of this, we can no longer afford certain ways of doing things. We must push past the false comfort of certain ingrained habits and practices, and endure inevitable but temporary discomfort because we are certain that ahead of us lies lasting reward.”

Mohammed Idris, Minister of Information and National Orientation. May 8, 2024.

Mohammed Idris, in an article titled: “Tinubu first anniversary: Propelling Nigeria towards renewal”, presented a truthful summary of the first anniversary of the administration which would have been difficult to beat if it was written by Tinubu’s worst political enemies. Published in all the major newspapers, as well as, online media, it was erudite, logical, good reading and self-damning for the Federal Government. In the entire 13 paragraphs of the article, only four figures were dropped – “we have seen investment commitments over $300bn, across various sectors” and “disbursement has since commenced of the nano-grants of N50,000 each for one million Nigerians, part of a larger N200bn MSME’s credit programme.”

Since readers were not told what these figures mean in terms of the promises made under the RENEWED HOPE agenda, readers have been left to figure out the implications themselves. Here is one interpretation of what the Minister said – in light of facts available to those diligent enough to search for economic and financial data.

Most often, “commitments” are nothing more than Memorandum of Understanding, MoU, which Nigerian leaders have announced as firm commitments. The recent embarrassment with the $600 million MAERSK proposed investment in Nigerian ports development, should serve as a warning that government pronouncements about secured Foreign Direct Investment are not always reliable.

Nigerians will believe there are $300 billion in investment commitments when the funds arrive here. And, nobody knows how long that would take. Certainly, it will not all come into the country in 2024 and even 2025. A lot of the pledges might never be redeemed. Eight years of Buhari administration and several trips abroad, followed by announcements of investments secured ended with very little to show for the effort.

Touting the N50,000 nano-grants which the FG has started to pay to one million, out of 133 million poor in Nigeria, could not have come at a worse time for the government. The World Bank in a recent report declared Buhari’s efforts in that regard as a waste – which failed to achieve its stated objectives of alleviating poverty stimulating consumption and increasing aggregate employment. Nothing suggests that Tinubu will succeed where Buhari failed. The same woolly-headed economics still underlies the initiative. In a world in which earning less than $2 per day is regarded as living in poverty, N50,000 amounts to $1.2 for one person; and $0.30 for a family of four. Self-deception has never been so elegantly proclaimed by a minister of government.

The rest of the article was a mere repetition of promises for the future – without a single achievement being mentioned. Nothing was said about the hastily improvised palliatives programme, the Portharcourt and Dangote refineries which were supposed to have started pumping out fuel, the gas-operated buses which would crash road transport fares and the housing units which would have doubled available housing. That is understandable. Like most politicians’ promises, they were never really intended to be fulfilled.

WHAT HAPPENED TO THE RENEWED HOPE AGENDA?

“Every country has the government it deserves.” Joseph de Maistre, 1753-1821.
VANGUARD BOOK OF QUOTATIONS, VBQ p 80.

And, the people should be ready to suffer the consequences of having the government – especially if it is elected. It is too late in the day to waste time on who won the 2023. Power belongs to the people; not even the Supreme Court. We have a government elected by us. The repercussions are now manifesting.

But, long before the elections, there was a document titled RENEWED HOPE in which candidate Bola Tinubu laid out hundreds of promises; telling us what he would do as President. It is one year this month. Below are a few reminders of what Fellow Nigerians were supposed to expect.

  • SECURITY: peaceful communities, secure borders, safe forests (p 9); reposition Police, no more VIP assignments (p 10).
  • ECONOMY: our cities and towns will witness a level of industrial activity unprecedented in our nation’s history (p 12); 10% GDP growth rate based on 2021 World Bank data; 2024 GDP — $586.7bn.; National Infrastructure Campaign, the government can hire millions of unemployed Nigerians to modernise infrastructure (p14), import substitution (p16), fight corruption and inefficiency, Exchange Rate Management: Our economic policies shall be guided by our desire for a stronger, more stable Naira founded upon a vibrant and productive real economy (p19), Inflation Targeting and Management: To impose the usual anti-inflation medicine of higher interest rates and tighter money-supply will only weaken the patient (p20); Foreign Debt Obligations: Our policy will be such that new foreign currency debt obligations will be linked to projects that generate cash flows from which the debt can be repaid (p21).
  • INDUSTRIAL POLICY: Our government will make it a priority to encourage industries vital to national development. This means growing our industrial base to provide jobs to an expanding urban population (p22).
  • AGRICULTURE: Only 35% of arable land in Nigeria is presently cultivated. Our target shall be to increase this number to 65% in four years; COMMODITY BOARDS: We shall introduce commodity boards to establish minimum prices for strategic crops (p26); we will develop a plan to open heretofore uncultivated land to both small and large scale farming and vertically integrated agri-business (p28).
  • POWER: Eliminate Estimated Billing, we will end this unpopular and harmful practice and ensure that all electricity bills are meter-based (p30).
  • OIL AND GAS: Ensure Stability of Petroleum Products Supply (p37).
  • EDUCATION: ensure the abundance of qualified capable educators; prioritise the use of computers (p41); introduce new accreditation standards; establish curriculum committee; improve teacher training (p42); reform Technical and Vocational (p43) ; introduce students loan and Special education loan Fund (p44)
  • HEALTH: invest greatly in health care; introduce universal health care (p45); healthcare will target poor and marginalised communities (p46); deliberate policy to retain skilled manpower, introduce incentives (p47); improve our public health response to health emergencies (p48).
  • We will also explore how Nigeria can take greater advantage of relatively recent innovations such as blockchain technology. Blockchain, because of its security and accountability features, has the inherent potential to make daily interactions easier, faster and more convenient (p50).
  • SPORT, ENTERTINMENT AND CULTURE: Build a modern Media City modelled on the Dubai Media City; introduce hospitality training programme (p55).
  • The return of schools sports and grassroots sports will be made the cornerstone of our sports development policy; create Athletes’ Welfare Fund (p56).
  • YOUTH EMPLOYMENT AND ENTREPRENEURSHIP: Tinubu administration shall aim to cut youth unemployment in half within four years (p57).
  • WOMEN EMPOWERMENT: Commercial banks will be encouraged to support women-owned businesses nationwide through the use of concessionary loans and incentives (p60).
  • OUT OF SCHOOL CHILDREN: Raise to the highest priority the growing problem of out-of-school children throughout the country….This will also reduce the number of disaffected youth who might fall prey to recruitment by terrorist and violent groups (p63).
  • FEDERALISM AND DECENTRALISATION OF POWER: A Tinubu administration will rebalance the responsibilities and authorities of the different tiers of government (p68).
  • RESOURCE ALLOCATION: Embark on a review of the federation revenue allocation to recalibrate the division of funds among the three tiers of government (p69)
  • FOREIGN POLICY: Enhance Nigeria’s political leadership on the continent by establishing a G-5 among major African nations to develop common positions on issues of continental and global importance (p72). COMMENTS In all fairness to Tinubu, several of the promises were not meant to be fulfilled in the first year. They remain work-in-process. Nigerians can only hope that the pledges will eventually be redeemed. Despite that caveat, it is clear that those scheduled for the first year have suffered the fate of politicians’ promises from time immemorial. There is no need to appraise all the promises seriatim. Readers can easily observe that among others, Tinubu vowed to impose the age-long remedy of high interest rates and tighter money supply policies in the fight against inflation in the RENEWED HOPE document.

Surprisingly, he was not prescient enough to have created a committee or task force to start working on how to manage inflation after being declared the winner of the 2023 election. Obviously, now, he established no Think Tank to study the economic debacle he would inherit, to anticipate the problems likely to be associated with fuel subsidy removal and to devise the policies and programmes to minimise the negative impacts of “fuel subsidy is gone”. From the first day in office, his government has been playing catch-up to events which have taken control of Nigeria.

Today, the government is not in control of the major indices of measuring social and economic welfare. CRUDE OIL production and export, for reasons unclear to Nigerians, have stayed below 1.5 million barrels per day since January.

Right now in May, it has dropped below 1.3mbpd – leaving a daily negative variance of about 400,000 bpd and so many millions of dollars in revenue. Despite the promise that external loans would be tied to self-liquidating projects, none of the debts incurred since January fulfilled that condition. Like Buhari, Tinubu is now borrowing to cover current expenditure obligations.

Consequently, 91 per cent of dollar revenue in the first quarter, Q1, went into debt repayment. Forget capital expenditure. From the information available, Q2 dollar revenue will be less than Q1. That likely decline in dollar revenue is the cardinal reason the CBN’s efforts aimed at crashing exchange rates had become a fleeting mirage.

Exchange rates are trending up again. After going down close to N1000/US$ in late March and early April, it was up to N1505/US$ on May 11. The immediate future is not promising. The government’s response, as can be determined rests on two loan packages: a $2.5 billion loan package from the World Bank and a domestic dollar-denominated bond issue. In other words, more loans will be taken.

Regarding the promises on employment and housing, even the least informed Nigerian knows that more houses and working places have been demolished between May last year and today than in the last four years put together. More people are now jobless and homeless than at any time in our history.

Manufacturers have either closed down or scaled down operations since May 29 last year. More global manufacturers are getting ready to leave any time soon,


Food scarcity is more acute; palliatives by governments made a bad situation worse because corrupt government agents paid more than private individuals acting on their own. Some of the food palliatives promised by Tinubu are just arriving in the States – invariably less than promised.

Power supply remains the same; with only one major difference. All Nigerians will henceforth pay more for the same atrocious service. Hope dimmed.

But, why go on? Nobody in his right senses will dispute the obvious fact that close to 99 per cent of Nigerians are worse off today than last year. Tinubu has managed to achieve what most of us thought was impossible last year. He has performed worse than Buhari. To crown it all, Nigeria, by the end of this year will decline from the largest economy in Africa to number four.

THE ELEPHANT IN THE ROOM – BINANCE AND BLOCKCHAIN TECHNOLOGY.

“We will reform government policy to encourage the prudent use of blockchain technology in finance and banking, identity management, revenue collection and the use of crypto assets.

As part of our reforms, we will establish an advisory committee to review the existing regulatory environment governing blockchain technology and virtual asset services and, where necessary, suggest changes to create a more efficient and business-friendly regulatory framework. We will also encourage the CBN to expand the use of our digital currency, the E-naira.” (p52).

Earlier before that, the RENEWED HOPE document had offered this reason for getting the Tinubu government deeply involved in blockchain technology – if elected.

“Blockchain technology, because of its security and accountability features, has the inherent potential to make daily transactions easier, faster and more convenient….” (p50).

I was alarmed in 2022 when my copy of RENEWED HOPE was delivered to me; and when those pages were reached for several reasons. To begin with, by 2022, blockchain technology and cryptocurrencies had already been revealed as platforms used mainly by criminals – international drug cartels and king pins, corrupt public and private sector operatives, arms traffickers, financiers of terrorist organisations, human traffickers, tax evaders and money launderers.

Furthermore, while it made transactions easier and faster, it was untrue that it possessed security and accountability. By late 2022, several nations were already clamping down on cryptocurrency – which after an initial surge was declining. Countries like China, whose citizens were among the originators of blockchain technology were aware of its potential to destabilise economies. It was certainly not accountable to ant government or any constituted authority.

Young men and some women in Lagos were the first to latch on to cryptocurrency; and being in Lagos, I was very curious. The logical step was to locate those involved and obtain information about the new technology. I also went on the internet to learn more. My discovery was alarming enough to advise my tutors in Lagos to be very careful about this new technology; which to me is a two-edged sword. It can make or break you.

I also discovered that some individuals who knew about the drafting of the RENEWED HOPE campaign were already heavily invested in crypto. It was therefore not surprising that blockchain technology was so seriously promoted. Victory at the elections provided the winners the opportunity to bring in crypto platforms like BINANCE to help the FG institute crypto in Nigeria. It was akin to inviting an unruly elephant into your living room.

Nigeria’s current court case against BINANCE might not be about protecting national interest at all. Information reaching me from the crypto community indicates that a few friends of people in corridors of power had their multi-million dollar accounts looted by international hackers without trace, and there is no legal way of getting the money back.

Because cryptocurrency platforms are technological conspiracies, the looters of a Nigerian’s account might be based in Russia or North Korea. The stolen funds might be lodged in Peru – without the South American nation knowing about it. Thus, it is almost impossible for the owner to obtain redress for the theft. He can’t go to court in Peru; have the looter repatriated from North Korea, and he dares not report to the Nigerian authorities without explaining how he got the money.

Neither the Nigerian authorities nor BINANCE is telling us what happened. One thing, however, is certain, the government might have inadvertently allowed BINANCE, a global outlaw crypto platform to come into the country; and the entire country is suffering from the consequences of that poor error of judgment.

The Nigerian economy is bedevilled by scarcities – of dollars, naira, regular power and fuel supply, food, housing, jobs and sound economic policies. Tinubu’s Lagos Boys are still missing the point. Supply-side inflation can never be cured by increasing interest rates but by increasing the supply of commodities.

Hope has not been renewed; at best, it has been deferred.

 

Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, the president of Nigeria from 2007 to 2010, would have turned 73 this May if he were still alive. But regrettably, he was taken by the icy hands of death and dropped from sight just when Nigeria most needed him. We cannot question God. As Epicurus once said, it is possible to guarantee security against all odds. But against death, all men, mortals alike, dwell in an unprotected place.

President Yar’Adua was a model democrat and leader, and he could have finished as one of the most successful presidents Nigeria has ever had. That was not to be, though.

From 2007 to 2010, Umaru Musa Yar’Adua GCFR led the country as president after he was proclaimed the victor of the Nigerian presidential election, and on May 29, 2007, he took office.

In the past, he was a member of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and the governor of Katsina state from 1999 until 2007. Yar’Adua travelled to Saudi Arabia in 2009 to get treatment for pericarditis. On February 24, 2010, he left Nigeria again for the same reason. His return took a long time, and on May 5, he passed away.

 

A scion of the Yar’Adua political family, the Katsina-born Umaru Yar’Adua had a very unique personality. After studying education and chemistry for his bachelor’s degree at Ahmadu Bello University in Zaria from 1972 to 1975, he returned in 1978 to complete his master’s degree in analytical chemistry. Yar’Adua inherited his father Musa Yar’Adua’s chieftaincy title of Matawalle, which means caretaker of the royal treasury, from the Katsina Emirate. The father served as a minister for  Lagos during the First Republic. His paternal grandmother, Binta, was a princess of the Katsina Emirate and the sister of Emir Muhammadu Dikko.

Several policies pursued by Yar’Adua set the course for his presidency toward resetting Nigeria. He was the first and only president of Nigeria to reject the election that gave him the position, where his predecessor had declared his own to be “a do-or-die affair.”

Yar’Adua set up a government of national unity as a means of fostering unity after winning the presidency. The Progressive People’s Alliance (PPA) and the All Nigeria People’s Party (ANPP) decided to join Yar’Adua’s cabinet towards the end of June 2007.

 

Yar’Adua formed a presidential electoral reform committee to examine the legal aspects, social and political institutions, and other relevant aspects to reset the country’s electoral system and prepare the way for free, fair, and credible elections in Nigeria. The electoral reform committee also examined security concerns that impacted the nation’s election credibility and quality, as well as the mandate to offer suggestions for enhancing election credibility.

A former Chief Justice of Nigeria, Mohammed Uwais, led the electoral reform committee. The committee’s proposals included amending the constitution to remove some of the functions of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and establishing an electoral commission and party registration agency. Additionally, it suggested that judicial challenges to elections be resolved quickly, before the swearing-in ceremony of the candidate for the seat in question.

The Yar’Adua administration published a seven-point agenda in August 2007 to use as the centerpiece for addressing developmental issues and advancing Nigeria’s economy to rank among the top twenty in the world by 2020. The seven-point agenda covered land reforms, transportation, wealth creation, infrastructure, power and energy, food security, security, and education.

Sadly, Yar’Adua fell gravely ill a little over a year after taking office and was soon bedridden. Because his principal, Yar’Adua, failed to transmit power to him before his last trip to Saudi Arabia, from which he returned unable to resume office and died soon later, the country struggled for long over how his deputy, Dr. Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, would assume power as acting president. This led to the Doctrine of Necessity under the David Mark’s Senate presidency. Yar’Adua was just 59 years old.

 

The Nigerian people would have had complete control over who they chose to elect if Yar’Adua had lived long enough to see through his earnest electoral reforms. Nigeria was deprived of that chance by death.

Yar’Adua was a symbol of peace and unity; if anyone could be considered detribalized, it was him. He was an advocate of merit and a united, indissoluble, and indivisible Nigeria. He led by example. He was a tough, fair leader who brooked no nonsense. Regarding the backing he had from then-President Olusegun Obasanjo to become Nigeria’s president, the prevailing opinion is that Yar’Adua was one or two of the governors in office at the time with a perfect record, free of any allegations or suspicions of corruption. Yar’Adua had impeccable records.

As governor, he objected to the notion that the Katsina Government House would always be run on a generator any time that the PHCN failed to provide electricity. He wanted the government house to be equally without light when Katsina State experienced a blackout.

Yar’Adua had very integrative and inclusive economic policies and plans while serving as president. He had plans and ideas to establish and grow six regional economies in Nigeria based on the geopolitics of the country. He intended to concentrate on one state in each of the six geopolitical zones, turning it into an economic hub and a gateway to the zone. His true motivation for supporting Professor Chukwuma Soludo to go for the position of governor of Anambra State in 2010 was to turn the state into an economic hub and the gateway to the east, concurrently with the other five anchor states for the rest of the five zones.

 

Regretfully, Yar’Adua’s death also prevented him from building an equitable Nigeria based on their comparative economic advantage (Riccardo’s economics). The presidents that came before and after him lacked a sense of social fairness and equity, and they showed little concern for the requirements that each zone needed to integrate economically and competitively.

His pro-masses style of administration was peerless compared to any other Nigerian leader, demonstrating his exceptional humanness. Yar’Adua, inspired by the misery of Nigerians, cut the price of fuel as soon as he took office, whereas past and present Nigerian presidents were busy removing fuel subsidies and raising the price of fuel regardless of the prevailing crushing weight of poverty. Yar’Adua was the only head of state or president to reduce fuel prices since the fuel subsidy turned into a national nightmare.

 

With that mindset and plan, Yar’Adua’s presidency was emerging as possibly the best that the country could have had. Sadly, death stole Nigeria’s finest, leaving her with leaders and henchmen who had no morality and would only plunder and make fun of the people after they had captured the state.

Yar’Adua was a very experienced politician. He belonged to the leftist Peoples Redemption Party during the Second Republic (1979–1983), and his father served as the National Party of Nigeria’s National vice chairman for a brief period. Yar’Adua was one of the founding members of the Peoples Front of Nigeria during General Ibrahim Babangida’s transition programme to the Third Republic, along with members like President Bola Tinubu, former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, Baba Gana Kingibe, Sabo Bakin Zuwo, Wada Abubakar, Abdullahi Aliyu Sumaila, Abubakar Koko, and Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, a political organisation headed by the late Major-General Shehu Musa Yar’Adua, his elder brother.

 

Later on, the group gave rise to the Social Democratic Party. Yar’Adua participated in the Constituent Assembly of 1988. He was the state secretary of the Nigerian Social Democratic Party (SDP) in Katsina and a member of the party’s National Caucus. In the 1991 election, he ran for governor but was defeated by Saidu Barda, an ally of Ibrahim Babangida and the National Republican Convention candidate.

Indeed, Nigeria lost a rare gem of a leader to the cold hands of death in His Excellency Umaru Musa Yar’Adua.

 

Patriotic Nigerians wish you a happy (posthumous) birthday and ask God to send someone like you to Nigeria sooner than later so that the nation might experience true peace, unity, and growth.

Rest on, the great, patriotic, and visionary leader of all time.


Dr Law Mefor, an Abuja-based forensic and social psychologist, is a fellow of The Abuja School of Social and Political Thoughts. He can be reached via This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it. and on Twitter @Drlawsonmefor

I am writing this week’s column from Nelson Mandela University in Port Elizabeth, South Africa, where I have come to deliver a talk on media theory. But this column isn’t about the talk or about South Africa. It’s about the enduring problems of electricity generation and distribution in Nigeria, which I have brooded over for quite some time.

It’s ironic that I am writing about Nigeria’s new economic apartheid in electricity consumption from the previous land of apartheid where electricity is a human right, where even the poorest of the poor “have a public law right to receive electricity” even before the abolishment of apartheid, according to F. Dube and C.G. Moyo in their 2022 article titled “The Right to Electricity in South Africa.”  

I’m not sure there’s any modern country on earth where electricity is as precarious, as insufficient, as unreliable, and as socially stratified as it is in Nigeria. The hierarchization of electricity distribution into “bands” in which people classified as “band A” (read: the wealthy) get the most electricity and people classified as “Band E” (read: the most economically disinherited) get the least electricity is the most starkly state-sanctioned economic discrimination I have ever seen anywhere in the world. President Bola Tinubu should order that the bands be disbanded forthwith. This is embarrassing official idiocy.

The point isn’t even that so-called Band A electricity consumers don’t actually get the amount of electricity that their socio-economic status should guarantee them, according to the new state-sponsored economic apartheid that imposes discrimination on electricity consumers. The outrage is that the government would conceive of a program where a resource as indispensable to modern life as electricity is rationed on the basis of economic status.

Electricity is the cornerstone of development. It isn’t a privilege. It should be a human right. It should be accessible to everyone. It’s the driver of economic development, is indispensable to healthcare, is the backbone of education, supports modern agricultural practices, is fundamental to technological progress, powers social development, and enhances quality of life.

The government’s goal should be to generate and distribute “Band A” electricity for all consumers in Nigeria—like is done in other countries, including countries much less endowed than Nigeria.

As I pointed out in a previous column, the depth of Nigeria’s electricity problems didn’t become magnified in my consciousness until July 2009 when I visited my mother’s maternal relatives in the city of Parakou, the capital of Borgou State (or, as states are called there, “Department”) in Benin Republic. Throughout the one week I stayed in Parakou, Benin Republic’s third largest city with a little over a quarter of a million people, electricity didn’t blink for even a split second.

Except for the distinctive sights, sounds, and smells of the city, it felt like I was still in the United States. 

To be sure that the impressively continuous electricity we enjoyed wasn’t a fluke, I asked my mother’s first cousin (that would be my “first cousin once removed” in Standard English and my “uncle” in Nigerian English) in whose house we stayed to tell me the last time they lost power in the city or in the neighborhood.

He started to jog his memory and even enlisted the help of his wife because he thought I needed to know the exact day for record purposes. I told him not to bother, but I later learned from him that although power outages occur, often for maintenance, they are infrequent, relatively brief, and often announced ahead of time in the broadcast media.

This is particularly interesting because Benin Republic buys most of its electricity from Nigeria, although my cousin said that wasn’t true of Parakou. Most importantly, though, there was no invidious social differentiation of electricity consumers into “bands.” If there was, my relative in Parakou would be in “Band E” because he retired from the Beninese civil service on a modest rank.

Almost every Nigerian I know who has traveled outside Nigeria shares the same experience as mine. A former colleague of mine at the Presidential Villa in Abuja who traveled to Iran for weeks returned and told us he didn’t witness power outage for even a fraction of a second throughout his stay in the country, which caused him to insist that if Iran was a “Third World” country, Nigeria must be a “10th World” country.

And that leads me to the question: why has it been impossible to power Nigeria? Why does every other country on earth seem to be doing better than Nigeria in electricity generation and distribution? I think it’s because we have never had anyone with a clue to manage Nigeria’s power sector. Let’s look at some of the ministers of power we’ve had since 1999.

In 1999, the late Chief Bola Ige, who became the minister of power, promised to “turn stone to bread.” He was deploying a biblical metaphor to imply that he would make the seemingly impossible possible. Well, he didn’t have a stone to start with, so there was no bread. His legacy was darkness.

On November 28, 2012, the then Minister of State for Power, Hajia Zainab Kuchi, told South African investors that “evil spirits” were to blame for Nigeria’s interminable electricity troubles. “We must resolve to jointly exorcise the evil spirit behind this darkness and allow this nation take its pride of peace [sic] in the comity of nations [sic],” she said.

About two months later, her metaphysical explanation for Nigeria’s electricity difficulties got a professorial endorsement when, on January 23, 2013, Chinedu Nebo, a professor of engineering and former university vice chancellor, told the Nigerian senate that power outages were caused by “witches and demons” and that “If the President deploys me in the power sector, I believe that given my performance at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka, where I drove out the witches and demons, God will also give me the power to drive out the demons in the power sector.”

He got the job. But neither he nor Kuchi were able to exorcise the “evil spirits,” “demons,” and “witches” that they believed sucked the megawatts out of Nigeria’s power plants. Their legacy was more darkness.

Then on July 11, 2014, Babatunde Fashola said Nigeria’s electricity problems were political, even electoral. “The only way you and I will have electricity in this country,” he said, “is to vote out the PDP.”

Again, at the 7th Annual Bola Tinubu Colloquium on March 25, 2015, Fashola blamed “amateurs” for Nigeria’s power generation problems.  He infamously said, “Power generation is not rocket science; it is just a generator.  So just remember and imagine that your ‘I-better-pass-my-neighbour’ in one million times—its capacity but in one place. So, if you can make that size of one kilowatt, you can make a power turbine of one thousand megawatts…

“So, with all the billions of dollars that have been spent, the story is that we still live in darkness. Our government lies about it, but it is not because power is impossible. But to tell you very confidently that we do not have power because power is difficult to generate; we have darkness because we have incompetent people managing our economy. As one of my friends fondly calls them, our economy is being managed by amateurs.”

He was appointed the minister in charge of power a few months after this overconfident political diagnosis of Nigeria’s unending electricity woes. Within a few months of being in power, disappointed Nigerians nicknamed him the “minister of darkness,” and Buhari didn’t reappoint him to the ministry for a second term.

He was replaced by a man who didn’t know what his job was supposed to entail, who didn’t know he was the minister of power, who was so colorless and so uninspiring that no one knew him when he held sway, much less remember him after his tenure expired.

So, from 1999, we went from treating our electricity problem as one that could be resolved through Ige’s poetic and theological flourishes to thinking that Nebo’s and Kuchi’s metaphysical delusions provided the keys to unlocking it, to imagining that Fashola’s two-bit, evidence-free, exaggeratedly partisan outbursts were any good, to the unpretentious shallowness of Fashola’s successor. 

Now we have an Adebayo Adelabu, a completely clueless, unfeeling buffoon who is clearly out of his depth, as the minister of power. Here is a minister of power who is so hopelessly ignorant about power that he thought keeping freezers connected to electricity continuously was a waste of power that was peculiar to Nigeria and has championed the idiotic social stratification of electricity consumers. 

Now he says if Nigerians are not prepared to pay an arm and a leg for electricity, they should come to terms with perpetual darkness. What kind of responsible government official says that? 

This is especially tragic because everyone knows that electricity is the driving force of technology and innovation, not to mention basic creative comforts. Any country that can’t fix its electricity can’t participate in the increasingly digital economy of the 21st century and will be stuck in permanent developmental infancy.

Yet, in spite of the drag that poor electricity exerts on creativity and innovation, Nigeria’s youth have been some of the world's most high-flying digital creators and drivers. Imagine what Nigeria would be if it had a leadership that cared and knew how to fix its electricity crisis.

From May 16 to 17, over 2,000 of Africa’s business leaders, investors, policy makers and political leaders as well as their counterparts from around the world met in Kigali, Rwanda under the auspices of the Africa CEO Forum 2024 to discuss the continent’s development, opportunities and challenges. The Africa CEO Forum is the largest international meeting of the African private sector, and is typically two days of conferences, debates, panel discussions and high-level meetings dedicated to highlighting the driving role of the private sector in the development of the continent. Rwanda is hosting it for the second time since its maiden edition, held in Geneva, 10 years ago. Last year, it was held in Abidjan and next year, it is going to somewhere in North Africa. Nigeria has never hosted it, and that’s surprising. You can think of the Forum as our own equivalent of the World Economic Forum (WEF), which holds in Davos, Switzerland, every January. The 2024 CEO Forum in Kigali was the biggest since its inception, according to the Chief Executive of the Forum, Amir Ben Yahmed. The theme this year was ‘’At the Table or On the Menu? A Critical Moment to Shape a New Future for Africa.” President Paul Kagame and a few African Heads of States and Governments were there. In attendance were many notable Nigerian businesses and NGOs. Kagame gave a brief opening statement.

The phrase, ‘’At the Table or On the Menu’’ was popularised by the US Secretary of State Antony Blinken at the Munich Security Conference last November. Responding to the moderator’s question concerning tensions in the US-China relations, Blinken had said ‘’if you are not at the table at the international systems, you’re going to be on the menu’’. Blinken had also used the same phrase in 2022 to describe relations between the two superpowers. But he did not invent this coinage. As far back as 1993, this phrase was used in an article in an American Middle East Affairs journal, describing the situation in Lebanon at that time. At a time that our continent seems to be making little progress in the global stage, it was therefore apt that the Africa CEO Forum 2024 adopted this same phrase as its theme. It was also the central point of discussions among panel members on the opening day of the summit. The panelists were Group CEO of MTN, Ralph Mupita; Regional VP for Africa, IFC, Sergio Pimenta; Access Holdings Chairman, Aigboje Aig-Imoukhuede; Rwanda Minister of State in charge of Public Investments and Resource Mobilization, Jeanine Munyeshuli, and President of Arab Bank for Economic Development in Africa, Sidi Ould Tah.

It was a very enriching and profound discussion on the experiences and future of our continent. Aig-Imoukhuede opened his contributions by acknowledging that the theme was quite poignant given that this year marks the 140th anniversary of the Berlin Conference. ‘’At the Berlin Conference, Africa was at the table, but that’s where they had us for breakfast, lunch and dinner,” he said, eliciting applause and laughter. “But Africa has come a long way since then. Today, there are many tables across the world in IMF/World Bank (finance), WHO (health), WTO (Trade), G20 (politics), etc, and it is important to note that Africans are CEOs of some international organisations in these areas,” he added. In as much as Africans are now at the table, he however wondered whether we are sitting on the right seats or low stools, eliciting another round of laughter and applause. The Access Holdings chairman elucidated further that Africans should create their own tables just like the Asians have done. ‘’Our big population, common markets and youths should give us a table for the future’’ he said. He noted that Africans have made considerable progress in finance, noting that foreign banks that have divested from the continent have been replaced by African banks.

He illustrated: ‘’If an African investor, for example, goes to the Eurobond market, he should be ready to be dictated to by the regulators and the operators in that market; and they necessarily don’t have your interest in mind. But if an African investor goes to an Afrobond market to raise capital, chances are that the market will be sympathetic to Africa’s needs and nuances, but the standards and regulations should not be lower than what you have in the Eurobonds markets.” He called for partnership between the public and private sectors in the continent and announced that Access Holdings and the Aig-Imoukhuede Foundation are launching a Super NGO which will provide funding and talent for transformational government initiatives that deliver much needed value. The Aig-Imoukhuede Foundation and Access Bank Group have pledged $300 million over the next 20 years. Access Bank has committed $200 million and the Aig-Inoukhuede Foundation committed $100 million.

The Africa-led Super NGO will be established in partnership with academics, experts and philanthropists across the globe who are committed to closing the gap between Africa and the rest of the world. The NGO will work with African governments to provide the funding, governance and talent He invited other businesses to join him in promoting the initiatives. The commitments, spread over 20 years, will fund African governments’ initiatives with proven potentials to transform national economic performance.

Said Aig-Imoukhuede: “African leaders cannot sit back and watch the 4th Industrial Revolution transform the rest of the world while leaving Africa falling further behind. We have to create our own ‘table’ by using technology to unlock the power of our youth, giving Africa a greater voice in the world. It’s today’s leaders who will determine whether or not we grab this opportunity.” The Africa CEO Forum and similar platforms provide ample opportunity for African businesses in general and Nigeria’s companies in particular to deploy the art of business diplomacy to their advantage and to the benefit of the continent. Just as Kigali event was kicking off, Roosevelt Ogbonna, Access Bank's CEO was speaking at Cannes International Film Festival on the importance of Nigeria's film industry and the roles of banks in funding the creativity industry.

Business diplomacy, according to specialists in that area, is the capacity to build and maintain strong relationships with several domestic and international stakeholders to shape and influence the environment and eventually create a favourable business environment and exploit new opportunities. It is an important business tool in today’s globalised markets, and its goal is to create and manage efficient networks of information that allow the company to influence the policy environments in their favour and predict future issues. This is why key African businesses and their partners have been the major sponsors of the CEO Forum, with the 2024 edition backed mainly by the MTN Group; IFC; Access Holdings; The Coronation Group and the Aig-Imoukhuede Foundation.

Each time some Christians pray against 666 or the mark of the beast, I laugh! If God has said it will happen, it will happen; prayer or no prayer! Otherwise, we make God a liar! The best anyone can do is, read the prophecy with understanding and chart a course for yourself! What can we do to escape it? And in the event that we fail to escape 666, what remedy is there for us to still make good our salvation? Praying that the prophecy shall not come to pass appears to me like if anyone had prayed that the prophecy concerning the birth of the Messiah should not come to pass. Trying to abort the occurrence of the mark of the beast will, in my view, be as futile as the efforts of Herod to abort the coming of the Messiah and the fulfillment of his Messianic assignment.

Tell me, in today’s Nigeria, if the Beast suddenly emerges with a pyramid of bags of rice behind him and piles of Naira notes on his left and right hand side, will Nigerians not throng him to receive the mark so as to get a piece of the action? The rapid advancement of technology also makes it imperative that the coming of the Beast may just be around the corner. Who would have thought it possible, in 1960 when Nigeria got its Independence, that one can send or withdraw money without entering the banking hall? Or that banks without buildings were possible? Today, we can withdraw cash from ATM machines with our fingerprints! How far away are we from 666?

The awesome advancement in technology should convince anyone that anything is possible. We now drive cars that carry no engine and that do not run on petrol or diesel. We have robots that look like humans – unless you were told, you may hardly notice the difference. These robots have an IQ that competes with humans and can perform human activities more efficiently. Ask ChatGPT and such other platforms any question and you will be amazed at the response you get.

I began to ruminate on these a few days ago when I got the information about the formation of a National Association of Artificial Intelligence Practitioners of Nigeria (NAAIP). Formed on April 29, 2024, NAAIP has Professor Eyitope Ogunbodede, the immediate past vice-chancellor of the Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, as its foundation president. NAAIP’s press statement speaks for itself:

“The National Association of Artificial Intelligence Practitioners (NAAIP) was founded… as a high point of the graduation ceremony of 931 participants drawn from the universities, polytechnics and colleges of education across Nigeria, that participated in a 13-week rigorous training on the use of Artificial Intelligence to support teaching, research and community engagement. The NAAIP drew its membership from the graduates of the course as the recognized chartered members of the Association.

“On the 6th of May, 2024, the pioneer executive officers were democratically-elected in a keenly-contested election (and they) will steer the (affairs of the) association toward its mission of advancing AI education and practice across Nigeria… Most of the foundation officers are former or serving Vice-Chancellors, Deputy Vice-Chancellors, Rectors and other highly-placed officers in the Higher Education sector…”

Ogunbodede, during the ceremony, expressed deep appreciation to the Visioner and founder of NAAIP, Emeritus Professor Peter Akinsola Okebukola (OFR), who is also the Facilitator-General of the Virtual Institute for Capacity Building in Higher Education (VICBHE) that conducted the AI course that produced the Charter Members of the Association. He added that the establishment of NAAIP is another testimony to the giant strides taken by Okebukola as he continues to contribute meaningfully, on many fronts, to the development of education globally. Okebukola was a one-time Executive Secretary of the National Universities Commission (NUC).

Speaking further, Ogunbodede said the use and dominance of AI has become unstoppable. “As it continues to evolve, its effect will shape the future of the global economy and Nigeria has been put at an advantage with the inauguration of NAAIP”. He pledged the support of the Association to the Federal Government in its bid to establish a national strategy and develop a road map to harness the potentials of AI for the overall benefit of the Nigerian society and the economy. He called on the Federal Government to aim at positioning the country as a leading AI hub on the continent of Africa.

“NAAIP will support the Federal Government in its noble objectives and will also support researchers, educators, developers and AI enthusiasts to collectively provide quality service that will increase production and productivity of governance in all sectors of the economy”, he said, adding, however, that “as promising as AI technologies are, with its myriad strengths and opportunities, it has weaknesses and threats (and) to ameliorate these negative attributes, NAAIP will promote the ethical practice of AI and ensure its responsible use in our society”

NAAIP, he said, would promote advocacy and policy development to shape regulations and guidelines that promote the responsible and equitable use of AI, support research on AI matters, and strengthen education at all levels in the country. It will also enhance the provision of educational resources to accelerate understanding of AI technologies and their impact on the society; develop ethical frameworks and best practices to guide the development and deployment of AI systems in a manner that prioritizes safety, fairness, transparency, and accountability, collaboration and networking among AI professionals, researchers, policymakers, and other stakeholders to foster innovation and knowledge exchange.

My interest was further aroused when the NAAIP press statement by its publicity secretary, Professor Nkechinyere Nwokoye, hinted that membership was open to individuals, organizations, and institutions “committed to advancing the ethical development and deployment of AI technologies”. He listed the benefits to members to include continuous capacity development, networking opportunities and access to educational resources. The Association will work hand-in-hand with the Virtual Institute for Capacity Building in Higher Education (VICBHE) for its training programmes; it will also engage in National and International collaborations with organizations having similar aims and objectives.

I feel a compelling need for a wider section of the Nigerian literate community to be aware of the formation of NAAIP and the limitless opportunities of AI now brought to our doorsteps. Reading a portion of the press statement where Okebukola was quoted as describing the establishment of NAAIP “as another veritable evidence that Nigeria is the leading country in Africa in terms of educational development”, I paused and took a deep breath! Describing NAAIP as “a veritable vehicle that WOULD help make Nigeria the leading country in Africa (and beyond) in terms of educational development” is a more believable proposition!