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![[OPINION] Tinubu, The Opposition and The Nigerian Honey Pot - Kayode Soremekun](/media/k2/items/cache/8253df46f7702569a49492374702104c_L.jpg)
As the Tinubu administration approaches the one year mark, it is important to effect a review of what has transpired in the last twelve months.
At the level of sheer policy postures and pronouncements, much has been done and so much is also being done, such that it is almost impossible to keep pace .
In this narrative however, I have decided to dwell on an unusual aspect of the last twelve months.
On this note, the thrust of my argument is this: Nigeria is a lucrative honeypot for external actors and their local collaborators. It is a situation in which every achievement of this administration translates into a loss for external actors and their interests. These indeed are the various indices of the opposition which will continue to stalk this administration.
At the instinctual level, and unfortunately, the average reader is likely to view the opposition in terms of predictable variables like the: PDP, LP and possibly the various indices of civil society.
But this piece is not preoccupied with these.
Rather our attention is focused on the implications of the evolving dynamics of Air Peace (AP) and the competition in the aviation industry.
It is instructive to recall here that, as soon as AP ticked off on the Lagos-Londonn route, the other airlines came into some form of self-serving epiphany. They changed tack through the process of fare reductions.
The implications of this on-going process are deeper than one may think. As long as Nigeria was absent on the Lagos-London route the route was something of a honey pot for the other airlines. It was a sybarritic situation in which all the other airlines were busy enjoying themselves at the expense of Nigerians and Nigeria.
In my innocence I thought that the only airline that was benefitting from this bazaar of the Lagos- London route was British Airways (BA) whose ancestors were the original predators of what passes for the Nigerian state. Little did I know that other Airlines like Airmaroc and Egyptair were also partakers of this largesse.
On this note, the mind remembers the goggled General, Sanni Abacha. In the light of the inclement interplay between his regime and Britain, British Airways was banned from Nigeria. But as soon as he died, BA resumed its lucrative foray into Nigeria. One can imagine how much BA must have lost in the light of that move by the General.
The implication is that for every omission or commision on the part of Nigeria, someone out there is smiling home with huge profits. Such forces and individuals constitute at one level the opposition that anyone who occupies
Aso Rock, has to contend with. Needless to say, our Nigeria is a huge honeypot since we are talking here of a huge market of 200 million Nigerians
The situation also partly explains why the naira will continue to go south since for most of, even our basic needs we depend heavily on the external realm. It also explains why anybody who occupies Aso Rock is not just up against the usual opposition at the domestic level, he is also up against the various indices of opposition beyond Nigeria.
And here we are talking about hard-headed interests and zero-sum games in which what one entity loses, is gained by another one.
This brings to mind another major area in which over time, Nigeria continues to be a spectator in the scheme of things.
Our specific reference here is the Nigerian oil industry. Nigeria continues to be passive in this industry. So passive that as an oil producing country there are no backward linkages like refineries and petrochemicals. Even as I write, there are rumblings to the effect that, there are jitters out there. This is because, should Nigeria succceed in bringing on stream her own refineries, very many jobs will be lost by refiners in places like Rotterdam and South Korea. These are some of the entities who import refined oil to an oil producing Nigeria. Again as regards petrochemicsks, should Nigeria come into her own in this vital area, then out imports of raw will redice drastically. In the light of what is happening to Air Peace, we should expect a fight-back from relevant interests out there.
Very much the same thing can be said for our steel industry. Till date, it remains comatose. No thanks to international conspiracy ably aided by a wayward ruling class. This is invariably a sad feature which stretches far back to the dawn of our polirical independence.
Again, Nigeria’s attempts to come into her own in this vital area will be resisted and vigorously too by the relevant and extertnal forces out there in collaboration with their internal allies. So as PBAT Tinubu settles into his second year in office, he will do well to remember and appreciate that he will be contending with various indices of the opposition at the external level. In various ways these have their tongues and fingers in the Nigerian honey-pot. They will not give up easily. Which is why, the Tinubu presidency should give these self-serving and external forces a good run for their greed and avarice.
There is some hope however. This cautious optimism lies in the fact that, in the course of that historic outing in Abeokuta where Tinubu openly staked his claim to the Presidency he also pronunced with equal gravity on his place in history. Specifically he opined that he would not want to be a footnote to the Nigerian narrative. So all said and done, it is possible to contend here that in the light of what can be regarded as his self-conscious place in history; PBAT has his work cut out for him in critical and vital areas of our national life like: the steel industry, our oil industry and of course the Aviation sector.
Success in these various areas can only mean that the Great Black Hope is ready to come into her own.
[OPINION] Leveraging Artificial Intelligence to Combat Crude Oil Theft in Nigeria's Niger-Delta Region - Sonny Iroche
Admin![[OPINION] Leveraging Artificial Intelligence to Combat Crude Oil Theft in Nigeria's Niger-Delta Region - Sonny Iroche](/media/k2/items/cache/19217840e81e1f45c557fd576905a7d0_L.jpg)
Crude oil theft in the Niger-Delta region has been a long-standing and challenging issue in Nigeria, leading to significant economic losses and environmental damage and degradation. The situation is exacerbated by the fact that revenues from oil are largely responsible for funding the entire country’s budget and development. In recent years, there has been a growing interest in using Artificial Intelligence (AI) to address such problems and challenges in other developed climes, and should be of interest to the Nigerian petroleum industry , if it intends to seriously address the long standing menace of crude oil theft, which seems to have defied solutions of past governments. This article explores and supports how the current government of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu could guide the industry to leverage AI technologies in tackling this festering crude oil theft effectively.
Nigeria is one of the largest oil-producing countries in Africa, with the Niger-Delta region being the heartbeat of its oil industry. However, the region has been plagued by pervasive crude oil theft for many years, with criminal syndicates siphoning millions of barrels of oil annually. This rampant theft not only leads to massive economic losses and deprivation for the Nigerian government and oil companies but also causes severe environmental damage.
AI analysts have commented on the massive deployment of the nascent technology in multi-sector industries across the world, and highlighting how the race of the deployment of AI in all aspects of production is disrupting technology while spending billions of dollars on AI Research and Development.
Although there is a dearth of the infrastructure such as power and water to support the efficient adoption of AI in Nigeria, but it is still imperative that the public, private sectors and the education institutions should collaborate on the effective adoption of AI and the supporting infrastructure put in place would that go along with it in Nigeria, in order to make the AI initiative realizable in ensuring that it curbs the loss of revenue accruing to the country.
For the government to seriously embark on putting a permanent end to this organized criminality of crude oil theft in Nigeria, it must as a matter of urgency consider the use of AI through some of the following mechanisms which the use of AI can enhance, such as detailed here under:
Monitoring and Surveillance: AI-powered drones and satellite imaging can be used to monitor oil pipelines and detect any anomalies or unauthorized activities in real-time. By analyzing the data collected by these technologies, authorities can identify potential theft hotspots and take proactive measures to prevent it.
Predictive Analytics: AI algorithms can analyze historical data on oil theft incidents, weather patterns, and social factors to predict future theft activities. By leveraging predictive analytics, law enforcement agencies can deploy resources more effectively and deter potential thieves before they strike.
Enhanced Security Systems: AI can be used to develop sophisticated security systems that can detect and track suspicious activities around oil installations. For example, facial recognition technology can help identify known criminals, while smart sensors can alert authorities to any unauthorized access to restricted areas.
Collaboration with Tech Companies: Nigeria can partner with local and international tech companies, some of whom participated in the recent National Artificial Intelligence Strategy session for Nigeria, that specialize in AI and cybersecurity to develop customized solutions for combating oil theft in the Niger-Delta region. By leveraging the expertise of these companies, Nigeria can stay ahead of sophisticated criminal networks and protect its oil resources more effectively.
Some of these technologies are not in any way a reinvention of the wheel, or blazing new trails. They are not new, but are already being used effectively in other oil producing countries like, Saudi Arabia, Mexico, and the USA.
In Mexico, AI-powered drones have been used to monitor oil pipelines and detect illegal tapping, leading to a significant reduction in oil theft incidents.
The United States Coast Guard has employed AI algorithms to analyze maritime data and predict potential oil theft activities, allowing them to deploy resources more efficiently and combat illegal oil smuggling.
Saudi Arabia, as one of the largest oil-producing countries in the world, employs a variety of technologies and strategies to monitor its crude oil production effectively. The country has a sophisticated monitoring system in place to ensure the smooth operation of its oil fields and to prevent any disruptions or unauthorized activities. Here are some of the key methods Saudi Arabia uses to monitor its crude oil production:
Supervisory Control and Data Acquisition (SCADA) Systems: Saudi Arabia utilizes SCADA systems to monitor and control its oil production facilities in real-time. These systems collect data from various sensors and equipment across oil fields and pipelines, allowing operators to monitor production levels, detect any abnormalities, and respond promptly to any issues that may arise.
Remote Sensing Technologies: Saudi Arabia leverages remote sensing technologies, such as satellite imaging and drones, to monitor its oil fields and infrastructure from a distance. These technologies enable authorities to conduct regular inspections, detect any leaks or unauthorized activities, and ensure the security of oil production facilities.
Reservoir Monitoring: Saudi Arabia employs advanced reservoir monitoring techniques, such as downhole sensors and well logging tools, to assess the performance of its oil reservoirs and optimize production processes. By continuously monitoring reservoir conditions, Saudi Arabia can make informed decisions to maximize oil recovery and extend the lifespan of its oil fields.
Data Analytics and Artificial Intelligence: Saudi Arabia has also started incorporating data analytics and Artificial Intelligence (AI) into its oil production monitoring efforts. By analyzing large volumes of data generated from production operations, Saudi Arabia can identify trends, predict equipment failures, and optimize production processes to enhance efficiency and reduce costs.
If there is a serious and deliberate commitment and the willingness to invest in the enumerated AI strategies highlighted above, Nigeria would have the unique opportunity to leverage AI to tackle crude oil theft in the Niger-Delta region effectively. It is also important to mention here that the insecurity in the region should also be addressed at the same time. Furthermore, by investing in AI technologies, enhancing surveillance and security systems, and fostering collaboration with tech companies, as earlier stated, Nigeria can protect its oil installations, resources, and effectively promote sustainable development in the entire country and meet its OPEC quota, which it has not been able to achieve in a long time.
Sonny Iroche is in Post Graduate Studies in Artificial Intelligence for Business at the Saïd Business School, University of Oxford, England, and was one of the participants in the recent Nigeria National Artificial Intelligence Strategy Workshop organized by the Federal Government of Nigeria, in Abuja, April 15-18, 2024
![[OPINION] One Year of Tinubu - Azu Ishiekwene](/media/k2/items/cache/b6ad84c2c7d8c603f6ef666df9421274_M.jpg)
It wasn’t five months after President Bola Ahmed Tinubu took office when folks started asking, how far? In middle class and elite social circles in Nigeria, that question, or its variant – how market? – is often reserved for people whose sympathy for a cause or person is imperiled.
I often pushed back by saying that given the enormity of problems that the Tinubu government faced at inception, five months or so were inadequate to judge. And that was not just a convenient deflection.
There are, of course, American presidents who made a mark after 100 days in office, notably, Franklin D. Roosevelt, John F. Kennedy, and Barack Obama. But you don’t make them often, whatever may be the fetish of 100 days in office popularised by the U.S. After all President Clinton had a rocky 100 days in office only to end up the first Democratic president to be elected to two full terms after Roosevelt.
Unusual election
Nigeria’s 2023 election was so contentious that even though voting ended in February and a president was announced almost immediately by the electoral commission, it wasn’t until eight months later that the Supreme Court finally upheld his election. Tinubu was, as we say, hugging the chair with just one side of his buttocks. Of course, he had taken decisions from day one for which he must be held accountable, even if he was hanging on by a thread.
Perhaps the most consequential was his announcement, adlib, that “fuel subsidy is gone.” The removal was overdue. A good number of people agreed, even though some opposed the precipitous announcement and the subsequent merger of the exchange rate as evidence of Tinubu’s overzealous attempt to please the IMF and World Bank. It might also have been an honest attempt by him to preempt being taken hostage by the bureaucracy.
Whatever the motivation was, it backfired; not because of the announcement, but because the government seemed totally unprepared to manage the fallout. There was, strictly speaking, no government to speak of at the time. The chaos that followed the announcement piled on the chaos that Tinubu met in office.
Buhari did nothing?
It would be unfair to say that Tinubu’s predecessor and fellow partyman, President Muhammadu Buhari, did nothing in eight years. The problem was that those who installed Buhari, chief among whom was Tinubu, and those who thought he could do the job, including myself, were unfair to Buhari. He wasn’t up to the job, but we didn’t care. In his incompetence, he put Nigerians through shege and left behind for his successor a legacy of shege banza, if you’ll excuse my French.
The fallouts of COVID-19 and the supply chain problems off the back of the war in Ukraine made things tough for Buhari. But what has come to light even from the management of these crises was his absence most of the time. He loved his title far more than he understood his job.
Perfect storm
His successor descended into a perfect storm: inflation at nearly 22 percent; unemployment at 33 percent; foreign exchange scarcity and declining revenue from oil sales; a looming debt crisis; a population surging ahead of GDP; an inefficient, lopsided and bloated public service; rampant insecurity; and broken confidence in government. Don’t even add the dysfunctional relationship between the fiscal and monetary authorities.
In the last four political transitions since 1999, the Buhari-Tinubu transition has been the most fraught, incomparable in hazard with the one between President Goodluck Jonathan and Buhari in 2015, which was supposed to have been a hostile takeover. Yet, the Buhari-Tinubu transition was a handover from the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) to itself.
Tinubu’s cross
But Tinubu has to be judged by what he has done or failed to do, especially since he has said, repeatedly, that he asked for the job and would not invite any pity party. It was not Buhari’s fault, for example, that he couldn’t form a cabinet until 56 days after taking office.
Nor was Buhari to blame that when Tinubu finally composed his team, he selected, with a few exceptions, mostly people whose major credential was that they knew someone who knew someone who knew the president. The drama around some of the appointments and the screening are a subject on their own. That had nothing to do with Buhari.
The rot was deep. But the treatment – the radical attempts to scrap market curbs and tighten fiscal and monetary controls – appears, for now, worse than the disease, leaving large sections of the population struggling and impoverished.
The compound chaos was neither entirely unforeseen nor inevitable. Buhari left behind a near-bankrupt treasury and ran his government for the most part by printing money. Getting the economy back into gear was going to depend largely on the unpredictable receipts from oil sales, which in turn was going to depend on less oil theft and a higher production quota. Foreign investors’ confidence had also been undermined by excessive price controls; while on the domestic front, rampant insecurity kept food prices high.
Approach matters
A far more careful calibration and better management of public expectations than Tinubu’s government’s zeal suggested might have produced a different outcome. Unfortunately, a lifetime’s worth of suffering appears to have been laid out in a terrifically short time.
Yet, while some of it is inevitable, a few of the problems of the past year have been fostered by vested interests determined to complicate the government’s misery. Take two examples: the pushback by currency manipulators, and the organised crime in Ministries Departments and Agencies (MDAs).
In the first case, it is difficult to know who was the more complicit – the commercial banks (often in cahoots with state governors) or black-market operators. The incestuous relationship between the two, aided and abetted for years by the Central Bank, fed off cheap government funds, producing an army of white-collar criminals who became multimillionaires by exploiting multiple trading windows.
Our monkey worked for their baboon to chop. Once Tinubu’s government said enough, the manipulators and their crypto ground soldiers launched a blistering counter-attack. The fight is still on.
The second main war has been with the demon within, elegantly called the MDAs. A source told me not too long ago that some of these government agencies, particularly NPA and NIMASA, among others, illegally locked down about $3.8 billion, from receipts. While they lied and lied that there was no “cash backing” for capital projects, they withheld forex remittances to the Central Bank and also cut deals with bank officials to roll over the principal sums, as they creamed off the interest.
Tinubu’s searchlight in these places has unleashed a firestorm from vested interests, now aligned with sections of the political class to paint his government in the worst light possible.
Gift of exaggeration
The problems of Tinubu’s government in the last one year have been partly self-inflicted, and partly unavoidable. But the criticism of his government as a disaster, mostly by politicians who can’t wait for the next general elections in 2027, is exaggerated.
If ongoing structural reforms are paced, oil production quota keeps trending up, and the government leads by example, finding disciplined ways to manage the impact of tighter monetary controls on the cost of funds, things might yet look up sooner than later.
It’s doubtful that any of those who vied with him for the presidency could have done better, whatever they might say from their easy chair. What Tinubu still has going for him are his courage, foresight and staying power. Now, he has a shorter runway to make them produce concrete results in the lives of citizens.
Azu Ishiekwene is the Editor-In-Chief of LEADERSHIP.
![[OPINION] Between Wike and Fubara - Jide Oluwajuyitan](/media/k2/items/cache/227fad400ac7380ce2c7a6dbbf854715_M.jpg)
Last Sunday, May 19, the Ijaw Youth Council Worldwide while calling for “peace throughout the entire Niger Delta region”, at the end of a one-day peace and security summit, ‘urged the politicians causing political turbulence in Rivers, to sheath their swords’. The following day, Monday May 20, former President Goodluck Jonathan while performing the flag-off of the construction of the multi-billion naira Trans-Kalabari Road project in the Obio/Akpor Local Government Area of Rivers State appealed to Minister Nyesom Wike and Governor Siminalayi Fubara “to work together for the development of the land and the people of Rivers State”. He then went on to commend Governor Fubara for his “vision and the courage to start the much needed road located within a difficult terrain which he said “is not going to be a tea party”, among other critical elements including airport, rail and water transport systems if (we) must develop a nation”.
It was apparent from Jonathan’s comment that the work of development cannot be accomplished by one administration. This fact was probably lost on Wike who was named Mr. Project by ex-VP Yemi Osinbajo on account of the giant strides he made in infrastructural development in Rivers to have suddenly forgotten that before him was Governor Rotimi Amaechi who attracted those who mattered in Nigeria including the Nobel Laureate, Wole Soyinka, to Port Harcourt to commission completed projects.
But for President Jonathan’s observation, those outside Rivers State would have thought there would be nothing else to commission after 16 year’s rage of commissioning of projects executed by Amaechi and Wike.
We however now know there is still much work of development to be carried out in Rivers. And this is why it is hoped Wike will humble himself by admitting ‘the world is a stage where everyone plays his own part’ instead of trying to hold Rivers and its new governor hostage.
Ignoring the fact that there is already a new sheriff in town, Wike publicly expressed a desire to control Rivers State PDP political structure he successfully deployed to secure victory for Fubara. I don’t think anyone should begrudge Wike for laying claim to ownership of Rivers political structure. He has demonstrated during different elections that he is the undisputed leader of the riverine grassroot politicians who decide outcomes of every election within dangerous riverine terrains election umpires and observers will do anything to avoid.
Wike admitted reaching a truce after President Tinubu privately waded into their conflict. The truce was however dismissed by some Rivers elders, led by Rufus Ada-Gorge, a former governor of the state, who claimed that if the peace deal is allowed to succeed it, would amount to President Tinubu unilaterally suspending the Nigerian Constitution which he says portends executive rascality which undermines our constitutional democracy, rule of law and good governance.”
The elders were joined by some opportunistic youths eyeing the seats vacated by pro-Wike commissioners. They were in solidarity rally at the demolished Rivers State House of Assembly complex which was earlier torched on October 29, 2023, to forestall planned impeachment of the governor, singing “we are not slaves. Some slaves are happy in their chains”.
Lionized by elders and opportunistic youths, Fubara refused to represent the budget earlier approved by four suspended loyal state lawmakers even after the warring 27 state legislators withdrew their impeachment threat.
If Wike had been a good student of Nigerian politics, it was at that point he ought to have known the game was up. It was obvious Fubara had borrowed a leaf from Akintola’s playbook of 1962. Like Akintola ‘taku’ (refused to step down in line with constitutional provision), Fubara dared Wike, saying “I am now in power even if it was by mistake”. That was a subtle threat he was prepared to pull the whole edifice down on their heads.
Fubara was also a good student of Obaseki. To forestall impeachment by Adams Oshiomhole’s 17 loyal state lawmakers, the Clerk of Edo House of Assembly, Yahaya Omogbai, was said to have ushered seven members in a house of 24 lawmakers-elect into the chamber at midnight and read out the Obaseki’s letter of proclamation with which Honourable Frank Okiye the governor’s anointed candidate for speaker was elected. To seal the fate of the 17 elected majority lawmakers, Obaseki refused to swear them in while the National Assembly was told “it could not compel Obaseki to issue another proclamation within the lifespan of an existing proclamation”.
Fubara on his part first secured the support of Uche Secondus and other PDP elders Wike had fought to a standstill. He then relied on four suspended members of Rivers State House of Assembly to declare vacant the seats of decamping 27 state lawmakers loyal to Wike.
It is also obvious, the 1999 constitution created Leviathans out of our governors. Deputy governors or other adversaries will take on our governors only at their own peril.
Wike had before leaving office publicly declared paying for all projects, a claim Fubara as Wike’s chief accountant did not dispute while being railroaded to become governor. He even admitted: “Originally, our mantra was supposed to be ‘Consolidation and Continuity”. Now in power, he says his administration is bogged down by the debt piled up by Wike. Like Akintola did with disastrous consequences, Fubara has started to talk of probing the administration of his estranged godfather.
Fubara also now questions the integrity of his godfather. Last week he told reporters that he invited the governor of Abia State to commission his projects because “he is not an artificial integrity man. He is an action integrity man. He is not the one that they will gather because they just want to talk”.
But before we crucify Fubara, let us first look at ourselves in the mirror. Democracy is a new values system we embraced without the accompanying democratic ethos. Of this, character, or what Aristotle described as ‘balance between passion and caution of political actors’ is important if democracy, as a majoritarian rule is to be anything other than the tyranny of the majority. For democracy to thrive therefore, political actors must be committed to a set of ideals. Unfortunately for us our political space has been largely populated since independence by men that believe neither in any creed nor any set of ideals.
The collapse of the first republic started with Akintola’s refusal to obey his party’s constitution and Prime Minister Balewa and President Nnamdi Azikiwe, who in breach of the constitution, served as accomplices while Senate President/Acting President, Nwafor Orizu, once convicted by the colonial powers for fraud against his people, out of ethnic sentiments, ceded power to Aguinyi Ironsi.
Apart from the late Umaru Yar’Adua, there was no evidence Obasanjo, who embarked on a third term fiasco, and Buhari, who was unable to rein in ethnic irredentists in his government, believe in any set of ideals. And precisely because we often play the ostrich, we expect Fubara to be different from Odili, Amaechi and Wike, predecessors.
A part of a whole cannot be holier than the whole.
![[OPINION] Of mass marriage, choices and ‘consent’ - Abimbola Adelakun](/media/k2/items/cache/fb37977cadbd13f873fa2c375f9b86f4_M.jpg)
Women affairs minister Uju Ohanenye’s decision to file a suit that put paid to the impending mass marriage of 100 orphaned girls in Niger State is well-intentioned, but she might soon discover that she played God for nothing. While addressing a press conference, the minister pointed out that she stopped the ceremony so the ministry could find out if the girls to be married out were of the appropriate ages, determine the (self-)interests of the organisers/ sponsors, and crucially, if those women gave their consent. Now, the last point is where her good intentions might meet some blowback. Yes, it is good to inquire if those marriages are consensual. But what is consent and what does it mean to give it amidst the circumstances of choicelessness, social/religious pressures, manipulation, and fear of the uncertain (especially for poor rural women with limited education and marketable skills)?
When women whose possibilities are narrowed by material poverty and limited upward mobility choose marriage as a face-saving option, a means to claim some social respectability, what does it mean to have made a “choice”? Sometimes, people consent to a legal contract like a marriage because they have no other choices. For all her good intentions, Ohanenye might soon find out that the road paved with the good intentions of gender empowerment might still lead to the Nigerian social and religious hell. Why? Given how much the controversy is wrapped in religious sentiment, it cannot be that hard for the girls’ family circles and the religious patriarchs in their community to “persuade” (read: coerce) the young women into giving “consent.”
Merely for the audacity of a southern Christian woman to challenge what they would like us to believe is an expression of the Islamic North culture, “consent” can be extracted from the girls to vindicate the decision of their religious leaders who have socialised them into believing that marriage is their destiny. So, if those women insist to the minister’s emissaries that they gave their “consent” as legal adults, would that still justify the decision to mass marry them off? What would the minister then do if those women insist the marriage is their choice? That is why I think she needs to be careful about uncritically elevating “consent” into the main issue at stake here. Many a “consents” inked into legal documents were never truly consensual; they were merely inconvenient choices made within the constrictions of choicelessness.
What I think needs to be severely discouraged is the culture of public officials using public funds to mass-marry people. Northern governors do it frequently, but it is a misuse of public resources. Other than a mad obsession with seeing women’s heads buried between the laps of domesticity, the men—and it’s always men!—have never advanced any logical reason for mass marriages and why the government should sponsor them. They say marriage is better than waywardness, but why are those the only options available to a woman?
Being married goes beyond the wedding ceremony. Marriage is a serious business that should be reserved only for those who can afford it—physically, emotionally, socially, and quite crucially, financially. Those who do not have the money to stage a ceremony can do themselves the favour of getting married quietly in front of a judge, go home, and start building their lives. Nobody needs to get married on charity, period.
Marriage is also a private business, and nothing—and I repeat, nothing—says having a grand wedding makes you more married than those who have the dignity to wed according to the limit of their means. The issue of using public funds for marriage is another reason I see those criticising the minister for her intervention as clowns. You cannot purport to get married with other people’s money and then turn around to tell them they have no business in your private (religious) affair.
Speaker of Niger State House of Assembly, Abdulmalik Sarkindaji, the culprit who announced his plans to sponsor the ceremony as his “constituency project,” is also playing God by making the girls’ wedding his business. Yes, those girls lost their parents in banditry attacks in Mariga Local Government Area (which he represents), but why is it his business to pay the girls’ dowry? He is a lawmaker, and a public representative should not assume a paternalistic role in other people’s private lives. It would be a different argument if he were a private individual using his money to sponsor weddings. Rich and generous people sponsor weddings; it is their prerogative.
Sarkindaji’s legislative overreach is the fallout of a political culture that hands lawmakers a huge sum of money to carry out something called “community projects,” initiatives well outside their responsibilities as lawmakers. For long, lawmakers have loosely defined what constitutes constituency projects, which is why people like Sarkindaji can stretch the meaning beyond tolerable elastic limits.
The mass wedding event, which would have taken place tomorrow but is now suspended, was to be conducted alongside the flagging-off of a road network and—this is where it gets interesting— distribution of cars to the eight district heads and other critical stakeholders in the local government area. That the wedding of 100 couples is not even the main point of the event—just one item to check off the agenda—makes you wonder why the spectacle was necessary in the first place. That old men will be gifted cars while young women will get husbands illustrates how the skewed allocation of resources makes for poor productivity in this country. If Sarkindaji wants to be a proper sugar daddy, he should consider giving the car gifts to the women instead. Who knows, that initiative might be their chance at an independent life which, I can bet, Sarkindaji’s daughters enjoy.
Though imperfect, Ohanenye’s challenging Sarkindaji is commendable. In fact, it is about time someone stood up to people who mass-marry poor women for dubious reasons and instructed them there is more to life than continuously satiating the region beneath your waistline. Mass marriage, as it takes place in northern Nigeria, is an agenda to keep poor people poor and perpetually beholden to predatory religious and political leaders. The problem of northern Nigeria has been a problem of the libido. To contain the libidinal urges, they stage mass (and early) marriages that produce mass children whose impoverished existence culminates in mass poverty, mass urchins that prowl the streets and eventually grow up into mass terrorists and mass bandits.
If Nigeria is the poverty capital of the world today, most of it has to do with the North. They reproduce an ever-growing army of children merely born to give them political victories and decommissioned soon after every election. Nobody has plans for those children’s future. And for a long time, nobody could challenge them because of their propensity for violence. Their leaders’ inability to think of serious means of resolving their social issues outside of frequently tucking people inside marriage to reproduce has created a mass problem for Nigeria, one that will unfold for at least another 50 years.
Finally, media reports stated that in response to the audacity of Ohanenye to file a suit against an impending mass marriage, the Muslim Lawyers Association declared that they had raised 32 lawyers—five of them Senior Advocates of Nigeria—to challenge her in court. As much as I doubt whether the minister is on firm legal ground on this issue, I think 32 supposedly trained professionals coming up to challenge her judgment is another pathetic example of the Nigerian tendency to overdo things. I would not worry about them too much though. If that many lawyers had to bunch themselves up like firewood just to pursue one case, they must be incompetent, ineffective, and frankly, unserious.
![[OPINION] Arsenal, Premiership and All That - Olusegun Adeniyi](/media/k2/items/cache/f7e1193e2e7d1d1d9d0816b0f8290c66_M.jpg)
Last Sunday, for the fourth time in a row, Manchester City Football Club won the English premiership title. And because of that, ‘enemies of progress’ have not allowed some of us to rest. Even more annoying is that many of the noisemakers actually supported teams of little consequence in the title race. But in Nigeria, there are lessons we can all learn. Not only about the season that just ended but also about football generally and the way we run our country. But I will get to that later. Especially considering the issue of ‘colonial mentality’ that is often peddled by those who do not understand why many of us are obsessed with foreign leagues.
Thanks to my brother, Femi Edun, I was last Thursday inducted as the 80th member of an exclusive WhatsApp group of ‘Gooners’ comprising accomplished male professionals (SANs, renowned medical practitioners, oil and gas executives, company owners, academics etc.) who support Arsenal football Club of London. The youngest is a 29-year-old techie and the oldest a professor of 89. Put together by Sola Adepetun, a respected lawyer who specializes in oil and gas, most members are in their late 50s and 60s and many trace their fan history to their schooling in the United Kingdom. The fact that discussions on the forum are restricted to sports with “posts on politics, economy, religion, advertising, birthday greetings and other wishes” no-go-areas, particularly appeals to me. And it’s been fun since I joined.
In the days preceding last Sunday’s final set of matches, there were optimistic posts by members who were predicting their wish. For me, expecting Manchester City to lose their final match at home to West Ham bordered on the delusional but not a few were on that train. Some of the posts give validity to what one ‘bad belle’ guy wrote on his X (formerly Twitter) handle: “I think Arsenal is a social experiment created by government to see how long people can support a team before going mad.” That guy deserves a prison term! But it is also interesting that now that the premiership has been lost and won, motivational speakers have taken over on most Arsenal platforms.
We are being reminded that Liverpool waited 30 years between championships and that Manchester United has also been waiting for the past 12 years. “Arsenal is indeed in its 20th year. But we are closer to winning than any of you except perhaps Liverpool that has done its period of purgatory,” one football philosopher argued before this clincher: “So, don’t laugh – unless you are a Man City fan – and with 115 charges against them, even their future success is uncertain. Notice I didn’t even bother with Spurs. They built their beautiful stadium for Beyoncé concerts not for winning titles!”
As I have previously written, football evokes emotions and passions that are difficult to understand by those who do not follow the game. Shortly before the commencement of the 17th FIFA World Cup held in South Korea and Japan in 2002, respected British sportswriter, Simon Kuper wrote that football arouses “collective passions that are matched by nothing short of war.” In the piece, ‘The World Game is not Just a Game’, published in New York Times on 26th May 2002, Kuper argued that unlike almost any cultural phenomenon, football is distinguished by its political malleability. “It is used by dictators and revolutionaries, a symbol of oligarchy and anarchy. It gets presidents elected or thrown out, and it defines the way people think, for good or ill, about their countries…”
Kuper is right on the power of football. With one sublime twist or turn, footballers can make us forget our hunger, thirst, and sometimes even our financial predicament. I once referenced the example of Hernan Crespo, one of the best football strikers in modern times who narrated how the late Diego Maradona’s genius transformed his family. He said their father never talked or betrayed any emotions, so everyone learnt to keep to themselves in the house. But everything changed on 22nd June 1998, during the quarter final match between Argentina and England at the 13th FIFA World Cup in Mexico. According to Crespo, who was eight years old at the time, the moment Maradona scored his incredible solo goal against England, his father broke into tears and started hugging everyone. Crespo said he had never seen his father like that before and it was on that day he decided he would play football and strive for excellence if only to make his father happy.
The treatment meted to former England Skipper David Beckham after the 1998 FIFA World Cup provides another example of what football can do to people. In the group stage match against Columbia at that tournament held in France, it was Beckham’s free kick that earned England the qualification for the first knockout round. But in the match against Argentina, then Argentine fiery midfielder, Diego Simeone, (current manager of La Liga Club, Atletico Madrid) committed a cynical foul against Beckham. In anger, Beckham kicked Simeone who went down as if he was hit by a truck. And the trick worked. Beckham was sent off by the referee. England went on to lose a match they had controlled up to that moment against a bitter rival. The next day, the banner headline in The Mirror newspaper was: ‘Ten Heroic Lions and One Stupid Boy’. A church even put a banner outside its premises which read: ‘God forgives even David Beckham.’
Now to the main issue. Following the conclusion of the 2023/24 English premiership season won by Manchester City, Ike Imo, a legal practitioner and writer, sums it up this way: “The real winners are the creators and managers of the English Premier League. These are the men and women who have branded a common product (football) and successfully sold it all over the world in such a way that people from New Delhi to Kinshasa (not forgetting Chicago and Riyadh), identify themselves and their daily aspirations and success, with it. It’s brilliant marketing to make a young lad in Enugu forget to eat his dinner because his favourite team (Chelsea) lost a match at Stamford Bridge. I’m almost certain that the English Premier League probably ranks as one of the biggest exports that Britain still has left to offer to the world.”
This then brings me to the question often asked: Why is it that those of us who love the game cannot recreate the same situation in Nigeria? I interrogated this question on 24 August 2006 in a column titled, ‘Killing the Beautiful Game’. Before I conclude, let me share what I wrote 18 years ago.
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On the last day of the football season anywhere in the world, there is usually some high drama. But here in Nigeria, you also witness the bizarre and the unexpected. That was exactly what happened last week Wednesday (16 August 2006) in Oron, Akwa Ibom State when the curtains fell on the 2005/2006 football season. The match was between promotion-seeking Akwa United, a professional Division One team and Calabar Rovers. In practical terms, for Akwa United to gain promotion into the Premiership, winning their match would not just do; their competitor, Bussdor United of Port Harcourt, also had to lose or at least play a draw. Because of the wide goal difference, any other result would consign Akwa United to Division One for another season. Except of course they could score 13 goals within 90 minutes!
Expecting a team that had not succeeded in putting 12 goals into the net all season to now score 13 goals in one match would be expecting a miracle which rarely happens in modern competitive football games. But in Oron, the unexpected indeed happened. Within a few minutes of a most scandalous match where the referee and the 22 players on the field were acting out a macabre drama, the ‘Diego Maradonas’ in Akwa United scored 13 unreplied goals!
Available reports indicate that the match was bought and sold in Akwa Ibom State Government House. If what happened was, however, just a one off, one would not be worried, but it is not. Our football is being run by a bunch of unscrupulous men who have conspired to kill the domestic league by fixing results in boardrooms and effecting such decisions on the field of play. Since Nigerians are no fools, it is equally no surprise that nobody watches football matches here anymore. We are now all hooked to SuperSport for Spanish La Liga, English Premiership, and Italian Serie A. No matter how much we all love what Pele has appropriately dubbed the ‘beautiful game’, no sensible person will waste his time watching a match whose result had already been predetermined.
For those who may not be interested in football and, there are some strange people like that, the real message here is not about sports but rather the culture of dishonesty and lack of any sense of shame that permeates the entire system. What played out on the field in Oron was a parody of what is fast becoming the norm in our land where the ethics of hard work and integrity are being jettisoned for quick-fix deals. No nation can develop with such a culture that tends to promote, indeed celebrate, fraud and mediocrity.
Two years ago, also on the last day of the league, Kano Pillars and Bendel Insurance were jostling for the third position in the League that would earn the winner a WAFU Cup qualification. Bendel Insurance were playing Lobi Stars of Makurdi in Benin while Kano Pillars were playing Gombe United. The two matches ordinarily ought to be played simultaneously. Indeed, the two matches started at the same time but ended almost two hours apart because in Benin, a 90-minute match was allowed to drag for four hours and at the end, the objective was achieved. First, the match was abandoned at half-time and about an hour after the one in Kano ended with the result already known, the Benin match resumed. By a simple arithmetic, Bendel Insurance needed five goals to displace Kano Pillars from the number three slot and by the time the match, which commenced at 4p.m. finally ended at 8pm, the five goals were conjured without a single reply from their opponents!
To understand the gradual decline of Nigeria despite abundant human and material resources, one needs only to study our football that at some point in the past held so much prospect with abundant talents. Not too long ago, most of us that now describe ourselves as ‘Gunners for life’ or ‘Red Devils’ or those who are ever afraid to ‘Walk Alone’ used to have local teams which we were passionate about. There were Leventis United, Bendel Insurance, Abiola Babes, Iwuanyanwu Nationale, Rangers International, IICC Shooting Stars, Stationery Stores, Raccah Rovers, Ranchers Bees and several others. But all teams bright and beautiful, the NFA killed them all!
That things are upside down in Nigeria football is all too evident but what worries me is that we are all behaving like ostriches, burying our heads in the sand. Yet this is the only aspect of our national life where all 11 national players on the field for Nigeria could come from the same Arochukwu village and we would all see them as representing our country. It is the most unifying factor in Nigeria today but also the most mismanaged. The culture of corruption is so pervasive that even with our abundant talents, those who run our football do not believe matches can be won on the field of play. It is only in Nigeria that a referee would be whispering to players to “fall inside the box” so he could award dubious penalty kicks; it is only here that the International Transfer Certificates of players are traded like GSM recharge cards while officials openly auction results of matches not yet played…
ENDNOTE:
Although the foregoing was written 18 years ago, nothing much has changed in recent years. On 14 July 2022, for instance, the Mail of London carried a report on how the Ogun State football Cup final for that year was concluded with a bizarre penalty shoot-out after the match ended goalless. “For one of Ijebu United’s spot kicks, the Remo Stars goalkeeper stands on his line and remains perfectly still” the newspaper reported. “He then appears to allow his opponent to direct a fairly tame penalty into the bottom corner. Things got even more bizarre when a Remo Stars player stepped up to take a penalty and then blasted his effort sideways, with the ball flying off the side of the pitch. He then held his hands on his head in an apparent effort to make the miss appear genuine.”
Although the newspaper also reported that the Nigerian podcast host, Ibukun Aluko, who broke the story later claimed that the Remo Stars squad had deliberately missed their penalties to protest officiating in the match, that in only confirms the rot. “Remo Stars would eventually go on to lose the penalty shootout 3-0, with Ijebu United lifting the cup. Whatever the reason for the misses, you’re unlikely to ever see a more bizarre penalty shootout,” the Mail wrote.
Where do we go from here? I believe there are a few things we need to do. One, we must bring private sector participation into the management of our football. The challenge is whether that would happen under the current structure that is sorely lacking in both professionalism and integrity. But that is also why the government must come in. We need a wholesale reform like it was done by China in 2015 with a plan that targets the schools as foundation for the game. As a part of the Reform Plan, the set-up of domestic football management in China was also changed. That must also happen in Nigeria.
I am not an expert on football but Nigeria has an abundance of such people. The current Minister of Sports, John Enoh, has shown a willingness to make a difference. I hope he reaches out to such stakeholders. There is so much to gain from reforming football in Nigeria. Meanwhile, to all the Arsenal fans in Nigeria, please ignore all the naysayers and noisemaker: Next season is for us!
Still on the Mariga Wedding
Following my column of last week on ‘The Betrothal of Mariga Orphans’, I received messages from several respected people saying whatever may have been the merit of my arguments, they were based on the wrong premise. The Niger State House of Assembly Speaker, Abdulmalik Sarkindaji, who proposed to sponsor the mass wedding of 100 orphaned girls, I was told, intervened out of altruism. I have been availed videos of the interviews granted by the Speaker on the issue where he explained that the whole idea came from religious and traditional leaders in Mariga local government area, the constituency he represents and had twice served as chairman.
According to Sarkindaji, a number of girls who lost their parents to banditry wanted to marry but lacked the needed resources. By tradition, the bride is required to take items like furniture, kitchen utensils, boxes, clothes and other things to the groom’s house. “They initially submitted the names of 210 girls to me and I told them there was no means for such. So, we cut it down to 100 names. They told me that I would bless the marriage and I told them I cannot attend every marriage, so they should do it in a day, and I would grace the occasion,” Sarkindaji said. “That is the reason for the event. I had wanted to grace the occasion, but I won’t do that again since helping my people has become a crime.”
Certain issues have come to light. One, the girls do not fall within the bracket of the Child Rights Act because they are adults and of marriageable age. Two, there is also no problem about consent. Three, I understand that the rigorous process adopted to prune the list eliminated those with doubtful claims. While I still do not believe that marriage offers any enduring solution to socio-economic problems, the girls have made their choice. And we must respect their decision.
[OPINION] Leveraging Artificial Intelligence to Combat Crude Oil Theft in Nigeria's Niger-Delta Region - Sonny Iroche
Admin![[OPINION] Leveraging Artificial Intelligence to Combat Crude Oil Theft in Nigeria's Niger-Delta Region - Sonny Iroche](/media/k2/items/cache/14d7bdfa388a5deecc8e2af6cd6e4878_S.jpg)
Crude oil theft in the Niger-Delta region has been a long-standing and challenging issue in Nigeria, leading to significant economic losses and environmental damage and degradation. The situation is exacerbated by the fact that revenues from oil are largely responsible for funding the entire country’s budget and development. In recent years, there has been a growing interest in using Artificial Intelligence (AI) to address such problems and challenges in other developed climes, and should be of interest to the Nigerian petroleum industry , if it intends to seriously address the long standing menace of crude oil theft, which seems to have defied solutions of past governments. This article explores and supports how the current government of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu could guide the industry to leverage AI technologies in tackling this festering crude oil theft effectively.
Nigeria is one of the largest oil-producing countries in Africa, with the Niger-Delta region being the heartbeat of its oil industry. However, the region has been plagued by pervasive crude oil theft for many years, with criminal syndicates siphoning millions of barrels of oil annually. This rampant theft not only leads to massive economic losses and deprivation for the Nigerian government and oil companies but also causes severe environmental damage.
AI analysts have commented on the massive deployment of the nascent technology in multi-sector industries across the world, and highlighting how the race of the deployment of AI in all aspects of production is disrupting technology while spending billions of dollars on AI Research and Development.
Although there is a dearth of the infrastructure such as power and water to support the efficient adoption of AI in Nigeria, but it is still imperative that the public, private sectors and the education institutions should collaborate on the effective adoption of AI and the supporting infrastructure put in place would that go along with it in Nigeria, in order to make the AI initiative realizable in ensuring that it curbs the loss of revenue accruing to the country.
For the government to seriously embark on putting a permanent end to this organized criminality of crude oil theft in Nigeria, it must as a matter of urgency consider the use of AI through some of the following mechanisms which the use of AI can enhance, such as detailed here under:
Monitoring and Surveillance: AI-powered drones and satellite imaging can be used to monitor oil pipelines and detect any anomalies or unauthorized activities in real-time. By analyzing the data collected by these technologies, authorities can identify potential theft hotspots and take proactive measures to prevent it.
Predictive Analytics: AI algorithms can analyze historical data on oil theft incidents, weather patterns, and social factors to predict future theft activities. By leveraging predictive analytics, law enforcement agencies can deploy resources more effectively and deter potential thieves before they strike.
Enhanced Security Systems: AI can be used to develop sophisticated security systems that can detect and track suspicious activities around oil installations. For example, facial recognition technology can help identify known criminals, while smart sensors can alert authorities to any unauthorized access to restricted areas.
Collaboration with Tech Companies: Nigeria can partner with local and international tech companies, some of whom participated in the recent National Artificial Intelligence Strategy session for Nigeria, that specialize in AI and cybersecurity to develop customized solutions for combating oil theft in the Niger-Delta region. By leveraging the expertise of these companies, Nigeria can stay ahead of sophisticated criminal networks and protect its oil resources more effectively.
Some of these technologies are not in any way a reinvention of the wheel, or blazing new trails. They are not new, but are already being used effectively in other oil producing countries like, Saudi Arabia, Mexico, and the USA.
In Mexico, AI-powered drones have been used to monitor oil pipelines and detect illegal tapping, leading to a significant reduction in oil theft incidents.
The United States Coast Guard has employed AI algorithms to analyze maritime data and predict potential oil theft activities, allowing them to deploy resources more efficiently and combat illegal oil smuggling.
Saudi Arabia, as one of the largest oil-producing countries in the world, employs a variety of technologies and strategies to monitor its crude oil production effectively. The country has a sophisticated monitoring system in place to ensure the smooth operation of its oil fields and to prevent any disruptions or unauthorized activities. Here are some of the key methods Saudi Arabia uses to monitor its crude oil production:
Supervisory Control and Data Acquisition (SCADA) Systems: Saudi Arabia utilizes SCADA systems to monitor and control its oil production facilities in real-time. These systems collect data from various sensors and equipment across oil fields and pipelines, allowing operators to monitor production levels, detect any abnormalities, and respond promptly to any issues that may arise.
Remote Sensing Technologies: Saudi Arabia leverages remote sensing technologies, such as satellite imaging and drones, to monitor its oil fields and infrastructure from a distance. These technologies enable authorities to conduct regular inspections, detect any leaks or unauthorized activities, and ensure the security of oil production facilities.
Reservoir Monitoring: Saudi Arabia employs advanced reservoir monitoring techniques, such as downhole sensors and well logging tools, to assess the performance of its oil reservoirs and optimize production processes. By continuously monitoring reservoir conditions, Saudi Arabia can make informed decisions to maximize oil recovery and extend the lifespan of its oil fields.
Data Analytics and Artificial Intelligence: Saudi Arabia has also started incorporating data analytics and Artificial Intelligence (AI) into its oil production monitoring efforts. By analyzing large volumes of data generated from production operations, Saudi Arabia can identify trends, predict equipment failures, and optimize production processes to enhance efficiency and reduce costs.
If there is a serious and deliberate commitment and the willingness to invest in the enumerated AI strategies highlighted above, Nigeria would have the unique opportunity to leverage AI to tackle crude oil theft in the Niger-Delta region effectively. It is also important to mention here that the insecurity in the region should also be addressed at the same time. Furthermore, by investing in AI technologies, enhancing surveillance and security systems, and fostering collaboration with tech companies, as earlier stated, Nigeria can protect its oil installations, resources, and effectively promote sustainable development in the entire country and meet its OPEC quota, which it has not been able to achieve in a long time.
Sonny Iroche is in Post Graduate Studies in Artificial Intelligence for Business at the Saïd Business School, University of Oxford, England, and was one of the participants in the recent Nigeria National Artificial Intelligence Strategy Workshop organized by the Federal Government of Nigeria, in Abuja, April 15-18, 2024
[OPINION] The Lagos to Calabar Coastal Superhighway: A Generational Legacy Project - George Kerley
Admin![[OPINION] The Lagos to Calabar Coastal Superhighway: A Generational Legacy Project - George Kerley](/media/k2/items/cache/9b8bc5237e15c315e3b04658f69876e5_S.jpg)
Project Overview
For years, thousands of coastal communities in Southern Nigeria have agitated for improved road infrastructure to break their isolation. Past efforts often met obstacles. Following the insurgency by militant Niger Delta groups, President Obasanjo awarded a contract to Julius Berger in 2005 for the East-West Road. However, due to incomplete designs, the road remains unfinished nearly two decades later.
Recognizing these challenges, infrastructure experts in the region advocated for a road more suited to 21st-century standards. This led to the proposal of a coastal road by the NDDC and the Ministry of Niger Delta.
Last year, the Tinubu administration demonstrated political will by awarding an Engineering Procurement Construction and Finance (EPC+F) contract to Hitech Construction Company Nigeria Limited for the 700km Lagos to Calabar Coastal Project. Estimated at N4.329 billion per kilometer, this project will use reinforced concrete technology for a 59.7-meter-wide carriageway, including 10 lanes, shoulders, and rail, with additional designs for service ducts, street lights, drainage, and shore protection.
We commend President Tinubu for his confidence and resolve. This project promises significant value to Nigeria’s coastal communities, improving quality of life, transportation, and economic transformation.
Addressing Misconceptions
Critics, including politicians like former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, have raised concerns about the project. Initially, Atiku confused it with the Lagos to Calabar Coastal Railway and misrepresented the figures. When corrected, he questioned potential conflicts of interest and the choice of Hitech Construction Limited. These criticisms often overlook Hitech's extensive experience and proven track record in delivering successful infrastructure projects.
National Concerns
It's normal for national projects of this scale to raise concerns, especially in a diverse nation like Nigeria. Historically, many projects have become white elephants, such as the Ajaokuta Steel Complex and the Kaduna Refinery, resulting in wasted resources.
Given Nigeria's history of poorly planned and underfunded projects, it's understandable that citizens would be skeptical. However, these concerns must be addressed legitimately, and the Federal Government needs to do its best to assuage the fears of those seeking clarity.
Funding and Costing
The EPC+F model means that Hitech Construction Company is providing a considerable portion of the funding. This reduces the immediate strain on the federal budget and demonstrates a shared commitment to the project's success.
The Federal Government is also seeking support from the African Development Bank (AfDB). The AfDB's 2010–2020 Infrastructure Action Plan for Nigeria identified the Lagos to Calabar Coastal Highway Project as an urgent priority. The AfDB has noted that relying solely on federal budget allocations for infrastructure projects has proven unsustainable. They suggest exploring public and private financing methods to meet the $350 billion needed to close Nigeria's infrastructure gap and accelerate economic transformation.
Environmental Impact
Every project of this scale must prioritize environmental protection. The Environmental and Social Impact Assessment (ESIA) process is ongoing, with preliminary approvals already granted. The Federal Ministry of Works is actively engaging with stakeholders along the route to minimize negative impacts and has redesigned portions of the route to protect communities.
Economic Impact
The Lagos to Calabar Coastal Superhighway is a generational legacy project with immense potential for job creation, economic growth, and regional development. The ₦15 trillion project is expected to significantly increase Nigeria's GDP by facilitating commerce and social activities along the coastal region.
The project will create numerous job opportunities during the construction phase and contribute to the overall economic growth and development of the country. It will improve transportation infrastructure, reduce travel time, and boost trade, commerce, and tourism along the coastal region.
Transparency and Accountability
The project has followed due process from its early days at the NDDC to its current stage under the Tinubu administration. Each step, from the initial proposal to the Bureau of Public Procurement (BPP) scrutiny and Federal Executive Council (FEC) approval, was conducted according to regulations. The BPP's certificate of no objection underscores the rigorous and transparent process.
The project is an unsolicited bid on the EPC+F model, with the investor providing designs, part of the financing, and construction, while the Federal Government provides counterpart funding. The BPP issued a Certificate of No Objection, and the FEC debated and approved the project, ensuring it followed due process.
Community Engagement
More than 1,000 coastal communities will be impacted by the construction of the road. The Federal Ministry of Works and other agencies have begun engaging with these communities. The NDDC, as the initial project owner, is uniquely positioned to deliver on community engagement programs.
Community participation and ownership are crucial. The NDDC should proactively engage with impacted communities, providing them with the tools, skills, and knowledge needed for participation. Our group is also working to enlighten people and raise awareness about the project by addressing specific concerns.
This project is a generational legacy. It is our duty to be part of that legacy.
George Kerley is President, Niger Delta Enterprise Initiative (NDEI) and writes from Port Harcourt.
![[OPINION] NDDC’s N84 billion Projects - Etim Etim](/media/k2/items/cache/693f958ece2f9573ef45749d32fe71e4_S.jpg)
There is calm these days at the corporate headquarters of NDDC, the 24-year-old interventionist agency established by the Federal Government to fix developmental gaps in the Niger Delta region. The 13-storey edifice, commissioned in 2021, breaks into view as you turn into Eastern bypass in Port Harcourt. Inside, executives are hard at work on the 2025 budget and completing ongoing projects. The rest of the workers are no less busy.
The tranquility is a far cry from the brouhaha that enveloped the commission three years ago in the wake of the forensic audit ordered by the Buhari administration into its affairs. A new management team, headed by Dr. Samuel Ogbuku, seems well determined to leave the ugly past behind. For two weeks beginning Saturday, May 18, NDDC will commission 92 high-impact infrastructure projects executed at over N84 billion across the nine states. They include roads, bridges water, electricity, electrification, a police station, health centres and school blocks.
Among the projects is the 25.7-kilometre Ogbia-Nembe Road, which has created a road link to the ancient city of Nembe in Bayelsa State, for the first time in living memory. It includes 9.15 km of pre-fabricated vertical drains on the swamp and seven bridges. Executed at a cost of N24 billion, the road cuts the travel time to Yenagoa, the Bayelsa State capital from 3 hours on dangerous water routes to a mere 45 minutes. It also opens up 14 communities for development. The project was executed in partnership with Shell Petroleum Development Company (SPDC), and is regarded as a model of the commission’s partnership approach in tackling the challenges of the region.
Also slated for commissioning is the 132KV Transmission Line and I32KV/33KV Substation electrification project, executed at a cost of N8.3 billion to optimize power supply to five local government areas in the southern part of Ondo State. The project covers the construction of 45km double circuit 33KV feeder lines from Omotosho Power Station (Hook-up point) to Okitipupa and two 30MVA, 132/33KV Injection Substations with breakers, gantry and substation automation. It also includes the construction of a three-bedroom semi-detached bungalow as service quarters.
The capacity of this power station is optimized with the provision of 2 x 60MVA, 132/33KV transformer and other ancillary works at Okitipupa Injection Substation, rehabilitation of 35km 33/11KV transmission from Okitipupa-Igbokoda-Ugbonla and environs and the construction of 1km rigid pavement. The electricity project will complement the Federal Government’s effort in the power sector by improving power supply to Okitipupa, Igbokoda and about 2,000 neighbouring communities in Ondo South Senatorial District with direct value chain in small and medium scale industries, job creation and consequently engender growth and development in Ondo State.
NDDC’s executive director in charge of projects, Victor Antai, sounded ecstatic when I spoke with him early Saturday morning. It is his brief to deliver on all the projects undertaken by the agency. And so, for five months since late last year, Antai has been touring the nine NDDC states, inspecting projects and ensuring that contractors are up and doing. He told me: ‘’As you know, I have been on the road, inspecting these projects, meeting with contractors and the communities, just to ensure that every project is delivered on time. It is the decision of the executive management to deliver dividends to our people.”
Before he assumed duties in November, Antai has been a businessman, a Local Government chairman and a commissioner in Akwa Ibom government. To his folks, he is known for his simplicity, affability and generosity. Unlike many ‘big men’ in public service, Antai has no airs and does not encourage partisan divisions and ethnic bigotry. So, I asked him, among all the 92 projects, which one do you have for Akwa Ibom state?
In Akwa Ibom State, NDDC will commission the 6.87-kilometre Iko-Iwuochang road in Ibeno LGA the southern part of the state. The road project consists of two-lane single carriage way, a 600-metre bridge and side drains. The N10 billion virgin road project links 20 communities, hitherto separated by the Qua Iboe River. Three years ago, NDDC completed and commissioned a 1005-student hostel at the University of Uyo. I attended the event. In Abia State, NDDC will commission the Obehie to Oke Ikpe-road reconstructed at a cost of N3.5 billion. The nine-kilometre road restores the road link between Rivers and Akwa Ibom states, through Abia (Ukwa East/West). It involved the reconstruction of seven kilometres of failed section of the road and the construction of drainage.
It is commendable that Dr. Ogbuku and his team are completing and commissioning these projects, many of which were started by previous managements. It is indeed pleasng that he has not fallen into the temptation to abandon them and start news ones as it has often been the case in public service. Said the chief executive: ‘’The most compelling need in completing and commissioning these projects is to put them for use in the communities and help in renewing hope in the people in line with the Renewed Hope Agenda of President Bola Tinubu.”
It is also important that the NDDC is now generating more good news than the negative ones. I was in the center of the fight in 2021 during the forensic audit controversies, defending the commission in the media. It is my pleasure to report on the calm and the progress that we now have.
ETIM is a former media consultant to the NDDC
![[OPINION] Tell Tinubu, Ondo State is angry! - Bola Bolawole](/media/k2/items/cache/70d5f9c84de668ef18645a158a00fa97_S.jpg)
What is politics? According to Professor Harold Lasswell, politics is “who gets what, when, how”. In other words, politics is basically about the allocation of resources. Resources are scare but needs are many, far more than available resources can cope with at any point in time. In economic terms, demand outstrips supply; so, some needs will be met while others will be denied or postponed.
The main duty of the government is to allocate resources: How much will be allocated to defence, to education, to the provision of infrastructure, to energy supply, etc. Will salaries and pensions be paid as when due, will there be training, for what category of officers and at what cost? Will there be a salary review, when and what quantum of increment?
In deciding “who gets what, when (and) how”, those who make the decision set priorities, using differing parameters: national interest; interest of the poor and downtrodden; their own selfish and personal interests; primordial interests such as ethnicity, religion, social status or stratification; political considerations, among others. So, often, the closer you are to those in power, the greater or better your chances of getting values allocated to you or your interests.
Those in the corridors of power benefit more from the privileges the government dispenses than those who are far away from it. You must belong, as they say, to participate in the sharing of the spoils of office. The dividends of democracy can be discriminatory!
Today, in Nigeria, we have a new Sheriff in town: Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu. He came to town with new faces, as it were; a new set of men and women who now call the shots in various sectors of our national life. Men and women who were nobody yesterday are the Very Important Personalities of today. Together with their principal, they are the ones who, today, make the decisions of “who gets what, when, how” They can decide to favour or marginalize you. They can give or deny you your dues.
If you do not belong in their circles, you will only watch the largesse they dispense waltz its way around you and land on someone else’s lap. Or they may choose to fling it over your head for another person to catch. You can decide to worm your way into their heart by whatever means possible. You may also choose to lie low and allow even this to pass. Nothing lasts forever!
Where are yesterday’s strong men and women? Where is Muhammadu Buhari and his all-powerful coterie of cabals? They are all men and women of yesterday. They have all lost power, relevance and glamour. A little more time and today’s men and women of power will also join them. As Zik told Ukpabi Asika, “No condition is permanent”! And nothing lasts forever!
For the umpteenth time, my good people of Ondo State are complaining of being marginalized by President Tinubu. The first time was when the president chose his ministers, service chiefs and the pillars of his administration. My Ondo state people were miffed that those who did not contribute as much as they did to the making of the Tinubu Administration got far more than Ondo State that contributed far more. In terms of the number of positions given and the importance and relevance of those positions, Ondo State believed it was marginalized.
Many complained to me. Write it, they commanded me! But we counseled restraint and accommodation. Let’s give the president another chance! Let’s allow him time and peace of mind to settle down and gather the levers of power and the reins of office in both hands. One year later, Tinubu’s ice has refused to thaw; his coconut leaves, rather than soften, have gotten more toughened.
That is what my Ondo State people are seeing, and saying, with the recent Board appointments announced by Tinubu. It did not take some people much time before affixing State of origin to the 550 Board appointments rolled out by the president. According to them, Ondo State got only six whereas Osun state got 22.
Why zero in on Osun? I would have loved to see them reel out the allocation to other states. But why Osun is not far to fetch. Osun is Tinubu’s purported state of origin. In the last presidential election, he lost that state and, incidentally, also the Lagos state that he claims, to both Atiku Abubakar’s PDP and Peter Obi’s Labour Party respectively; but he won Ondo state handsomely with a princely 68% of the votes cast. But both Lagos and Osun, two failures, have benefited more in terms of appointments from the Tinubu administration than Ondo that gave its all. Why?
Why is failure being rewarded while success is being derided? And I remembered the street football we played as children called “work-and-eat”. To work for others to eat is a curse. Isaiah 65:22 says: “They shall not build and another inhabit; they shall not plant and another eat… My elect shall long enjoy the work of their hands”. Ondo state and its people need deliverance from the curse of working for others to eat!
One of the posts I received reads: “Osun, 22; Ondo, 06. The difference is clear (like) 7UP! Who did we offend? What is our offence? Why the discrimination? Why the oppression? Why the shortchange? These and many more questions we ask Tinubu and the APC leadership (and) people (APC leaders) like Chief Pius Akinyelure, Ambassador Sola Iji, our distinguished senators, members of the House of Representatives, Honourable minister, etc.
“Ondo State won (the presidential election for Tinubu/APC) with the highest number of votes (68%). We were given 6 over 550 of the Board appointments while Osun state that lost the election was rewarded with 22 over 550. Where did we get it wrong? Who did we offend? Where is the justice in APC’s motto and slogan? Well, time will tell!”
I was sarcastic in my response to the complainant: “Get an Ondo state person to become president! Also, get the Ondo state indigenes who are close to Tinubu to push harder for the State and not be self-conscious alone. If Aketi had been alive, it most likely would have been different. Aiyedatiwa does not have the same influence Aketi had on Tinubu. Besides, he (Aiyedatiwa) is too engrossed in his own survival battle to have the time to lobby for political appointments for anyone.
“When Buhari was president, Daura and Katsina benefited more than other towns or states in the North. Ditto Jonathan’s time as president. Obasanjo, for obvious reasons, benefited the Igbo more than the Yoruba. Let’s thank Tinubu that, at least, he has not marginalized the Yoruba. Osun is Yoruba. So, we thank Tinubu for little mercies!“
I am sure you know I was just trying to give my people cold comfort. Nothing at all justifies the snobbish treatment and cold shoulders they believe they are getting from a man they supported with all their being.
But if you think the Ondo state people are the only ones complaining, you are mistaken: Some APC women leaders have expressed their grouse that they were yet to be compensated for their contribution to Tinubu’s success at the polls. Many who are hopeful or who have been penciled down for appointment are agitated and apprehensive that time is going. One year is gone already.
But, truth be told, I do not envy the president. To make appointments may appear easy on the surface but, in actual fact, it is not. The pressure, the blackmail, the pull and push are better imagined than experienced, especially with all the rumour flying around about appointments being sold and bought. So, Tinubu has to shine his eyes. I heard that he makes efforts to see everything before anything escapes to the public. That is not going to be a small job.
On top of that, he has other things to contend with: Foreign trips to source for FDI; meetings to attend, ECOWAS wahala, his health to attend to, NLC incessant strike actions, ASUU warming up for its own strike, Peter Obi and Atiku Abubakar’s ceaseless jabs, etc. He has governance to also attend to. He must also find time to unwind.
Ayo Fayose as governor of Ekiti state told me that if he had a thousand appointments to make, they would not be enough to take care of everyone who contributed to his success at the polls. That is the bitter truth. Everyone who worked for Tinubu cannot get an appointment. Not everyone who worked will have the opportunity to enter the dining room whereas some who did not lift a finger will end up sitting at the head of the table! Such is life!
Imagine how many thousands of candidates must have been screen for the 550 Board appointments! And the uncountable number of interest groups to satisfy! On one corner was the ASUU mounting pressure and threatening another strike action; one of its grievances being the absence of Councils that have slowed down the pace of work in the universities, making a bad situation even worse! I suspect that some of the Board appointments might have been rushed to take the wind out of ASUU’s sail.
That, however, does not excuse the (deliberate or oversight?) marginalization of anyone. Awujale (Ogun state) celebrated 90 years and got GCON. Yoruba leader Pa Reuben Fasoranti (Ondo state) took pains to visit Tinubu on a wheelchair at the Presidential villa but returned empty-handed. Closely thereafter he celebrated 98 years and still got nothing. Pourquoi?
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![[OPINION] The Importance of Economic Intelligence - Eric Teniola](/media/k2/items/cache/797ecdd24c05f26a1f103d0ff2dc615c_XS.jpg)
During the era of General Sani Abacha GCFR (20 September 1943 – 8 June 1998), there was the National Economic Intelligence Committee (NEIC). The committee had its office at the seventh floor of the Federal Secretariat, Abuja. The committee was a co-pilot in the execution of economic policies for the country. The committee’s work was later inherited by General Abdusalam Abubakar GCFR (81) following the death of General Sani Abacha and then by President Olusegun Obasanjo GCFR (87) in May 1999.
The committee was established by Decree 17 of February 1994. It was headed by Professor Samuel Adepoju Aluko (August 18, 1929 – February 7, 2012) from Ode in Ekiti state. Professor Aluko played advisory to Chief Obafemi Awolowo (6 March 1909-9 May 1987), Chief Adekunle Ajasin (28 November 1908 – 3 October 1997), General Yakubu Gowon GCFR (89) and General Sani Abacha GCFR (20 September 1943 – 8 June 1998). He was very close to Ikemmba of Nnewi, Chief Odumegwu Ojukwu (4 November 1933 – 26 November 2011), before, during and after the civil war.
The first military coup and the events that led to the civil war met him in Eastern Nigeria and it was at that time that he formed a personal friendship with the secessionist leader, Chief Odumegwu Ojukwu.
In fact he advised Chief Ojukwu to go into exile to Cote Ivoire instead of Togo or Tanzania or France.
In one of his interviews with THE SUN Newspaper before he died, Professor Aluko explained that Chief Ojukwu did not fully understand the average Igbo mind since he did not visit the Old Eastern Region until General Aguisi Ironsi GCFR (3 March 1924- 29 July 1966)appointed him the Military Governor of the Eastern Region in January 1966.
Those within government will attest that the bond between Professor Aluko and General Sani Abacha helped tremendously in the creation of Ekiti state on October 1, 1996. Instead of flying to Abuja via Akure or Ibadan or Lagos while serving as NEIC Chairman, Professor Aluko would drive in his Peugeot 504 station wagon car from Ode in Ekiti state most often carrying plantain from his farm during weekends.
Alhaji Lawal Garuba, a friend, the son of a Muslim Scholar in Kano and a businessman, is never tired of telling anyone how Professor Aluko took him to General Sani Abacha to seek for a favour even at the detriment of General Sani Abacha’s close friend, Alhaji Dan Kabo.
He was a down to earth man, who practiced what he preached. He never spared anyone if you are on the wrong route no matter who you are, even if you are his first son, Professor Mobolaji Ebenezer Aluko (69), the pioneer Vice Chancellor of the Federal University, Otueke, Bayelsa State from 2011 to 2016.
Professor Aluko’s brand of economic policy was critical of ostentatious government spending. When he returned from London, he became an informal adviser to the Action Group. He was appointed to head its austerity committee which was set up to find ways to save money. The committee recommended the slashing of allowances provided to ministers and political office holders, an idea that was not well supported by some of the political class within the party.
In 1962, Professor Aluko was approached to serve as the regional economic adviser of the Western region. His salary was to be £2,942, at that time, he was a lecturer at University of Ife, now Obafemi Awolowo University earning an annual wage of £1000. He accepted the offer on the condition that his new salary be reduced to the level he was paid at Ife stating that he will not be more productive at the new job than what he was doing at Ife. But this condition was rejected by the government.
While Professor Aluko was at Ile-Ife, he was a member of an informal advisory committee of AG, along with Professor Wole Soyinka (89), Professor Victor Oyenuga (April 9, 1917 – April 10, 2010), Dr Odumosu and a couple of other lecturers. This group were strongly in favor of an idealistic party, a democratic socialist party that believed in curbing executive excesses, the advisory group also split with some members of the political class in terms how to engage with the national government and branching out of the Western region. Chief Obafemi Awolowo positively received some of the recommendations of this group but his deputy, Chief Samuel Ladoke Akintola who was now premier of the region did not like most of the recommended policies.
In 1965, when Professor Saburi Biobaku (1918–2001), the deputy Vice-Chancellor of UNIFE advised all lecturers to support the party of the day, which was NNDP, a splinter group of the Action Group led by Chief Samuel Akintola, Professor Aluko sided with Awolowo’s side of the Action Group who were receptive of the recommendations offered by the Ife group. Professor Aluko offered to resign and gave a 3 month notice, the resignation was accepted immediately and he was ordered to vacate official premises as soon as possible, he left the university and joined the economics department of University of Nigeria, Nsukka.
Before the January 1966 coup, Professor Aluko addressing a youth conference had tasked the youths to be less tribal and engage with one another to unite the regions.
Professor Aluko’s views on economic growth and public finance was less elitist and was to approach decision making by using the federal, state and local government institutions as an instrument of growing the national economy. Professor Aluko’s view was drawing funds through higher rates of taxation and tracking tax defaulters to generate government income.
In interviews, columns and public lectures, Professor Aluko supported measures to increase workers productivity through better supervision and cutting of waste such as subsidized rent and allowances to government employees. These measures are capable of increasing government revenues that could fund policies to reduce unemployment and rural development.
As oil production increased in Nigeria in the 1970s, Professor Aluko was still inclined to support the thought that the state can be an engine of industrialization through funding of technical education, agriculture extension and infrastructural development. With a technical literate populace, the adoption and local reproduction of technology will be feasible. In addition, introducing mechanized farming will increase the income level of commercial farmers and the taxable income of government.
Professor Aluko’s support for mechanized farming meant balanced assistance to surplus producing commercial farmers and technical and educational assistance to small scale farmers to become surplus producing farmers. Small scale subsistence farmers who mostly live in the rural areas will use some the additional income to buy more affordable productive instruments. A strong believer in planning, it became important in agricultural planning for the development of a locally initiated agriculture instruments industries to save foreign exchange and produce affordable instruments for small scale farmers.
During General Ibrahim Babangida’s administration, Professor Aluko still steadfastly held on to the thought that the tiers of government had a major role to play in developing the economy. He was critical of the liberalization prescriptions of the structural adjustment programme adopted by the government.
Professor Aluko’s trouble with Structural Adjustment Programme also extended to the multilateral institutions who made the recommendations and the Nigerian economists who followed the dictates of Western capitalist thought. Professor Aluko faulted the benefits of free market currency devaluation and high interest rates that came after the programme was implemented.
Professor Aluko married his wife, Joyce Amomogha (September 20, 1934- March 5 2021) from Ekpoma in Esan West local government area of Edo state on valentine’s day in 1955. He had his education at Christ’s Secondary School, Ado Ekiti, 1942-1945, London School of Economics and Political Science, University of London, 1955-1959; lecturer, Nigerian College of Arts, Science and Technology, Ibadan, 1959-1962, lecturer, University of Ife,Ile- Ife, 1962-1964, senior lecturer and head, Department of Economics, University of Nigeria, Nsukka, 1964-1966, reader in Economics, 1966-67, dean, Faculty of Social Science, University of Ife, 1968-1970, chairman, College of Humanities, University of Ife, 1972-1973, appointed Professor and head, Department of Economics, University of Ife, Nigeria, 1967; member, International Economic Association, member, American Economic Association, member, Royal Economic Society, member, International Association of Agricultural Economists, member, Nigerian Economic Society, member, World Council of Churches Advisory Committee on Technical Services; chairman, Election Planning Committee, Action Group Party, Nigeria, 1964-1968.
While serving as Chairman of National Economic Intelligence Committee (NEIC), we often met in the elevator of the Federal Secretariat in Abuja, since I worked on the eleventh floor at the office of the Secretary of the Government of the Federation.
General Sani Abacha made him a member of the Federal Executive Council and always differed to him on Economic issues during council deliberations.
Other members of the committee were Brig-Gen. G.A. Mohammed, a Quantity Surveyor from Borno State who was the Secretary. The rest were Dr. Haroun Adamu (Bauchi), Dr. Dalhatu Araf (Nassarawa), Alhaji Umaru Audi (Niger) , Alhaji Musa Bello (Adamawa), Alhaji U.K. Bello (Kebbi), Mr. Walter Ekwensi (Imo), Barrister Eugene Madu (Anambra), Princess (Mrs.) A.O. Oguneye (Ekiti), Dr. Ode Ojowu (Benue), Mr. Babatunde Sangokunle (Ogun), Alhaji Nasiru Maitama Sule (Kano), Comrade Godwin Uluocha (Abia)
In November 1995, Mr. Walter Ekwensi died and was replaced by Mr. Donald Duke, a Barrister, from Cross-River State.
In December 1997, the Secretary, Major-General Garba Ali Mohammed was appointed the Minister of Works and Housing and in August 1998, Princess (Mrs.) A.O. Oguneye was appointed the Minister of State for Federal Capital Territory, Abuja. In March 1999, Dr. Haroun Adamu was appointed Member/Secretary of the Presidential Policy Advisory Committee (PPAC) by the President-Elect, General Olusegun Obasanjo. Barrister Donald Duke was elected Governor of Cross River State in January, 1999. Both Barrister Donald Duke and Dr. Haroun Adamu resigned their appointments from NEIC as a result of their new positions.
When the committee was formed in 1994, the following were part of the committee’s responsibilities:
Functions of the Committee
Notwithstanding the provisions of subsection (2) of section 1 of this Act, the Committee shall –
(a) analyse the annual budget and extract all economic measures requiring enforcement;
(b) work out details on the method of enforcing implementation of the annual budget;
(c) analyse the monetary guidelines issued by the Central Bank of Nigeria (in this Act referred to as “the Bank”) and monitor the implementation of all the measures enumerated therein;
(d) monitor and identify factors inhibiting the realisation of set revenue targets such as tax evasion by individuals or association of individuals, and bodies corporate in the private and public sectors of the economy; (e) enforce the implementation of existing tax legislation; (f) assess the report on any project being carried out by the Federal Government and confirm that funds released for Federal Government projects are judiciously utilised;
(g) monitor and report to the Federal Government, on quarterly basis, the inflationary rate, the consumer price index and such other growth indices on output, liquidity and cost of funds, transportation costs, fuel prices and other related tariffs;(h) recommend any increase or decrease of price on manufactured goods;(i) monitor the supply and demand of forex, the gap and factors affecting the markets sales and indicated rates, use of forex and operation of the market;
(j) consider any issue appropriate and relevant to the subject of revenue collection; (k) give a situation report of all its activities on quarterly basis to the Federal Government; (l) ensure that any defaulter of any of the issues mentioned above or any other matter related thereto is brought before the Federal High Court; and (m) consider such other matters as may be referred to it from time to time by the President.
5. Powers of the Committee
The Committee shall have power to- (a) invite any person, group of persons or body corporate to appear before it; (b) call for memoranda from any person, association of individuals or bodies corporate, whether public or private; (c) ask for copies of reports, audited accounts or such other information as may be required for the purposes of the Committee and in whatever manner if deems fit from any person or association of individuals and body corporate whether public or private; (d) monitor any matter to the extent that it affects the functions of the Committee; (e) enforce foreign exchange regulations and cause offenders to be prosecuted; and (f) enter and inspect premises, project sites and such other places as may be necessary for the purposes of carrying out its functions under this Act.
6. Directives by the President
(1) The President may give to the Committee such directives as appear to him to be just and proper for the effective discharge of the functions of the Committee under this Act. (2) It shall be the duty of the Committee to comply with any directives given pursuant to subsection (1) of this section. (3) Any decision reached by the President in accordance with this Act, shall be final and binding and notwithstanding the provisions of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1979, as amended, no suit or legal action in any court of law or tribunal shall be filed against any person for any act done or intended to be done in pursuance of any decision of the President.
Chief Paul Agbai Ogwuma (91) from Abayi in Imo state was governor of Central Bank at that time while both Dr. Kalu Idika Kalu (84) from Ohafia in Abia state and Chief Anthony Ani (87) from Odukpani local government area of Cross River State served as Ministers of Finance under General Sani Abacha. At that time brilliant economists were running the economy of the country.
At that time also, there was the National Council of Nigerian Vision (NCNV), the Presidential Advisory Committee (PAC) and the National Economic Intelligence Committee (NEIC).
On March 25, 1998, the three bodies were merged together and they formed the Capital budget Monitoring Team. I was one of the Masters of Ceremony at the event, along with Ikenna Ndaguba (1935-2011). The inauguration was performed by the then Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Alhaji Gidado Idris GCON (15 March 1935- 15 December 2017)
The terms of reference of the team were to verify the judicious utilization of funds allocated to all Ministers and Parastatals for capital projects. Specifically, they were to verify that: the capital projects of the Ministries are prioritized, funds are used for the purpose for which they are allocated, funds are released to projects as and when due, the provisions of Financial Instructions are strictly observed in disbursement, there is a link between the Federal Ministry of Finance and the various Ministries themselves and the various capital projects they are handling and there is constant collaboration between the Monitoring Agencies, i.e. National Economic Intelligence Committee (NEIC), Presidential Advisory Committee (PAC), National Council of Nigerian Vision (NCNV), National Population Commission (NPC), and the internal ministerial monitoring units.
The following persons served in the Capital Budget Monitoring Team. They were Alhaji A. Mohammed, Professor (Mrs) E. Eke, Princess (Mrs) A. Oguneye, Mr. M.S. Hamid, Mr. C.D. Gali, Dr. A.A. Owosekun, Alabo T. Graham-Douglas, Mr. Eugene C. Madu, Professor T.O. Olowokere, Professor Gini Mbanefo, Mr. A.G. Oladuntoye, Mr. C.C. Chukwura, Mr. Idakwo, Alhaji B. Albasu, Mr. I.O. Shangotola, Comrade G.O. Uluocha, Mr S.O.O. Osanyintuyi, Mr. J.O. Olaniyi, Engineer V. Ogunmakin, Professor T.A. Omobighe, Mr. Adams Oshiomole, Dr. Ode Ojowu, Mr. S.O. Majoroh, Mr. A.T. Ikomi, Alhaji K. Bashir, Professor Anya O. Anya, Professor U.D. Gomwalk, Alhaji Nasiru Maitama Sule, Mr. Olu Akindutire, Mr. A. Adejuwon, Alhaji A. Jimoh, Professor S.A. Aluko, Chief P.C. Asiodu, Dr. H.R. Adamu, Professor Munzali Jibril, Mr. O.G. Okoye, Mr. J.B. Ilori, Mr. Tunji Olaopa, Alhaji S.Y. Hamma, Alhaji Ballam Manu and Mr. Donald Duke.
Although General Sani Abacha GCFR abused the system by enriching himself fantastically, it was Professor Aluko’s committee that pegged the official rate of N22 to 1 dollar.
The committee also recommended the following: There will be no bidding or allocation of foreign Exchange at the CBN, every company, individual or organization shall source foreign exchange requirements in the autonomous market, CBN shall hold the official foreign exchange, and from time to time, intervene in the autonomous market, all government parastals, government companies, agencies and government majority owned companies and organizations, exploration and production oil companies, and oil service companies, recipients of foreign of loans and grants must continue to maintain these foreign exchange currently domiciliary accounts with CBN which shall purchase such funds as and when necessary at the prevailing autonomous rates, operation of the domiciliary accounts shall be authorized and export proceeds and other repatriation in-flows shall be held in domiciliary accounts which shall be held and maintained with any authorized bank in Nigeria.
The beneficiaries of domiciliary accounts shall have unfettered use of funds contained therein, Interbank autonomous market shall operate freely and for the avoidance of doubt, no oil processing company shall be permitted to operate a foreign exchange market in Nigeria. The main actors in IFEM shall be the bank and bureau de change, with CBN intervening from time to time and Bureau de change shall be allowed to buy notes and coins and travelers cheques freely but shall sell only notes and coins up to a maximum of US$2500 per transaction. Buying and sale of notes and buying of travelers cheque by bureau de change shall be at autonomous market rate subject to a margin of 2%.
For better or worse the committee also recommended the promulgation of Failed Banks (Recovery of debts) and Financial Malpractices in Banks No. 18 of 1994, advances free fraud and other Fraud related offences decree 1995 (otherwise known as “419 decree”) and the Money laundering Decree of 1995.
Persons charged under the decree are to face the Miscellaneous Offences Tribunal.
After the death of General Sani Abacha, the National Economic Intelligence Committee (NEIC) played fewer roles especially during the tenure of General Abdusalam Abubakar. However, on Monday, November 8, 1999, President Olusegun Obasanjo revived the committee when he appointed Dr. Ibrahim Ayagi (1940-2020) as Chairman of the committee.
While inaugurating Dr. Ayagi as chairman of NEIC, President Obasanjo declared, “The development effort since independence has been characterized by huge public investments in all sectors of the economy. If we stop to take stock of total public expenditure in the nearly forty-years of our independence, we would find the sum-total to be staggering. Yet, in spite of these staggering expenditures, and in spite of our vast human and material resources, we have made only minimal progress with alleviating the sufferings of the majority of our people”.
Though the short-comings of our development process include policy inconsistency as well as wrong policy prescription and articulation, the real problem is with policy implementation. Thousands of Government projects which were initiated two or more decades ago, remain uncompleted. These projects include the Ajaokuta Steel Complex, the Paper Mills at Iwopin, Jebba and Oku lboku ; the Oshogbo Machine Tools and a number of multi-purpose dam projects, roads, etc. This situation is aggravated by the manifest inability to maintain existing structures. Those projects completed have been badly mismanaged and badly run down. In addition, corruption and lack of transparency have become formidable impediments to the efficient allocation and use of resources. They have become all-pervasive and pose severe, if not mortal, danger to our moral and civil responsibilities and commitments as a nation.
As you are already well aware, this Administration is committed to poverty alleviation through rapid economic growth and development. We will ensure efficient use of resources, speedy implementation of projects and we will tirelessly light against corruption and indiscipline. The task before us is enormous and all hands must be on deck if we are to succeed. It is in this connection that this Administration has decided to reconstitute the National Economic Intelligence Committee (NEIC)”.
President Obasanjo then weakened the committee’s power by placing it under the Minister of Economic matters, Chief Vincent Eze Ogbulafor (24 May 1949 – 6 October 2022. He said the legal instrument under which NEIC was established would be revised. With that the committee could no longer monitor the supervision of the implementation of capital projects in various ministries.
During the tenure of President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan GCFR (66), the National Economic Intelligence Committee (NEIC) was scrapped. Till today, it has not been revived. In the presence circumstance we are at the moment, we may need to take another look at some of the measures recommended by the National Economic Intelligence Committee (NEIC).
![[OPINION] Ibrahim Attahiru: Three years after an unforgettable patriot - Niran Adedokun](/media/k2/items/cache/240ede6c26298adb1faa9725e3748072_XS.jpg)
This day, three years ago, an unprecedented event in Nigeria’s history occurred. The country’s 21st Chief of Army Staff (COAS), Lt Gen Ibrahim Attahiru, died alongside ten other officers and men in an air crash. Attahiru was only in office for three months, yet he came across as an extraordinarily purposeful and committed gentleman officer and Nigerian. His mission to Kaduna State, where the unfortunate incident abruptly ended his big dreams for the country, indicated his commitment to reforming the Nigerian Army!
In addition to an urgent desire to improve the welfare of Army officers and men, Attahiru was emphatic about raising the quality of training the Army offered its personnel. He matched this belief with action.
During his brief stay at his office that fateful morning, one of the few people he saw was the then Chief of Training at Army Headquarters, Major Gen. Okwudili Azinta. They, for the umpteenth time, discussed the event scheduled for the next day at the Nigeria Army Depot, Zaria. The depot is the institution that trains army recruits, and it was the passing-out- parade of a new set of recruits on Saturday, May 22. Attahiru felt it was essential to be there to boost the morale of these new entrants before their deployment to the different formations of the Army where they would serve. Azinta testifies in the former chief of Army’s staff posthumous biography: The Man, The Soldier, The Patriot, the biography of Lt. Gen Ibrahim Attahiru that: “he was interested in training officers and men, right from recruits to the most senior officers…”
He took the encouragement and mobilisation of his officers and men personally. However, the issue about the depot was not just about welfare; it also concerned the men’s training. A few times in previous weeks, Attahiru and Azinta had conversations about the need to improve the quality of instruction and the curriculum at the depot to improve the quality of products and enhance effective deployments of recruits. To move their discussions along, Azinta, during their encounter that morning, promised to stay back in Zaria after the Saturday event and hold sessions on achieving this chief’s aim. Unfortunately, the COAS and his team never saw the day.
Attahiru’s unfortunate passing alongside some of his closest aides on that flight shook the nation to its foundations. Officers and men who travelled and died with the former Chief of Army Staff included Acting Chief of Military Intelligence, Brigadier General Abdulkadir Kuliya; Chief of Staff to the late COAS, Brigadier General Mohammed Idris Abdulkadir; Acting Provost Marshal, Brigadier General Olatunji Lukman Olayinka, Aide-De-Camp to the COAS, Major Lawal Aliyu Hayat, and Major Nura Hamza, Flight Lieutenant Taiwo Olufemi Asaniyi, Flight Lieutenant Alfred Ayodeji Olufade, Sergeant Opeyemi Isaiah Adesina, Sergeant Umar Saidu and Aircraftman (ACM) Olamide Matthew Oyedepo.
In his very short tenure, Nigerians got a sense that their security would be more assured. He spoke about it but also acted. One such action, which the late COAS, noted for his readiness to lead from the front took, was the dramatic recovery of some territories captured by Boko Haram insurgents in February 2021. He visited the war theatre on Sunday, February 21 2021, and motivated the force to recapture the territories taken by the insurgents within 48 hours. He addressed them as follows:
“I bring you very special greetings from the President and Commander-in-.-Chief of the Armed Forces.
“I present myself as your Chief of Army Staff. To get to meet you and you get to know me as well.
“The essence of this visit is operational. The idea is to motivate you.
“In the last few days, we have had attacks in your area of responsibility. It is high time we get back and fight through and support our forces ahead of you.
“Areas around Marte, Chikingudo, Kirenowa, and Kirta, Wulgo must be cleared within 48 hours. Rest assured of all the support required in this onerous task.
“I have just spoken to your Theatre Commander, General Officer Commanding, you cannot let this nation down. You must go there and do the needful, and I will be right behind you.
“You have presented certain issues that came up; Overstay of soldiers, sooner rather than later; we will address.
“Where there are no adequate A and B vehicles, we will provide.
“With those few remarks, I wish you well on the operation, and I know the morale remains high.”
The soldiers picked up the gauntlet and recovered the territories within 24 hours! Apart from Marte’s dramatic recovery, Attahiru’s “take the attack to the enemy” principle had an enduring impact on the fortunes of the Nigerian forces, with the surrender of about 35,000 Boko Haram fighters. He knew where he was going with his strategy and told anyone he discussed the issue with that Boko Haram would, “Insha Allah,” be history before the end of 2021. Sadly, the man of vision did not live to see the end of the year as he purposed!
But visionaries who pursue and share their dreams do not die with their visions; this is the joy about Attahiru. The patriot in him fought like every day was his last. One of the rapid steps he took was to emphasise and spread the gospel of unity in the fight against insecurity in Nigeria.
Attahiru believed that the military must unite to fight the war. As a first signpost, he changed the operation’s name in the country’s North-East from Lafiya do le (Peace by force) to Hadin Kai, which means “heads put together!” The COAS and his colleagues in the Air Force and Navy did not leave their subordinates in doubt as to the determination to get the three forces working together in unison, and this brought significant successes, which their successors are now building on.
Testifying to Attahiru’s vision on this front, former Chief of Air Staff, Air Marshal Oladayo Amao (rtd), says in his tribute to his late course mate and colleague: “We were together at the forefront of the counter-insurgency operation. We crafted strategies to combat insurgency and other security challenges with high aspirations. We had similar visions with the fundamentals of joint operations and synergy as a cornerstone of our strategy.”
Attahiru also spread his belief in the Theory of the Trinity, which speaks to the essential partnership between the Army, the government, and the people. He was convinced that the Nigerian Army needed to seek the understanding and earn the trust of the Nigerian people in its commitment to improve security. His idea of putting heads together also involved other security and intelligence agencies, the local communities, and the media. His strategy was to promote community-based intelligence and tactical efficiency. He wanted a better understanding between the Army and the mass media. Seeing the media as the intermediary between the Army and the people, he felt that the partnership between the two must be robust. To foster this, he promptly approved training sessions aimed at re-orientating spokespersons for the Army.
He also approved leadership seminars for relevant Army personnel. They planned that these sessions would take place across the country, starting with General Officers Commanding and Brigade Commanders. They hoped that the re-orientation would cascade down, and every member of the Army could begin to see the importance of respecting the rights of Nigerians and the necessity of synergy between the civilian population and the military. The first part of the training, where the former National Human Rights Commission Chairman, Professor Chidi Odinkalu, and others spoke, was held in Ibadan between May 18 and May 20, 2021. The PROs’ training was ongoing in Abuja simultaneously, as Attahiru believed in firing on all cylinders to achieve success.
Firing on all cylinders endeared him to the Nigerian Army officers and men and many Nigerians. One such person is veteran journalist, television host, and military historian, Mr Babajide Otitoju. In his tribute to Attahiru, the journalist wrote: “He was such an excellent communicator that even the interface between the Army and the civil populace was much better. People were happy to relate to him. Though short, I can tell you that his tenure as Chief of Army Staff was eventful.”
Even though he did not live to accomplish his vision, he was conscious enough to plant the seeds of some of his ideas in the minds of those who came after him and the courage to take bold steps upon which others have built. Honest assessors of the recent history of the Nigerian military will always remember Attahiru’s short term as pacesetting and effectual. And even in death, the late Kaduna State-born General, exemplary husband, father, and humanitarian, remains a patriot who gave his all for the country he loved and served.
May he and the other eleven patriots who died with him continue to rest in peace.
Adedokun is the author of The Man, The Soldier, The Patriot, the biography of Lt. Gen Ibrahim Attahiru
[OPINION] Lucky Nosakhare Igbinedion: The Moustached Lucky Politician And Administrator - Mike Ozekhome SAN
Admin![[OPINION] Lucky Nosakhare Igbinedion: The Moustached Lucky Politician And Administrator - Mike Ozekhome SAN](/media/k2/items/cache/7ec7b8225307b6dbacf57ac0a80399c7_XS.jpg)
Today, I pay tribute to my brother and good friend, Chief Lucky Nosakhare Igbinedion, the esteemed former Governor of Edo State. His contributions to society have no doubt left an indelible mark on the landscape of governance and community development in Edo State. Lucky celebrated his special day on May 13, 2024, when he turned 67. It is only fit to reflect on the incredible person he has been and the impact he has had on those around him and others who came across his wonderful personality.
Surely Lucky's name is a testament to the fortune and blessings he brings into the lives of others. Lucky has indeed been lucky. His presence radiates positivity and his unwavering optimism is a beacon of light for everyone who knows him. His kindness and philanthropy know no bounds. His generosity to the less privileged is as deep as a valley. Whether it is lending a helping hand, offering a listening ear, or simply sharing his accustomed legendary warm smile, he consistently demonstrates genuine care and compassion for others in a manner that is truly amazing, inspiring and energising.
Lucky's journey in the service to the people of Edo State is not merely a chapter in history, but a testament to the transformative power of leadership fueled by sheer integrity and compassion which he exhibited. Born on the 13th day of May, 1957, into the influential Igbinedion dynasty which is renowned for its uncommon commitment to service to humanity, Lucky Igbinedion embraced this legacy early in life with fervour and eclat, embarking on a path guided by a profound sense of duty and responsibility. Though he was born into a wealthy home, Lucky, unlike his peers, created a niche for himself early in life. Surely, a fruit does not fall far away from the mother tree. Upon graduating in marketing from the University of Wyoming, USA (1982), with a bachelors degree in Business, Lucky knew he needed more training to effectively compete in the unorthodox Nigerian political setting. He proceeded to Jackson State University in Mississippi, USA, where he earned a Master of Business Administration (MBA) before returning to Nigeria in 1984, to manage Okada Air, his father’s pet first Nigerian privately owned airline project.
Not satisfied with this, he ventured into politics, when he was appointed Mayor (Chairman) of the Oredo Municipality between 1987 and 1989. His outstanding performance not only led to his being voted the Best Mayor in Nigeria for his developmental efforts, his sterling performance resonated with Edo people. Though his first shot at Governorship under the National Republican Convention (NRC), was unsuccessful against Chief John Odigie-Oyegun who won on the platform of the Social Democratic Party (SDP), Lucky bounced back and won the Governorship under the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in 1999.
As the Governor of Edo State (29th May, 1999 - 29th May, 2007), Lucky demonstrated a rare blend of visionary thinking and pragmatic action, steering Edo State towards a future of prosperity and progress. His administration was characterized by bold initiatives aimed at uplifting the lives of the citizens, fostering economic growth, and promoting social harmony. He it was who established the Edo State Polytechnic at Usen and became the Chairman of the Governors Forum. His lovely wife, Eki Igbinedion, was very active in her pet project which was aimed at wiping out widespread sex trafficking of Edo State women to Europe. She did this through her NGO, Idia Renaissance. In one of the Vanguard newspaper reports in 2016, titled “Edo 2016: Igbinedion and the non-performance fables”, it was stated that human capital development was one of the greatest achievements of Igbinedion’s administration and that Igbinedion provided an enabling environment for a new crop of younger politicians who later formed over 80% of Governor Oshiomhole’s cabinet and leaders of his party. “Some of them include the APC state chairman, Anselm Ojezua and several civil commissioners as well as APC state Secretary, Osaro Idah and several others. Therefore, Chief Igbinedion is the superstructure on which Oshiomhole’s ambition and administration relied on …” the report added.
Under Lucky’s leadership, Edo State witnessed unprecedented infrastructural development, with key sectors such as education, healthcare and transportation receiving much-needed attention and investment. Through strategic policies and partnerships, Lucky Igbinedion laid the groundwork for sustainable development, laying the foundation for generations to come. In 2023, the Edo State Governor, Godwin Obaseki, in recognition of the leadership qualities of Chief Lucky Igbinedion, invited Chief Igbinedion to chair a committee saddled with the responsibility of reconciling aggrieved members of the PDP in Edo State, a responsibility he executed perfectly.
Chief Lucky Nosakhare Igbinedion no doubt faced numerous challenges during his tenure. However, he navigated them with resilience and determination. He implemented various developmental projects, fostered partnerships, and engaged with stakeholders to address pressing issues such as infrastructure, education, and healthcare. Through strategic decision-making and effective governance, he surmounted these challenges, leaving a positive impact on the state's progress and development.
Beyond the realm of governance, Lucky Igbinedion's impact in the business world, especially in the fields of hospitality, construction and realty resonates deeply with the people he served. His unwavering commitment to inclusivity and empathy have endeared him to communities across Edo State, and beyond, building bridges of understanding and partnership and fostering a sense of unity and solidarity that transcend local boundaries. Though he has left public office, his convictions and yearnings for Nigeria have never changed. Sometime in January, 2024, he urged President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to provide much needed infrastructure, especially roads, electricity and water, for private businesses to thrive. He submitted further that with these, “people can start creating their employment capabilities, not only for themselves but also employing others, I think that is what the federal government needs to encourage by making sure that the environment is conducive for business.”
Nosakhare has remained quiet in the murky political streams, choosing instead to play the noble role of an Elderstatesman. Not for him, the looming image of obnoxious godfatherism.
Generously endowed with a massive frame, Lucky Igbinedion’s intimidating presence is accentuated by his well tended riotous moustache, which has become his signature and trademark. Over shared moments of joy, I would always tease him with cultivating his moustache with $5,000 per month. When I spoke to him last week, he laughed raucously with a guffaw, and replied, “Akpakpa Vighi Vighi, you are behind times. Due to change in market forces, I now manicure and pedicure my moustache with $7,500 monthly”. Such is the luminous personage of Lucky, a simple and humble man that possesses a large dose of humour and wise cracks.
This is wishing Chief Lucky Igbinedion happy birthday. His legacy shines as a beacon of hope and inspiration, guiding us towards a tomorrow filled with promise and boundless possibilities. His achievements stand as a testament to his hard work and dedication. Whether it is in his professional endeavors, his personal business pursuits, or his contributions to his community, Lucky has always approached every enterprise with an uncommon commitment to excellence. His resilience in the face of challenges is truly admirable, serving as a source of motivation for all who witness his perseverance.
![[OPINION] Another helicopter crash, another dignitary perishes - Etim Etim](/media/k2/items/cache/05e60b33983c4de4b953036f01bc21d1_XS.jpg)
I am writing with a heavy heart. A helicopter carrying the President of Iran, Ebrahim Raisi, Foreign Minister, Hossein Amirabdollahian and several others, crashed in a heavy fog yesterday, Sunday, May 19, in the northwestern part of the country. They all perished. The weather was bad, I understand, and the area mountainous and forested. It took many hours for first responders to reach the crash site and recover bodies. The crash occurred exactly one month after Kenya’s military chief, Francis Ogolla, died in a helicopter crash in the Western part of the country. Nine others perished with him.
These accidents evoke sad memories of February 9 when another helicopter accident in California took the lives of our dear Dr. Herbert Wigwe, his wife and son. Many of us are still in shock and pain.
Kobe Bryant, a US sports star died with his daughter in January 2020 in another chopper crash in California. In December, 2012, the governor of Kaduna State, Patrick Yakowa; the former NSA, Gen. Andrew Owoye Azazi and four other persons perished when the helicopter they were travelling in crashed and burst into flames in the forests of Okoroba, Bayelsa State.
I also remember the crash of August 2015 involving a chopper belonging to Bristow Helicopters. The machine crashed into the Lagoon near the Oworonshoki end of Third Mainland Bridge in Lagos. It was coming from the Escravos oil terminal and was heading for the Island. Three persons, including co-pilot, Mr. Peter Bello jnr, died. The pilot’s parents were my customers when I was managing the bank’s business in the Akwa Ibom-Cross River region. It was a devastating blow to Mr. & Mrs Bello of Pekab International, the Calabar-based construction and real estate company. Mr. Bello, from Edo, I think, came to do his NYSC in Calabar in the early 1980s, fell in love with the city, settled down and made a home of it. With his wife, they built a good business and raised a family. Their pilot son’s death has been crushing. When I took over in Calabar, Mrs Bello was particularly warm and welcoming to me. Her hotel on MCC Road served one of the best edikang ikong meals in the city. Well, that was over 10 years ago.
There have been many other chopper crashes in the last several years, but I can’t forget the one involving Gen. Muhammad Zia Ul Haq, Pakistani’s military Head of State, who died in a chopper crash on August 1988. Ul Haq was a mean military leader (think of Sani Abacha) who had his civilian predecessor Ali Bhutto executed despite international appeals for clemency.
Many Pakistanis celebrated Ul Haq’s death just as many in Iran are today celebrating the death of their President, Mr. Raisi for his hardline and scorched-earth decisions. Recall the death, las year, of that young Iranian girl who was killed for not wearing head scarfs and all the riots and demonstrations that came after it? Remember how security forces mowed down the demonstrators? Cast your mind back to how Sani Abacha ordered troops to mow down the June 12 demonstrators. Wole Soyinka, in his memoire, ‘’You must set forth at dawn’’, gives an epic recollection of that era.
Helicopters were invented to help us hop across bad terrains or take us on short trips if we don't want to go by road. It is widely used in the oil industry to ferry workers from between offshore platforms and onshore facilities. The military also uses choppers quite frequently.
US Presidents use their dedicated choppers, called Marine One, to hop from their dedicated airport in Maryland to the White House. President Obama wrote in his memoire how a bad weather prevented him from using Marine One one day when he arrived from a foreign trip. He opted for a 30-miute road trip, instead .
Clearly, a helicopter flight is the worst form of air travel. I will never be caught dead in it. I didn’t know how wicked and dangerous helicopters could be until the crash that took Herbert’s lives. I had always had a bad feeling about the machine, but on Feb 10 (Nigerian time), I vowed never to climb into it, no matter what. I rather swim across a river than board a chopper. It is treacherous, wicked and merciless