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![[OPINION] Washing dishes in constrained space - Mahmud Jega](/media/k2/items/cache/30e7a39ff02bb6585f53be97aa0d7913_L.jpg)
The national minimum wage negotiation talks that broke down on Friday remind me of the social media story about the Professor of Physics who did not come to school one day. When his students phoned to ask why, he said he was conducting research at home on “The thermo-aqua treatment of ceramics in a constrained environment.” Shorn of its highfalutin academic language, the professor meant that he was washing dishes with hot water under the supervision of his wife!
If everything goes according to plan [according to threat is more like it], public and private sector workers all over this country would have downed tools by midnight on Sunday at the start of a “total, indefinite general strike” called out by the country’s two central labour unions, Nigerian Labour Congress [NLC] and Trade Union Congress, TUC. It could result not only in the closure of offices, schools and factories but could hamper transport services, disrupt fuel supply, lead to long fuel queues, re-emergence of petrol black markets, closure of banks and disruption of social and economic life.
No one is happy that it came to this. In January, President Bola Tinubu set up a tripartite committee of Federal and state governments, Organised Private Sector [OPS] and Big Labour to negotiate a new national minimum wage in line with the National Minimum Wage Act 2019, when the current minimum wage of N30,000 a month was adopted. It is subject to renegotiation every five years. The committee has been negotiating [arguing is a better word] for five months. Not privately, as we expected, but very publicly because all three sides at the table made sure that the public knew what its position was at the supposedly confidential negotiating table. In five months the parties could not agree; in fact, their respective positions are probably further apart now than they were at the beginning.
Mostly because, I think, all three sides were negotiating in a Prof-style constrained environment. At the weekend I took a look at a newspaper info graph that summarised the positions of the three parties in the stalled minimum wage talks. The gulf between their positions is wider than the one between Ukraine and Russia on their border war. It is wider than the Strait that separates China and Taiwan on the question of Xi Jinping’s “One China” policy. It is harder to bridge that the positions of Hamas and Israel over Gaza. In fact, it is wider than the Pacific Ocean that separates China and USA in trade, currency and geopolitical matters.
As at Friday afternoon when the talks broke down, Big Labour was demanding a national minimum wage of N494,000 a month. It was negotiating in a very constrained environment because since the last upward wage review in 2019 and especially since last year, with galloping inflation, huge increases in fuel, food and transport prices due to withdrawal of fuel subsidy and free float of currency, workers are under extreme pressure from their families, landlords, transporters, school proprietors, hospital owners and drug stores, not to mention food creditors. Labour leaders are therefore under pressure to extract from government and OPS a wage structure that can reclaim lost standard of living ground.
From Labour’s point of view, it made a big concession because its initial demand was in the region of one million naira a month for the lowest paid worker. That meant an office sweeper earning the current minimum wage will immediately leapfrog to earn more than what a permanent secretary takes home in legal wages today. When government raised its offer from N48,000 a month to 57,000, Labour responded by reducing its demand to N500,000. When government further increased its offer to N60,000 or double the current minimum wage, Labour reduced its demand to N497,000 and still later to N494,000.
Good, that is some movement, but can the Federal Government pay such a wage? Don’t forget, a new minimum wage is quickly followed by an across-the-board wage increase for all Federal workers. Even if it is done more carefully than was done in the past with smaller percentage increases for workers in the higher brackets, it will still be a huge increase in the wage bill. Minister of Information Mohammed Idris summarized Federal Government’s dilemma at the weekend when he said Labour’s demand will push its wage bill to N9.5 trillion per annum, which he said “is capable of destabilizing the economy and jeopardizing the welfare of over 200 million Nigerians.”
Federal workers’ current number is 1.2 million. This year’s Federal budget is about N29 trillion, so 0.006% of citizens will grab one third of the Federal budget as wages alone, apart from what they will add unto themselves as perks and underhand grabs. It is however a bit better than that, because these 1.2 million workers support millions of others as family members, kinsmen and women and some of them donate to mosques and churches. Still, Federal Government has many things to do, including funding the police and military, building key infrastructure and maintaining tertiary educational and health institutions, not to mention paying debt, since it has already borrowed and spent many years’ earnings in advance. Sure it has reaped a lot of money by ending the fuel subsidy regime and floating the naira, but its balance sheets still do not add up. What Labour is demanding, according to Idris, is a 1,547% wage increase. This will make even Udoji to blush and upstage it as the greatest governmental Father Christmas ever in the history of Nigeria. In 1974 General Yakubu Gowon was not operating in a constrained financial environment; his Federal Treasury was awash in money following OPEC’s four-fold increase in oil prices in 1973. This time around, Oga Tinubu is operating in a constrained environment, under the close supervision of pipeline vandals, hungry citizens, restive trade unions and local and foreign creditors.
Truly, in this matter, the amount of money paid to a worker as wages is not the most important thing, but its overall purchasing power vis-a-vis the cost of living. To that extent the Federal Government has a [small] case when it pointed out that it has invested in many other areas, such as N35,000 wage award for all treasury-paid Federal workers, procurement of CNG-fueled buses and conversion kits, N125 billion conditional grant to MSMEs, N25,000 each to be shared to 15 million households for 3 months, N185 billion loans to States to cushion the effects of fuel subsidy removal, N200 billion to support the cultivation of land to boost food production, N75 billion to strengthen the manufacturing sector, N1 trillion for higher education student loans, release of 42,000 metric tons of grain from strategic reserves, distribution of 60,000 metric tons of rice from the rice millers association, free Abuja Light Rail rides till end of the year and 90% subsidy on health costs for Federal Civil Servants registered on NHIS. Were all these promises actually delivered? I cannot swear to it, but they should be.
If Federal Government is operating in a constrained environment with respect to the minimum wage issue, then state governments are operating in a pressure cooker. Many of them have still not implemented the N30,000 minimum wage of 2019, though I believe that is criminal. The six governors that represented them at the talks did not even offer a figure. Instead, they put forward a paper explaining their constraints. They said fuel subsidy withdrawal and naira float that fueled inflation forced state governments to adjust their budgets, reallocate resources to palliative measures and adjust capital expenditure appropriations to accommodate variations in critical infrastructure projects. They said while subsidy removal and naira float led to an increase in nominal FAAC revenues, coinciding with a surge in headline inflation, the real value of FAAC allocations increased only marginally from N1.39 trillion in first half to N1.52 trillion in the second half of 2023. “This indicates that the additional revenues, in real terms, have shrunk with the increase in monthly inflation that followed both policies.” In other words, state governments did not get much more money as we think and may not be able to pay higher wages.
Organized private sector was represented at the talks and was said to have agreed to the N60,000 new minimum wage. Let’s hope it can pay without job losses. But Local Governments were not even there. If state governments cannot pay, is there any chance in [expletive] that Local Governments can?
The obvious danger of pushing the governments and OPS to pay much higher wages is they will look in the direction of reducing their workers. It will also reopen the old question of whether we need so many people in the public service. It happened before. In 2000 AD when President Obasanjo increased the minimum wage to N7,000 a month, we asked then Borno State Governor Mala Kachallah, who visited us at New Nigerian, why his state was yet to pay the new wage. He said Borno State had the country’s second largest workforce of 30,000 and cutting it must precede a wage increase.
Alhaji Mala gave an unforgettable example. He said, “The Poultry Department of the Borno State Ministry of Agriculture, their last hen died in 1981. But they still have 671 workers including many vets, and every year they bring a long list for promotion.” Big Labour, please let us return to the negotiating table with an honest broker and work out something that accommodates the just concerns of all sides. Before someone peruses his labour force with Alhaji Mala Kachallah’s old eye glasses.
![[OPINION] Lagos must Think out of the Box - Babajide Sanwo-Olu](/media/k2/items/cache/4eaf4b1f1549be8ad7d22460e938a1d6_L.jpg)
Quite honestly, I am going to leave my speech and speak to you from the heart.
Having listened to the man from Singapore, Gregory Vijayendren, former President, Law Society of Singapore, I think if there is nothing else and if indeed we are serious and sincere about making change in this country, there is something we need to take away from here.
Singapore, like he said, is a tiny dot on the world map; you hardly know where it is, but like he said it is a city state that has earned its place in the world.
Lagos, by sheer coincidence, also is like a dot in the country; it’s less than 0.4 % of the size of this country. So, technically, it also can be a dot and of that 0.4 %, 1/3 (one third) of it is water. But, by sheer coincidence, it is the commercial, economic nerve centre of the country. Singapore holds its place too as a major economic hub worldwide today.
Lagos is home to so many things – our international businesses, a lot of start-ups businesses that are all the best names we have in Africa today, all the unicorns, the creative industry, the entertainment industry; they are all sitting here in Lagos and, by some coincidence, we have also acknowledged that Lagos also is taking a lead in the judicial sector reforms and access to justice. But guess what, Singapore that is a tiny little country have also done so, but they have done it more.
So, we have gotten good comment from the Honourable Attorney-General of the Federation. Everybody has spoken well about Lagos, but I am not satisfied yet. Lagos now needs to take this to an international scale.
We cannot sit back and expect that because we are the best in our country that equates us to being one of the best in the world. Singapore is less than five million people, maybe six million today and we are 224 million. They don’t have two heads. They don’t have the kind of the minds and strength we have in this state and this country. The question is, what is wrong with us?
The man said to us that the three big pictures are: the rule of law (there is no nation that wants to earn its beef anywhere and does not have rule of law as one of the beacons for deciding how it engages). They were small and there is a likelihood that they can get extinct. Guess what, Lagos is also small, Lagos indeed is very small and so we need to be able to think out of the box.
They have no resources, we have no resources as well, but we have said we are the commercial, economic nerve centre, but we cannot sit back and hope that is the best we can do. Because in 1965, less than 60 years ago, the per capita of Singapore was about $500; now the man says it is $88,000. Where was Lagos and where are we now? Where is our country? Are we just going to be the giant of Africa for nothing? Do we just want to take that accolade that says we are the largest black nation; in what sphere?
They have no resources, we have no resources as well, but we have said we are the commercial, economic nerve centre, but we cannot sit back and hope that is the best we can do. Because in 1965, less than 60 years ago, the per capita of Singapore was about $500; now the man says it is $88,000. Where was Lagos and where are we now? Where is our country? Are we just going to be the giant of Africa for nothing? Do we just want to take that accolade that says we are the largest black nation; in what sphere?
He mentioned to us that Singapore is what it is today because one: ease of doing business. You can register a business in less than 30 minutes. Maybe we have improved a little bit; it used to be like two-three months. Maybe we can do it in three days now in Nigeria. They clear a container in Singapore in seven hours. In Nigeria, it used to be three-four months. Now maybe it has reduced to a month or three weeks now, but we are not near where it should be. They have one seaport, we have two seaports; now we have a deep seaport, but they have several.
And one of the other things they have also done, they ensure that the very best of their citizens work in the public service. All the best that go to Oxford, Harvard in Singapore find themselves in the Public Service. We also have a Public Service that we can be proud of in Lagos, but we need to be able to raise the bar, we need to be able to do a lot more than where we are today. Maybe the only thing that Singapore have over us, which they have the bragging right and we don’t is that they are a Sovereign State and we are a subnational.
We are constricted and restricted by a bigger name called Nigeria and so maybe we cannot fly as high as we want to; so maybe we cannot walk as fast as we want to, maybe we cannot think as quick as we want to but that cannot be an excuse for us. And that is why when we come to summits like this we need to ask ourselves, “do we just want to make it a rhetoric or we want to change a life and the opportunity God has given to us for the better?”
Leadership is all about what you put in your heart and the sense of purpose that you bring to it and by sheer coincidence this Government has given the opportunity, in less than five years I have appointed 24 new Justices into Lagos State Judiciary, the highest ever and, later in the week, we are going to add additional 13 to it. From 63, we are going to go to 76. It’s not the clap; it is how you use the opportunity that has been given to us; it is how we bake the cake to be big enough for everyone to share. Of course, there are issues; of course, there are challenges, but guess what, the man that we brought here to be the guest speaker has challenges.
Singapore was just a fishing village. The colony of Lagos had been in existence in the 19th century. There was a tram in Lagos in the 19th century; there was a tram on Lagos Island. So, what is wrong with us? Maybe some people constricted us to reduce our level of growth, but that cannot be an excuse; that cannot be a reason for us not to be able to fly high, think out of the box, and do things quicker, faster and smarter.
The man left us with a few actions; he said to us that Singapore has one of the best judicial systems in the world, a tiny country. They are respected internationally on issues around mediation and dispute resolutions.
Yes, we have them; thankfully, we can clap for ourselves; we have Office of the Public Defender, Citizens Mediation Centre; we have Alternative Resolution. Yes we do; how well can it compete globally? As your governor, it is not just to be a local leader. They say he is a king in a country, city or community of the blind he who has one eye. But now our eyes are opened, we even have glasses. So, there are four that we have. We need to be able to think local but act global. The global space is available for us to pick. To my Lord Justices, it’s not about excuses; it’s about what are the core that we need to do here today?
It’s about the bench and the bar. How do we collaborate? How do we ensure that the opportunity that this space has given to us, all of us are using it to the best of our capacity because I am not sure we are driving at that capacity well enough? And he left us with some unique features – there has to be collaboration with the government, which is where I stand; the Bench, the Bar; it’s not by lip service. We need to understand that there is a clear separation of power; we need to respect each other, but everybody has to bring something to the table.
He says to us that we need to think fast; we need to move very quickly; we need to be able to tweak things; meaning we need to think out of the box, challenge the status quo and ask ourselves, “is this the best that we can get?” The best you can get does not necessarily have to be like my brother the President of the Nigerian Bar Association said in road construction and the rest of it. The best can be in our intellectual property, in our capacity to think and do things right.
And, of course, he also said to us that technology is a strong enabler and yes, we also can pride ourselves that during that very difficult time of COVID, we were able to use Zoom like other people. Our cabinet was able to do a lot of things virtually. Yes, we have a lot of those things, but my take this morning is the fact that we have gone to a territory. We’ve gone to a territory that needs to challenge us. Singapore is a tiny city State and that is why I am comparing it with Lagos, I don’t want to use Nigeria as a big excuse. I do like for like and we need to be able to raise the bar.
And the things that we can do are not so far off. And that is why I am not touching the speech that the Attorney-General has prepared. We all know it, we are this and that; we are doing this, No! Constitutional things. We want State Police; we have been on this conversation for how long? Just as simple as what we all swore to, the protection of life and property. And how do we need to do it? What are the things that must be in place for us to do that? Decentralize these things, let us have State Police. We are still making politics about it; we are making it political; it is right, it is not right. Everybody is just being careful in today’s age, and you can curb all the criminal excesses that we see. It is not rocket science.
And by the way, even when we get the State police, how prepared are we? How many correctional facilities do we have? How well have we also unbundled that to ensure that even the Justices and Milords that are working. I know that it is filled up. How well have we unbundled to ensure that we can actually build more correctional facilities; rehabilitation centres, because that’s a part of the rule of Law? If there is meant to be a punishment, there is need for a facility where it will be addressed. I am not learned so I will be very careful, just educated. I know too well that there is a wide difference between access to justice and implementation of it, but I know clearly that when we come to engagements like this, sessions like this, it shouldn’t just be talk shop; it should be an opportunity for us to challenge ourselves to speak truth to power, to push ourselves so we can make the best of it and we can leave here a lot better.
As a government, what are the kind of things that we also are doing to see if we can catch up with the likes of Singapore? For example, we are planning to make Lagos an International Financial Centre, where Lagos can be a destination for investments, a safe haven for investments worldwide, but for us to do that we need a strong judicial system. That will be one of the strongest points that anybody will be looking for; that will be one of the strongest protection that will be required and will be needed.
How well do we ensure that people who do not have access to justice still have a fair hearing and the belief that the Judiciary is the last hope; how well? And how well, even me as a leader, political leader or whatever it is that I am called, do I use my office to the best to ensure that the greatest good is always for the greatest number? This, for me, are the pertinent questions that we need to ask ourselves as a country. And this morning, the conversation is still about you, the Judiciary, like Mr. President said yesterday, “Oba di meji ni ilu kan”. I won’t talk much. Now everybody is waiting for a legal interpretation of who should be the Emir or not. The buck stops right at your desk again. Everybody will be pulling you here and there and that is why fairness, equity must come to play.
And it is very interesting, because even in the news today, the Honourable Attorney- General of the Federation sued all the 36 States because we are not giving autonomy to the third tier of government. Though the only mistake is that some of us are in compliance. So, the Honourable Attorney-General’s Office should have done due diligence to know which States are not in compliance so that you don’t carry all the 36 States, and be able to show example that out of the 36 States, four, three, two are exempted; it’s 31 that I am taking to the Supreme Court, and that is part of the back work that we need to do.
You can see that the conversation is about you today, Judiciary, because those are the two principal conversations that are out in the news today. You are the last hope of the poor man, middleman and rich man. Let’s use this engagement to really be able to reform this sector.
Mr. Sanwo-Olu is the Governor of Lagos State. He spoke extempore at the Justice Reform Summit 2024 with the theme “Enhancing the Administration of Justice for Growth, Investment Protection and Security in Lagos State” on May 27, 2024, at Marriott Hotel, Ikeja.
[OPINION] Ten Years Ago, President Jonathan CONFAB Recommended the New-Old National Anthem - Olukayode Ajulo
Admin![[OPINION] Ten Years Ago, President Jonathan CONFAB Recommended the New-Old National Anthem - Olukayode Ajulo](/media/k2/items/cache/9555d08e2234a1922cbeac614dafc8a9_M.jpg)
It is with the utmost gravity and reverence that I once again elected to address the concerns surrounding our New-Old National Anthem, "Nigeria We Hail Thee."
I empathize profoundly with the immense economic challenges and the spiraling cost of living that have tried the patience of our people which invariably will make any populace kick against any policy that failed to address these economic concerns.
Nevertheless, I must assert, in the most explicit and unequivocal terms, the adoption of the New-Old National Anthem by the President Bola Tinubu, GCFR and passed into law by the National Assembly in 2024 was ten year ago, recommended by the 2014 National Conference, put together by presided over by President Goodluck Jonathan, this we must note holds profound legal and historical significance.
Let us not forget that our nation, as it stands today, is a construct of British imperialism. While this fact may be unpalatable, it is an inescapable reality that we, as a people, have come to embrace and build upon. Similarly, the adoption of our current national anthem, penned by the British author Lillian Williams, was a considered and purposeful decision made by our forefathers upon the attainment of independence. Similarly, Nigeria as it is, is a comptraction put together by the British Imperialists and most our our institutions till date is part and parcel of such heritage.
The legal and legislative process that led to the recent codification of "Nigeria We Hail Thee" as our national anthem was transparent and inclusive. The fact that our citizens did not voice their concerns during the deliberations in the National Assembly does not diminish the validity of the outcome.
I must also address the concerns raised by our feminist compatriots regarding the lack of explicit mention of "sisterhood" in the anthem. Their observations are indeed valid, and we must acknowledge the crucial role of women in shaping our national identity. The recognition of our "sovereign Motherland" in the first stanza can be seen as a nod to this vital contribution, but we must remain vigilant in our pursuit of greater inclusivity and representation in our national symbols.
As we navigate these challenging times, we need to approach issues with a spirit of constructive dialogue cum civic engagement and civil disobedience.
While the economic hardships we face are undoubtedly immense, we must not lose sight of the historical and legal significance of our national anthem. By working together, in a manner befitting the dignity of our sovereign Motherland, we can strive to create a more just, inclusive, and prosperous Nigeria.
Let us remember that it is our sacred duty to have regard and respect for our State symbols, National Flag, Coat of Arms, Anthem, and Currencies, as enjoined by our laws. It is axiomatic that legislative enactments inherently entail correlative sanctions, which may manifest as punitive measures and/or financial penalties.
In conclusion, I empathize with the challenges faced by our compatriots and the desire to express their dissatisfaction. However, I would encourage a more holistic approach that addresses the underlying economic and social issues, while also considering the historical and symbolic significance of our national anthem. By working together in a spirit of constructive dialogue and civic engagement, we can strive to create a more just, inclusive, and prosperous Nigeria, befitting the grandeur of our sovereign Motherland.
-Dr Olukayode Ajulo, OON, SAN
![[OPINION] Interrogating The Priorities Of The 10th Senate - Mon-Charles Egbo](/media/k2/items/cache/9dd7d5d8e9c81ee424edb0b9fc66b5ac_M.jpg)
A legislative agenda is to the parliament what a navigation compass is to a ship. Apart from offering direction, it guides appraisals. It is not a legal requirement but it is a mark of diligence and commitment to benchmarked accomplishments.
However, in Nigeria, it has always been one thing formulating an agenda defined by ambitious projections and yet another thing getting them actualized, even if not completely.
For the 10th Senate, the priority areas of its agenda are food security, ending poverty, economic growth and job creation, access to capital, inclusivity, improving security, rule of law and fighting corruption.
Remarkably, there is an open acknowledgement that these are “in line with the Agenda of the President, H.E. Sen. Bola Ahmed Tinubu” and also that they are “ambitious yet realistic, visionary yet grounded in the needs of our people”. As such, the theme of the Senate’s agenda is Renewing Hope For A Better Nigeria.
Though this piece is just an overview of the policy thrusts essentially to track performance, it is instructive that in a developing democracy like Nigeria, where the president enjoys absolute powers and influence sequel to a faulty constitution, it is only by deliberate collaboration that the other arms can meaningfully function. Put differently, a legislature can deliver optimally only when there is a fair balance of influence or relative equalization of powers between it and the executive. This is common knowledge, anyway, and of course, the major reason the Constitution deserves urgent attention.
Hence, the president of the Senate, Godswill Akpabio, is not wrong in asserting that this Agenda is a reflection of “the collaborative spirit between the 10th Senate and the Executive”.
Again, it is noteworthy that those highlighted areas of focus are interrelated thus necessitating largely holistic strategies.
As an instance, and given the inter-connectedness of poverty, food shortage, unemployment and insecurity as indices of an ailing economy, the proposed measures include the passage of laws that prioritize technical and vocational education as well as skills development, healthcare, transportation systems, energy, export-oriented industries and non-oil sectors including the creation of opportunities for the digital economy and other emerging technology-driven sectors including, generally, an atmosphere for private sector investments.
Above all, the Senate shall initiate two specialised bills. One is to establish the National Poverty Alleviation Management Commission taking into account, the unemployed, underage, older people, and those with disabilities. Among others, there shall be provisions for “the support needed to participate fully in the economy and society” in favour of the vulnerable population, and also, “unemployment insurance schemes to provide temporary financial assistance to unemployed individuals actively seeking work”.
Then the second legislation shall create the Small and Medium Enterprises, SME, Development Fund that offers low-interest loans and grants to verified SMEs. These grassroots-oriented initiatives shall be backed up by strategic policies to “attract both domestic and foreign investors”, make it easier for the banks to lend to the SMEs and generally, guarantee “a stable environment for economic activities”.
The other intended bills are on tax reform, microfinance and small business support, to stimulate sustainable investments and wealth creation, in addition to the ones that “focus on improving working conditions, enforcing minimum wage laws, and supporting workers’ rights to organize”. The rest are “to allocate more government funding to the agricultural sector, focusing on infrastructure development such as irrigation systems, storage facilities, and rural road networks to facilitate access to markets”; ensure the safety of farmers, prevent disputes over lands and empower the agricultural research institutions for resourcefulness and productivity.
Then towards attaining accelerated improvements in farmers’ income and access to technology, private sector investments, quality of fertilizers and growth of the seed industry as well as access to local and international markets, there shall be an integrated review of the National Agricultural Policy, Agriculture Promotion Policy, National Food Security Council, National Fertilizer Quality Control Act, Seed Act, Anchor Borrowers’ Programme, Rural Development Policy and Special Agricultural Processing Zones. The Senate shall also pass the Food Safety and Quality Bill to discourage food importation and ensure safe food products. Again, it shall review and expand the social investment programmes and other related existing frameworks for effectiveness.
On insecurity, the senate proposed “the formal integration of community policing into the National Security Strategy, emphasizing the role of local communities in intelligence gathering, conflict resolution, and maintaining public order”. Equally, it is poised to consciously promote economic development programmes for the geo-political zones with an emphasis on job creation, education, and infrastructure development, and quite proactively, create “a legal framework for national reconciliation processes, including truth and reconciliation commissions, to address historical grievances and ethnic or communal conflicts”. There shall also be specific laws for “the enhancement of border security through improved surveillance, intelligence sharing, and cooperation with neighbouring countries to prevent cross-border movements of terrorists and arms”.
To broaden these interventions, the Senate shall seek to strengthen the Money Laundering, Terrorism, Proceeds of Crime, Armed Forces and the National Security Agencies Acts. The other key legislation slated for similar attention include the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, Cybercrimes, Nigeria Police, Anti-Torture, Nigerian Maritime Administration and Safety Agency and the Piracy and Other Maritime Offences Acts as well as the National Security Strategy.
Furthermore and towards entrenching inclusivity, transparency and rule of law in every aspect of our national life, particularly in “politics, governance, decision-making and economic development”, the legislative agenda provides that the Constitution is to be amended “to establish quotas for women, youth, and persons with disabilities in elective and appointive positions to ensure their representation in governance” and also prohibit “all forms of discrimination in employment, education, and access to services”.
Additionally, there are planned actions aimed at enhancing “the credibility and transparency of the electoral process” with a special focus on engendering popular participation from all segments of the populace, irrespective of status or background.
Again, and overtly reassuring, the 10th Senate shall “fund public campaigns aimed at changing societal attitudes towards marginalized groups and promoting the benefits of inclusivity” and also encourage “private companies to implement Corporate Social Responsibility programmes that address inclusivity, such as scholarship programmes for underrepresented groups and internship for young graduates”.
Is there a better way to underscore legislative responsiveness in the history of democracy in Nigeria?
Commendably again, the protection of citizens’ rights shall receive profound attention. In this wise, there shall be “independent bodies tasked with monitoring and reporting human rights violations, with the power to hold perpetrators accountable”, deliberate reforms to “promote the timely resolution, ensuring that justice is not delayed or denied” and also that “public service appointments are merit-based and transparent, promoting professionalism and reducing political patronage”.
Continuing, the Senate shall review some “statutory and regulation frameworks and policies, which collectively are intended at strengthening the rule of law”. It shall also strengthen the relevant laws to ensure “the protection of whistle-blowers” and a “high standard of transparency in all government dealings, including public access to information on government contracts, expenditures, and processes related to public procurement”. These are added to institutionalizing periodic disclosure of assets and liabilities by all public officials, “detailed publication and easy accessibility of national and state budgets, including expenditures and allocations”, including, unprecedented again, compulsory “anti-corruption education and training for all public officials, emphasising the legal and ethical responsibilities of their positions” and also “e-procurement systems to reduce human interaction and the potential for corrupt practices”.
Still on the Constitution alteration, while the independence of the local government shall be vigorously pursued to take governance closer to the communities, the Senate shall “enact laws to further safeguard the judiciary’s independence, ensuring that judges are appointed based on merit through a transparent and impartial process”. It has also proposed “measures to protect judges from undue influence, intimidation and harassment to uphold the integrity of judicial decisions”.
Expectedly though, the Senate shall uphold the clamour for rationalization of the ministries, departments and agencies towards reducing the cost of governance. Similarly, it will consolidate the Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences, Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, Money Laundering, Fiscal Responsibility, Public Procurement, Freedom of Information, Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, NEITI, Central Bank of Nigeria and Proceeds of Crime Acts.
Of course, there are mechanisms for robust oversight responsibilities.
Therefore, the programme of action is quite elaborate. But once again, this is just an overview purposed to invite close monitoring for an informed assessment in the fullness of time.
This is because the eventual success of the Agenda is largely dependent upon the quality of cooperation from the executive and of course, the public.
Thankfully, there is yet another corporate acknowledgement that “through these focused areas, the Senate demonstrates its commitment to supporting the government’s reform measures, signalling a unified approach to national development”.
The senate president corroborated it, noting that “this Agenda, therefore, is more than a document; it is a call to action for all stakeholders, including civil society, the private sector, and international partners, to join hands with us in this noble quest”.
So, the journey has begun!
While it is hoped that the presidency will sustain the “collaborative spirit”, constituents are enjoined to always empower their representatives with the right information and also poke them with the right questions.
But in the interim, the 10th Senate’s innovative stance on mandatory anti-corruption education for leaders, direct sponsorship of ethical and value re-orientation campaigns, protection of human rights and specialized bills for economic revitalization deserves an overwhelming embrace.
Egbo is a parliamentary affairs analyst
![[OPINION] Ken Calebs Olumese: The 38th Governor of Nigeria - Mike Ozekhone, SAN](/media/k2/items/cache/01084e5bd8ac217d3c27adc7e6edad5f_M.jpg)
If there is one person who has defined avant-garde nightclubbing in Nigeria, it is the one and only Ken-Calebs Olumese, known to his legion of fans and admirers as ‘The Guv’nor’, Nigeria’s unofficial 38th Governor. Not of a State, no; nor of our apex bank, The CBN. It is his own nom de guerre conferred on him by popular public acclamation and consensus, albeit informally. How did this come about? How did one man transcend the statutory (and indeed, constitutional) strictures to appropriate to himself so effortlessly what so many have deployed life and limb (not to mention financial fortunes) to acquire: the ‘right’ or - more correctly, privilege – of being addressed as a ‘Governor’ (even if, in his case, it is stylized as ‘Guv’nor’v)? It is a long and interesting story, but the occasion of his eightieth birthday is as good an opportunity as any for a historical excursion, a trip down memory lane, into the remarkable life and times of Chief Olumese.
Our celebrant made his earthly debut on the 27th day of May 1944. From his relatively humble beginning (his father was a priest) in the sleepy town of Ekpoma, in Edo State, his initial inclination was to follow his father’s footsteps into priesthood. This was sequel to his education, first at Western Boys High School, Benin City, followed by Hussey College, warri. He subsequently worked with the Federal Ministry of Information from where he was seconded to become the Personal Assistant to the Executive Director of FESTAC 77. Thereafter, he became a Medical Visitor with a Paris-based international pharmaceutical firm. He then transitioned, to becoming, first, a Medical Representative of the firm, then its Marketing Co-ordinator; then Manager, Finance and Administration, and finally, as an Executive Director.
Having reached the zenith of a reputable corporate organization (Roussel Nigeria), Mr. Guv’nor bowed out gracefully and left to pursue his long-held dreams and his desire for self-actualization: to establish his pet project – a nightclub and corporate events centre. This was what prompted him to launch the Niteshift Club at Opebi, Road, Lagos, in 1988. The first of its kind then in Nigeria and the West African sub-region, it boasted of all the facilities and ambience of similar leisure and recreation centres anywhere in the world.This was deliberate, as Chief Olumese set out to target the creme de la creme of the society – the best of the best and, he succeeded. They came in droves, deserting older,
more established nightclubs. The Coliseum (as it was later known) became the nightclub to beat. It set the bar and No. 34 Salvation Road, Opebi, Ikeja, Lagos – its address – became the entertainment capital of Nigeria, not just Lagos. This remained so even after the country’s capital was moved to Abuja in 1991. It was not uncommon to find scores of businessmen (and women) and others trooping from Abuja on Fridays to spend their weekends in Lagos, just because a non-political, non-institutional Chief Executive, our very own Guv’nor, had a “jam” or two (events or programmes) planned at the Club/Coliseum. So famous was he that he became synonymous with first-rate entertainment, event hosting and nightclubbing. To be sure, Olumese did not invent night life or night clubbing in Lagos; but for over three decades, he reshaped it and accorded it its gravitas.
His Coliseum outfit became the place to see and be seen. Presidents (including Jerry John Rawlings of Ghana), State Governors (real Governors!), Captains of Industry, name it: they all flocked to Niteshift and the Coliseum. Very few of them, however, knew the amount of industry, hard work, dedication, commitment, sacrifice and benevolence (of friends and well-wishers), which contributed to making the club the success it was. From an isolated, lonely, decrepit marshland, the Guv’nor spent a fortune (five times the cost of the land itself) sandfilling it alone. This was followed by the colossal cost of erecting the physical structure and ancillary works which is the imposing edifice that we all recognize today.
The choice of the name of the club’s make-over (from Niteshift to the Coliseum) was deliberate: a brilliant stroke of marketing ingenuity of a genius as it echoed a cavernous structure in Ancient Rome. Even though its Nigerian ‘replica’ does not match its famous namesake in size, it arguably rivals it in style, grandeur, panache and appointment. Standing on a mere six pillars (just like that of Rome), its uniqueness is all-embracing: from the designation of its attendants (called ‘hosts’, not ‘waiters’ or ‘waitresses’), to its patrons (called ‘guests’); to disc jockeys (called ‘music presenters’); to its restrooms (called ‘vanities’); and finally, its door-keepers (normally called bouncers, but whom it calls ‘first men’).
Talking about appellations, Olumese’s moniker of ‘Guv’nor’ was also deliberate: it was, by his own admission, self-chosen, but with a spin, in terms of spelling, to distinguish it from the 36 State Governors in Nigeria and the CBN Governor. This is why he is the 38th Governor.
Even though a rose by any other name would smell just as sweet, however, it would be a mistake to think Mr. Olumese’s outfit is all about form and not substance - because it is not. There is far more to it than that, as it is more than the sum of its parts. This accounts for its longevity and durability over the years, when its rivals have since folded up and gone into extinction in a field that is notorious for its high mortality rate. So, how did Olumese sustain it, to become, effectively, the Mohican; the last man standing in elite entertainment exclusively targeting the discerning? The answer must be in Olumese’s sheer organizational wizardry and acumen, which ensured that his club was scrupulously run in line with international best practices, as is obtained in the entertainment capitals of the world. These rules were religiously and uniformly applied to all: guests, staff and even himself – without
discrimination.
Mr. Olumese was very clear from day one about his target clientele. He set out to establish an outfit that was not an all-comer’s affair. No. It was not for the hoi polloi – for every Tom, Dick and Harry. He was unapologetic about this: his focus was the Upper-Middle Class, the Upper Class and the Super Upper Class. This model was so successful that it was followed by other entertainment organizations (such as, Ovation Magazine). Finally, he shrewdly ensured that, apart from nightclubbing, other services were also offered by his organization.
These include hosting corporate meetings, conferences, seminars, exhibitions, fashion shows and even children’s parties. The last was particularly a master stroke as its strategy of ‘catch-them-young’ ensured that some of the children who attended those parties, grew up to join the club, and they – in turn – brought their own children to such parties thereby securing a potentially endless generation stream of loyal customers.
Such satisfied customers are legion, with some bearing customized identifiers called ‘Glamour Cards’ which were upgradeable to Gold Status. Such is the class and panache which Mr. Olumese has come to symbolize and for which he is justly recognized. This came, recently, this year, in the form of a well deserved Lifetime Achievement Award conferred on him by organizers of the Silverbird Man of the Year Awards, belying the saying that a prophet has no honour in his homeland (Mark 6:4). This is one prophet honoured in his home. That singular event was a richly deserved reversal of roles of sorts, as it was usually Mr. Olumese who habitually celebrated others at his Club’s “Grand House Reception”. On those ocassions, he hosted special guests (successful Nigerians, such as captains of industry, opinion leaders, entertainers and sportsmen and women). While those receptions were,
strictly speaking, not award ceremonies, they however afforded the guests and his club’s patrons unique opportunities to mix and fraternize which (for many of the former) were opportunities of a lifetime. Such guests were as illustrious as they came, including the likes of Senate Presidents, Ministers, State Governors and even former Ghanaian Leader Ft. Lt. (later President) Jerry Rawlings. A special guest was normally put on the hot seat with Rueben Abati and Taiwo Obileye grilling them. A case of intellectual fisticuffs amidst wining and dining. I was one of such guests; praise God.
Chief Olumese’s success is all the more remarkable because he did not acquire any special proficiency prior to plunging into nightclubbing. He simply learnt on the job and his spartan self-discipline, work ethic and natural inborn flair seem to have done the trick. That’s what made his club tick. But no good thing lasts forever. In his case, Mother Nature (in the form of age) has taken its toll – which is what we are presently celebrating: all of four scores! Wow! Incredible, because the Guv’nor is still as sprightly as a spring chicken. He does not use prescription glasses, nor a walking stick; not even a cane. He possesses elephant memory which is razor-sharp; and so are his wits.
The vagaries of time have however forced him to cede the running of his beloved club to another, equally capable outfit, in order to ensure the confirmation of his legacy. It was, however, merely, leased out, not sold as was popularly rumored, ensuring that his legacy outlives him for generations unborn. As the one and only 38th Guv’nor in Nigeria who was neither elected nor appointed by the people, Mr. Olumese has carved a niche which remains peculiarly his own with his own people.
There is no other like him in the entertainment world. He is nullus secondus. In the twilight of his earthly sojourn, here is wishing this unusual man of grace, style, effervescence, class and panache, God’s grace and even more blessings. You are a rare gem, sir. They do not make them like you anymore. We can confidently say that you came,
saw and conquered (vini vidi vici) the terrain of nightclubbing and entertainment. You bestrode that field like a colossus and, indeed a titan.
You are one of a kind. Congratulations and many happy returns. Nigerians are proud of you!
![[OPINION] Azu’s talisman for media adventurers - Louis Odion](/media/k2/items/cache/25c60c00427e1797878b7fc865e8c974_M.jpg)
“So, what do I get for my labour and when?”
That was often the next question by the hitherto “public-spirited” contributor who, after getting published twice or thrice, had apparently started to bask in sudden “fame.” S/he would become less shy.
As the manager of a start-up national newspaper some 16 years ago, such solicitation — legitimate, no doubt — from many a stringer was never easy for me to consider. It simply meant further tightening the fiscal noose around our slender exchequer amid fiercely competing costs.
The operating climate hardly left you an option. However formidable your editorial faculty, there was always some external contributor who wanted to add that “extra something.” They sometimes bring illumination in uncharted waters. Let us face it: other than those pushing special “interest”, it would take exceptional altruism — if not material comfort — for a good many others to readily agree to invest ample time and energy to write for free for long.
If compensating such a category outside the normal staff was financially tough 16 years ago, one can only imagine tougher choices current media managers now have to make under a far more asphyxiating operating condition today.
Circulation figures are crashing, while production costs are mounting stratospherically. Added to the troubling mix is the sheer “outlawry” of the new media, which seems to normalise intellectual theft, whereby stories are brazenly lifted by “e-rats” from the established traditional media without the minimum courtesy of attribution.
It is why Azu’s soon-to-be-unveiled offering entitled,Writing for Media and Monetising It, is, in my view, a game-changer for the media industry. The book outlines a sustainable win-win balance for platform-owners and content providers.
The plight of creators in the music industry is different. Thanks to music streaming platforms like Spotify, for example, Nigerian musicians of diverse genres shared N25 billion royalties in 2023 alone. This is apart from revenues from other platforms like YouTube music, Apple Music, Amazon Music, among others. A significant shift from the recent past, when musical creators virtually slaved for pirates at Alaba market, Lagos.
But as things now stand, media veterans can only recall with nostalgia the relative “boom” enjoyed before the crunch came. As an intern in Concord Press in the early 90s, I made steady income from contributions to its three titles weekly. That created an extra incentive to be prolific. But such opportunities have dried up today as most media houses struggle to pay staff salaries. Stringers are largely on their own.
Azu’s book, arguably the most audacious effort yet to bridge the gap between editorial business and editorial independence, is the fruit of almost forty years of hands-on experience and practice. The multiple-award-winning columnist is giving away practical secrets, curated in a 259-page tome, not just on how to ascend career zenith, but also secure financial success for anyone fascinated by the possibility of the written word.
What’s more? His nugget, with an enthralling foreword by Dapo Olorunyomi, is further garnished with success tips from other accomplished media professionals he had interviewed including Nigeria’s only Pulitzer Prize winner, Dele Olojede.
If someone offers to clothe you, it is axiomatic that you first evaluate the condition of the shirt on their back. Azu surely lives his words. Of course, he is perhaps not just the most syndicated columnist in Nigeria today but also the one with the most bylines in reputable media addresses across continents.
Those close enough to him will attest that he is, therefore, a mobile signage of the prosperity he preaches… (In order not to expose a dear friend unduly to the predatory proboscis of the tax-man, let us stop there.)
But suffice to note that Azu’s confident smile, that Kwale (Delta) swagger, is partly rooted in forex harvested from such affiliations offshore. As a buddy of more than thirty years, I should know.
I think Azu confesses this a little bit on page 89: “I have written articles for a fee, and also for free, for the Argentina-based Clarin magazine; Press 24 and Mail & Guardian in South Africa; The Ghana Chronicle; and also, for online platforms such as Daily Maverick in South Africa; and the Europe-based Indepth News, and more recently for Bird, a South African-based private-owned news agency, amongst others.”
To play in that elite league, you have to get a copy of Writing for Media and Monetising It.
Azu’s prescription should, in fact, stir up a new consciousness in the larger literary community for just compensation for those engaged in the knowledge economy. Perhaps, I should share a personal story to illustrate this point.
At an event in the United States not too long ago, an acquaintance I was introduced to marveled, after a quick, on-the-spot online check on my past works and he found that there were over 197, 000 views of a piece entitled “Regulating Anambra’s Obituary Economy” on just TheInterview.com alone.
“Men!” he exclaimed. “You must be earning fantastic bucks weekly from merely writing if such a mammoth number follow you on just one platform alone. I can see dozens of platforms publish you weekly and simultaneously too.”
That should happen where there is a strong culture of the media economy and reward.
However, I disappointed my acquaintance by reporting that writers don’t yet have the structure in Nigeria to help derive a just compensation for their creativity and sleepless nights; the sort of opportunity Spotify now creates for Nigerian musicians.
On the contrary, writers enthusiastically forward their works to platform-owners (traditional and new) to use for free as “public service.” Otherwise, widely read and syndicated weekly columnists in Nigeria like Segun Adeniyi, Lasisi Olagunju, Sam Omatseye, Reuben Abati, Simon Kolawole and Festus Adedayo would be multi-billionaires today.
But with Azu’s prescription, things are not likely to remain the same again.
Louis Odion, a former commissioner and also presidential aide, is one of Nigeria’s most accomplished journalists
![[OPINION] Akpabio, Their Anthem and Presidential Library - Martins Oloja](/media/k2/items/cache/bc491f98c764c3afe8e819db7999a13e_S.jpg)
I had planned to continue with the conclusions of my reflections on the chaotic presidency of our current leader especially when the presidential communications office touched off more chaos last week on the eve of their first year in office and 25 years of unbroken democratic dispensation.
Most of my valued readers including some respected scholars had earlier advised me to continue to suggest to the chief executive of the federation on how to fix the chaos his leadership style has triggered. I had a draft until two related issues arising from the chaos in the presidency led to fresh chaos within the leadership of our National Assembly that actually advertised a celebration of 25 years of democracy in Nigeria.
The celebration notice actually roused my consciousness and it was taking some steam out of my curiosity on why our representatives hurriedly passed a law to adopt a former national anthem written by a foreigner. I was wondering why there was no thorough debate and public hearing on such an important national cohesion and orientation issue (national anthem) when an item on the 25 years of democracy event advertised by the National Assembly, notably commissioning of a Library and Resource Centre within the construct of a joint sitting of the National Assembly caught my attention.
Although Bayo Onanuga’s statement to the effect that the president was going to address the joint session of the federal legislature as part of the celebration of democracy had touched off another commotion in the media when the person who always claims to be the chief spokesperson of the president, Ajuri Ngelale went overboard by denouncing Mr. Onanuga’s statement as unauthorised. And so a more bizarre decision of the National Assembly – naming their brand new library and resource centre in honour of the head of the executive arm of government can’t be ignored.
For me, the decision of the National Assembly leadership to name their library after an incumbent president should have attracted more reactions than all other chaotic offerings at the time of celebrating 25 years of unbroken sessions of the National Assembly. I had thought that no matter the troubles that we have had in the last twenty-five years in this anything-is-possible country, a programme of even a weeklong events by the National Assembly should be worth any while. Having been part of the surviving journalists who have followed the National Assembly’s liaison office from an office in Wuse zone 1, to the International Conference Centre, Abuja where they were hibernating before the inauguration of the First Session of the Assembly on June 4, 1999, I was interested in a series of well planned activities to mark the 25 years of keeping the ‘militicians’ away from arena of political leadership. I had thought the Chairman of the Joint Session of the National Assembly and President of the Senate, Senator Godswill Akpabio and the Deputy Chairman of the Joint Session and Speaker of the House of Representatives, Honourable Tajudeen Abbas should have organised a purposeful weeklong activities where they should have recognised and honoured some of the old legislative officers who began the building blocks of the bureaucracy of the National Assembly such as Malam Ibrahim Salim, Alhaji Ibrahim Arab, Mr Yemi Ogunyomi, Salihu Maikasuwa, Olayide Adelami (Now Deputy Governor, Ondo State), etc. They should have hired event managers who would have worked out beautiful and historic events that would have relived sweet memories of the making of the National Assembly in 25 years. There would have been exhibitions of so many photographs and voices of some resourceful journalists and resource persons who have covered the Chambers and bureaucracy of the National Assembly. They would have published the Hansard/Verbatim Report of Proceedings for pubic presentation.
There would have been documentaries to showcase the majesty of democracy through the National Assembly, easily the most remarkable institution and symbol of democracy. If they had strategically planned this event through a genuine event committee, they wouldn’t have hurriedly named their most important monument after the head of the executive they are elected to put on his toes through oversight and the public purse the constitution empowers them to protect.
And so here is the thing, this is a time to tell Senator Akpabio that the office he is holding in trust as President of the Senate is too important to be used anyhow, too sacred to be deployed to serve personal interest of the President, the head of the executive arm. That office makes him N0.3 citizen in the federation’s order of national precedence. Akpabio who achieved prominence in his capacity as Governor of Akwa Ibom State should be seeking significance at this time of national crisis. The nation may not be boiling at this time but there is fire already on the mountain except that no one seems to be on the run as our worthy daughter and artiste Asa once mused in a song.
First, changing our national anthem to reflect what President Asiwaju confirmed at the weekend as “my priority” is absurd and preposterous. Why was there no public hearing on such an important national issue? Why was the bill that denigrates our ingenuity and seeks to celebrate colonial heritage rushed because the president’s interest, not public interest is involved? A scholar and columnist has aptly described the strange capitulation as a “national self debasement.” That is what it is. And all members of the National Assembly on the platforms of APC, PDP, Labour, SDP, APGA should take responsibility for that tragic error and reproach they just imposed on the nation.
Second, in this our representative democracy model, where was the decision to name an important knowledge institution such as a Library and Resource Centre of our country’s parliament after an incumbent president?
So, no one in the committee reminded the powerful sycophants who proposed the idea that the library of the National Assembly is supposed to be one of the most important monuments in the parliament? What is more, nobody within the leadership of our federal legislature could suggest that some of the iconic figures in our country’s fight for democracy should have been remembered? No one could remember significant legislators such as the late Anthony Enahoro who in a pre-independence legislature moved the first Motion for Independence? Would an “Anthony Enahoro Library and Resource Centre” not have been an ideal monument? What of Senator Joseph Wayas or Ume Ezeoke Library to put an imprimatur of parliament on the resource centre? Why didn’t they remember even the first President of the Senate of this dispensation of 25 years, Senator Evans Enwerem? What of the first Clerk of the National Assembly’s first Session, Ibrahim Salim? Do these people remember them? Did they remember there was a Clerk, National Assembly who actually held all the positions in the two legislative chambers, namely Deputy Clerk, House of Representatives, Clerk, House of Representatives, Clerk Senate, Deputy Clerk, National Assembly, (DCNA) and Clerk, National Assembly? His name is Oluyemi Ogunyomi? Did they remember the first authentic Speaker, House of Representatives, Ghali Naaba? Why didn’t they have institutional memory to remember a famous Radio Nigeria journalist, the late Isa Idime, (Igala) who popularised parliamentary reporting through his daily evening programme: “Democracy in Action” during the Second Republic? In a good democracy, such iconic figures can be honoured by naming institutions and monuments after them.
So, Senator Akpabio and Honourable Abbas should explain to the nation the political sense and calculations that led to the naming of their first “well –equipped” library after the head of the executive arm of government. They should note that their two actions on the national anthem and naming of the library of our Congress after the head of another arm of government is a tragedy for the democracy they should be celebrating.
I hope someone can remind our National Assembly presiding officers who take all these arbitrary decisions that the power of the Congress of the United States is largely in their library, easily one of the best equipped in the world. There is nothing on earth you want to research on that you can’t obtain from that remarkable library. No agency or arm of government can concoct ‘anyhowness’, any data, any documents and dump on the Congress of the United States. All public officers and researchers, scholars know the power of the Library of Congress supported by another powerful monument, the Budget Office.
On May 21, 2023 here, I wrote an article on the expediency of maintaining federal character balance in the leadership of the National Assembly in the world then. In the article titled, “NASS Leadership: Who Is On Nigeria’s Side?”, I had quoted the following as an opening statement:
‘All things are lawful for me, but all things are not expedient: all things are lawful for me, but all things edify not’.
‘Some of you say, "We can do whatever we want to!" But I tell you not everything may be good or helpful’.
(I Cor. 10:23)
I quoted various English versions of these same very important ancient words to the very inordinately ambitious politicians who I said then “… do not care about the very delicate and fragile nature of this federation… They don’t care if Nigeria comes to harm again as long as they have their way. They are on the march again. They do not care if the country goes up in flame again in the name of political ambition. They don’t believe the master strategist and leader of leaders who told a lot of carefree believers before that, some of you say, ‘We can do whatever we want to’ But I tell you not everything may be good or helpful…’
And so today, I want to repeat my May 21, 2023 counsel (from above) to the President of the Senate Godswill Akpabio and Tajudeen Abbas, the Speaker of the House and other leaders of the National Assembly that indeed “everything is allowable, but not everything is profitable. Everything is allowable, but everything does not build others up. When amplified this means: All things are lawful [that is, morally legitimate, permissible], but not all things are beneficial or advantageous. All things are lawful, but not all things are constructive…” They should always consider public interest above their own interest. They should always remember that Senator Ahmad Lawan and Honorable Femi Gabjabiamila were also serving the interest of the then President Mohammadu Buhari instead of public interest. Don’t tell me where they are. Tell me where we are in Nigeria because some leaders served personal interest.
![[OPINION] Why Ghana may not be better off than Nigeria - Kenechukwu Aguolu](/media/k2/items/cache/c8ed74bd2e5d42ea38352ee6307742c5_S.jpg)
Nigeria is undergoing a series of economic reforms designed to revitalize its economy for long-term stability and growth. These reforms have introduced shocks to the system, resulting in temporary financial hardships while, Nigerians remain hopeful, anticipating that these reforms will ultimately lead to improved economic conditions. Analysts have scrutinized the current government's performance over the past year using various indices such as GDP, GDP per capita, inflation, exchange rates, and external reserves. These metrics do not give a complete insight into the country’s socio-economic well-being.
Gross Domestic Product (GDP) measures the total value of goods and services produced within a country over a specified period. GDP per capita, which divides GDP by the population, offers an average economic output per person. However, GDP as an indicator is increasingly viewed as limited in its ability to reflect true economic wellness as it does not consider critical factors such as income distribution, unemployment, and economic sustainability. Consequently, a higher GDP or GDP growth rate does not necessarily signify superior economic performance or wealth. In some cases, a high GDP growth rate may be driven by unsustainable practices or a disproportionate focus on expanding specific sectors, rather than fostering holistic and inclusive economic development.
A country's external reserves are crucial for managing economic shocks and maintaining foreign exchange stability. Large external reserves act as a safety net, increasing foreign investor confidence and potentially attracting more foreign direct investment. However, concentrating solely on building foreign reserves can have drawbacks. For instance, a country might prioritize reserves over investments in critical areas such as education, healthcare, and infrastructure, which are essential for long-term development. Balancing the accumulation of external reserves with necessary domestic investments is vital to ensure sustainable economic growth and overall national well-being.
The value of a country's currency is influenced by various factors including the value of external reserves, interest rates, economic and political stability, balance of trade, and economic policy. Some countries allow their currency to float, determined by market forces, while others peg it. There is a common misconception that a stronger currency signifies a stronger economy. Japan and China, despite having large and robust economies, do not have the world's strongest currencies. High-export countries may prefer a weaker currency to make their goods more competitive internationally. Thus, currency value alone is not a definitive measure of economic wellness.
Inflation is the rise in prices for goods and services. While high inflation can erode purchasing power, moderate inflation can signal economic growth and increased consumer spending. However, uncontrolled inflation can lead to economic instability. Nigeria's current high inflation rates are concerning, but the government's efforts to control inflation and increase the national minimum wage could help mitigate its negative impacts. Therefore, while inflation is an important metric, it must be understood within its broader economic context.
Fiscal deficit occurs when government expenditure surpasses revenue which often evokes concerns about economic stability. However, it is crucial to recognize that a higher fiscal deficit does not inherently signify economic challenges. It can result from prudent investments in essential sectors such as education, healthcare, infrastructure, and responses to emergencies or economic downturns. Deficit financing is a strategic tool for stimulating growth, supporting job creation, and bolstering economic resilience.
Looking beyond traditional economic indicators is imperative for assessing a country's wellness. The Human Development Index (HDI), which incorporates life expectancy, education, and per capita income, offers a more holistic perspective on well-being. Similarly, the Gini coefficient provides insights into income inequality, with lower values indicating a fairer distribution of wealth. Additionally, the poverty rate highlights the proportion of the population living below the poverty line, while the unemployment rate reflects job availability. These indices, alongside others, such as environmental sustainability measures and social progress indicators, contribute to a more nuanced understanding of a nation's overall welfare.
While Nigeria may exhibit higher inflation rates and fiscal deficits to GDP ratio than Ghana, alongside lower GDP growth and GDP per capita figures, these metrics alone do not signify Ghana's socio-economic superiority. A holistic evaluation encompassing a range of economic, social, and environmental indicators is imperative to ascertain the true state of each nation's wellness. Thus, any declarations regarding Ghana's superiority over Nigeria should be approached cautiously, recognizing the multifaceted nature of the factors influencing overall prosperity.
Author: Kenechukwu Aguolu FCA, PMP, CBAP
Business Analyst | Project Manager | Chartered Accountant | Public Affairs Analyst
Abuja, Nigeria This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.
![[BOOK REVIEW] The Escapades Of Abisogun - Samuel Olanrewaju Bill](/media/k2/items/cache/bce72dc6e093d9c91ee932e2f50c9d6e_S.jpg)
The Escapades Of Abisogun is a mesmerizing historical fiction novel that whisks readers away on an unforgettable journey through the life and times of Abisogun, a legendary African warrior from Yoruba culture. This epic tale masterfully chronicles Abisogun's odyssey from his humble beginnings to his rise as a formidable force on the battlefield, and ultimately, to his poignant legacy as a champion of justice, a symbol of hope, freedom advocate, emblem of resistance, and bravery at its peak.
Abisogun is not a visionless leader and not a warrior who fights just to oppress others; rather he is self-sacrificing and always eager to fight, though altruistic and public-spirited. Protection, safety and welfare of his people has always been the prime goals.
Abisogun's story is a powerful exploration of the complexities of human nature, as he embodies both the fierce bravery of a warrior and the vulnerable sensitivity of a poet. His extraordinary combat talent and fearless approach make him a legendary figure in his time, yet his contradictions also lead him down a path of self-discovery and growth. As he navigates the treacherous landscape of war, politics, leadership, and personal relationships, Abisogun grapples with profound questions about the nature of justice, the cost of heroism, and the enduring power of love and friendship.
Through Abisogun's escapades, readers will delve into the rich cultural heritage of Africa, particularly the Yoruba culture and traditions. They will discover the intricacies of pedigree and panegyric poetry, chants, and songs, which reveal the depth of Yoruba culture and its significance in Abisogun's life. They will explore the art of warfare, which Abisogun masters with precision and skill, yet also struggles with the moral implications of violence. They will witness Abisogun grappling with the honor of bravery and the shame of cowardice as he confronts his own fears and doubts.
Readers will also encounter ancient African wisdom and proverbs, which offer timeless insights into the human condition and Abisogun's journey. They will experience the beauty of true love and friendship, which bring joy and meaning to Abisogun's life, yet also pose challenges and heartbreak. They will see Abisogun confront betrayal, justice, and heroism head-on as he fights for his people and his beliefs, embodying the epitome of resistance, pride in valor, and the supremacy of wisdom above welfare.
As we embark on this unforgettable journey through the chronicles and adventures of Abisogun, this captivating novel is a testament to the transformative power of storytelling, inviting readers to immerse themselves in a richly detailed and vibrant world that will leave them inspired, transformed, and forever changed.
Abisogun's legacy of upholding justice and equitability, emancipation and self-sacrificing serves as a powerful reminder of the impact one person can have on the world. His story is a proof of the human spirit's capacity for courage, resilience, and growth, and a validation that even in the face of adversity, we have the power to shape our own destiny.
Join Abisogun on his epic journey and discover the triumphs and tribulations of a legendary warrior, the convolution of human nature. Get ready for the beauty of African culture and the perennial wisdom of African axioms. Let us be inspired by his story, and let us remember the transformative power of storytelling to captivate, inspire, and transform us.
The author, Dr. Samuel Olanrewaju Bill, is a multifaceted professional with expertise in writing. A novelist, poet, and author. Published by Spectrum Books Limited, a reputable publisher who has published books of great authors like Professor Wole Soyinka, Chinua Achebe and many more. The book was officially unveiled at Transcorp Hilton Abuja on May 11, 2024. So far, the book has received positive reviews from many scholars across the country.
The Escapades Of Abisogun is available at many leading bookstores in the country both physical store and online. Such as Rovingheigths, Sunshine bookseller and Bookseller limited. It is also available on Amazon. Get your copy today as the author eagerly awaits readers' reviews.
![[OPINION] Sing, Native, Sing! - Wole Olaoye](/media/k2/items/cache/69ed71480262357faae2492ae7cd5648_S.jpg)
If you can’t take a joke or see the funny side of every situation no matter how stultifying, your Nigerian-ness is suspect. This is the land of the happiest people on the planet. One day, one wonder. Every frown eventually creases into a smile. A Nigerian will tell you that,“I can’t come and go and kill myself because of any problem”. He deploys humour to neutralise latent tension, making lemonade out of the lemon of his circumstances.
Nobody outside the inner sanctum of power saw the change of the Nigerian national anthem coming. The issue was not even trending at the time the government decided to spring it out like a jack-in-the-box. The speed of the passage of the bill to revert to the old colonial anthem must rank among the fastest in the history of the legislature in Nigeria. And the president signed it into law immediately to press it into service without further delay.
OLD ANTHEM RESURRECTS
And the old anthem written by British expatriate Lillian Jean Williams with music composed by Frances Berda, became the new — just like that?
Arguments are still raging on both sides of the divide as always. Senator Shehu Sani argues that,
“Tampering with or changing the National Anthem or National Pledge of Nigeria should be done after wider public consultation and should be factored in the process of constitutional amendments.” In the same vein, the Country Director of Action Aid Nigeria (AAN), Mr. Andrew Mamedu, in an interview with Daily Trust on Sunday, said the bill to revert to the old National Anthem “is an absolute misplacement of priorities and an abuse of legislative privilege”.
On the other hand, the Director-General of the National Orientation Agency (NOA), Lanre Issa-Oninlu, supports the change because the colonial anthem was more action oriented than the one introduced by the military government in 1978. “it’s important that you have an anthem that connects with your sentiment; that calls you to action so that when carrying out those actions, the impact of the anthem will now reflect in our lives”, he told Trust TV’s Daily Politics.
To remove the ‘bite’ from the acidic comments of those against the move, local musicians have bombarded the internet with their own hip-hop, juju, Fuji and afrofunk versions, complete with titillating dance steps. It is amazing how an anthem that had been consigned to its colonial grave as one of the relics of our past, has suddenly risen to supplant its post-independent successor.
Some people say they don’t particularly mind the return of the colonial relic because of its evocative words:
“Though tribe and tongue may differ, in brotherhood we stand…”
And, “Help us to build a nation where no man is oppressed…”
Every attempt by legislators to make even the minutest change to the old anthem was rebuffed by the assembly leadership. For example, when senator Oshiomhole complained about the psychological association of the word, “Native” in the anthem, his complaint fell flat. But a cursory look at the Webster’s Dictionary confirms the following about the usage of the word, native:
PEJORATIVE WORDS
“In contexts such as a native of Boston or New York in “the summer was too hot even for the natives”, the noun ‘native’ is quite acceptable. But when it is used to mean ‘a non-white original inhabitant of a country’, as in “this dance is a favourite with the natives”, it is more problematic. This meaning has an old-fashioned feel and, because of its associations with a colonial European outlook, it may cause offence.” Bluntly put, the word ‘native’ has derogatory connotations which may have been acceptable in the 1950s but certainly not so in 2024.
The other word that has set computer keyboards pounding on account of its possible connotations is ”tribe”. In the popular imagination, tribes reflect a primordial social structure from which all subsequent civilisations and states developed. Anthropologist Elman Service presented a system of classification for societies which contains four categories: (a) Hunter-gatherer bands that are generally egalitarian; (b) Tribal societies with some limited instances of social rank and prestige; (c ) Stratified tribal societies led by chieftains (see Chiefdom); (d) Civilisations, with complex social hierarchies and organized, institutional governments.
This means that a ‘tribe’ is a more ‘primitive’ grouping of human beings than, for example, an ethnic nationality. You may say, what’s in a word? Well, words are the vehicles through which human feelings (including racism) are conveyed. Have you noticed that the word ‘Tribe’ is hardly ever used with regard to European groupings.
Writing in 2013, scholar Matthew Ortoleva noted that, “Like the word Indian, tribe is a word that has connotations of colonialism.” Survival International says, “It is important to make the distinction between tribal and indigenous because tribal peoples have a special status acknowledged in international law as well as problems in addition to those faced by the wider category of indigenous peoples.”
I admit to being sensitive to the continued use by our people of derogatory words inherited from colonialists. I flinch when I hear a governor talking about the stool of an Oba in his domain. In my books, our traditional institutions don’t have stools; they have thrones!
Away from all that, some Nigerians are grateful to the national assembly for saving them from what they saw as the tyranny of the former anthem as they recalled how they struggled in their formative years to learn its lyrics.
One “Donfaray” confessed that as a child, he didn’t even know that the Nigerian national anthem, “Arise, O Compatriots”, was in English language. He flaunted his childhood doggerel as follows:
Araiz oh companshon
Najuria skolobey
Tusa awa fadaslaaaa
witlo an anfre anfre
Dale shofo awahirosfa
Shaleba be invey
Tusa tusa amaachi
Wande shaban in frido
Pisan yuniti”
Well, to each generation its foibles. The children of today who have to learn the “Nigeria we hail thee” are luckier because of technological advancements, especially the contemporary developments in technology and mass communication.
As the passage of the bill for the recall of the old anthem was unanimous in both chambers of the national assembly, all serving legislators across political party lines ought to take ownership of the resort to the old anthem. For a change, for good or for ill, this issue is trans-party.
DUALISM
But that has not stopped the general public from noting that there is a spirit of dualism or ambivalence in the air, reminiscent of musician Sikiru Ayinde Barrister’s coinage: “Gbabí má gbabè, gbabè má gbabí” (Come hither, not thither; go thither, not hither.)
These fun-pokers on the internet claim that they are confused because the old Democracy Day of May 29 was the day President Tinubu chose to sign the bill on the new national anthem into law while the new Democracy Day of June 12 is less than two weeks away. According to them,
“The new democracy day is the old democracy day and the old democracy day is the new democracy day; and now we would have to explain to our children that we have two democracy days in Nigeria.”
They also note that the signing of the bill into law means that ,“The new National Anthem is the old National Anthem and the old National Anthem is the new National Anthem”. They say it is the social flu of the times we are living in for, if you just cast your glance towards Kano, “The old Emir is the new Emir and the new Emir is the old Emir”.
They also seize the opportunity to throw a jibe at the Buhari/CBN legacy of having two streams of legal currencies at the same time: “We are the only country in the world having two different types of banknotes for a single denomination”.
Now talking about the old and the new, if anthems were like humans, can anyone beat Nnamdi Azikiwe’s insistence on a careful distinction between a young old man and an old young man? Sing, Native, sing!
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![[OPINION] INEC won’t do better than state electoral commissions - Tonnie Iredia](/media/k2/items/cache/3d8481fcc9cc66324f625ba92e70203c_XS.jpg)
WILL spousal violence ever go away? Two readers sent in their views recently. One is a married mother of three and the other is a bewildered husband who’s been physically and mentally abused by his wife. “My husband and I were together for nearly ten years,” wrote Ibi, “and he was a violent man who also used cannabis, aka Indian hemp! He would attack me, and the next morning would act shocked and disgusted, claiming he couldn’t remember the incident. He’d promised it would never happen again and swore he’d stop the drink and drugs. He never did.
“But I loved him and chose to believe him every time, though eventually, the truth dawned on me. The abuse was never going to end because he was the only one who could stop it and he didn’t want to. Breaking off the marriage was one of the hardest things I’ve ever had to do. My ex tried every trick in the book from emotional blackmail to more violence to try to get me back. But I knew if I stayed I’d have to face the mood swings and violence for the rest of my days, and I wanted more from life than that. The first time a man hits a woman is the hardest, but when they see that you haven’t left them, it becomes as much of a habit as cannabis. Every time they feel angry or frustrated, the answer is to lash out and believe me, it only gets worse.
“I know deep down that my husband loves me and our children, but he loves cannabis more. At first I was terrified and didn’t think I’d cope on my own but thanks to friends and family who witnessed a bit of the violence, I’ve been able to pick up the pieces of my life. I’ve since retrained and have a better job. My husband (we’re not divorced yet) lives with another woman but I feel nothing but relief at getting him off my back. I now know that there is a better life out there but you have to go and get it, it won’t come and find you. This is a fact abused people, male or female, have to face.”
Nuru’s text to me was disturbing. “I don’t know who I really got married to – a saint or the devil?” Intuitively, I picked him as the few readers of this column to have a chat with. “What happened to your marriage?” I asked him. “My wife, who I’d been married to for almost 20 years suddenly, turned into a monster”, he said. “It started at the beginning of 2012. She suddenly grew snappy. If I were late home she’d sulk or even swear at me. When I asked her what the matter was, she would swat my hand away. I didn’t have a clue as to why she suddenly became abusive. After some miscarriages we’d gone on to have two beautiful sons. Even after I lost my mother, she was a pillar of strength.
“So what got into her? There was a time I was in our bedroom watching TV when she barged inside. ‘I’m sick of your hiding in the bedroom watching football’, she roared. ‘But you always watch your favourite programmes in the sitting room’, I stammered, shaken. I tried to talk to her in her sober moments and it was then I learnt she’d been losing weight and feared she might have cancer. I took her to the doctors and thankfully, she didn’t have cancer only the onset of menopause. I was warned her behaviour could be erratic as a result, so I made a point of spoiling her, she was alright for a while until a few weeks after when she yelled at me, saying she couldn’t stand the sight of me. She said she wanted opt out of the marriage. I was shocked.
“Then she changed and started being nice all over again – cooking my best meals and was having an improved love life. But it didn’t last. The next time we had a row, she went into the kitchen and came at me with a knife! Blood was oozing from a wound on my arm, soaking my shirt as I scrambled to get away from her, ‘I hate you, I’m going to kill you,’ she howled. She attacked me again and I managed to get out of the house and sped off to the hospital. After I was stitched up, I couldn’t go home. Visions of my wife’s hate-filled face flashed through my mind. Our two boys were bewildered by it all and went to stay with their uncle a few streets away. In the end I went home, bracing myself for the worst, but she’d already left with some of her things.
“I immediately changed the locks in the house and told the night guard not to let her in. I also informed the men guarding the street gates she was no longer living with me – I didn’t want a situation where I would be stabbed to death in my own house! My family insisted I divorce her and since we had a traditional marriage, I took her to the customary court. I was sure she wouldn’t attend the hearing, but she was there, her hair well groomed and she was wearing a well tailored dress. She looked like a saint. ‘Who was this stranger?’ I thought? She admitted wounding me but regretted her action. Her defence was that she had been through a string of traumatic experiences – her cancer scare and the death of my mother, Shuo! The health scare was quickly resolved and it was my mother who died – not hers! But she claimed it was these factors that made her depressed. She then told the customary court judge, with tears in her eyes, that she felt such remorse after attacking me, she’d wanted to kill herself. Speaking passionately, she told the judge: “I’m not a dangerous woman, nor a wicked one. I am a good mother who’s been deprived of any access to my children,’ I fumed. What children? Our two sons are adults and were free to see her if they so wished, but she’d been nasty towards them too and they confessed they couldn’t cope with who their mother had now turned into. The judge wanted to know if there was any chance of reconciliation and I shook my head. The woman in the dock wasn’t the one I married and it would be suicidal to take her back!”
“So how are you now?” I asked Nuru. “Do you miss your wife in any way?” “I missed the woman I was married to,” he said, a bit confused. “What I need answers to is, what made her change all of a sudden? It’s the not knowing that hurts. Will she be the first woman to go through the menopause, to lose a mother-in-law or to get cancer scare? For years she was a perfect wife but it was the same perfect wife who plunged a knife into me, and I will never understand why…”
So what makes a seemingly perfect wife go round the bend without any apparent reasons? Nuru believed his ex wife had a Jekyll and Hyde personality, with the scale tipping dangerously towards the “Hyde” attitude as she grows older. She obviously knew a wrong force had controlled her life, or she wouldn’t have made efforts to look presentable before the judge. If only she sought help. There are drugs and hormonal treatments to curb mood changes. They’re temporary measures until victims are confident enough to take control of their lives once again.
![[OPINION] Historical review Nigeria’s national minimum wage - Abayomi Fawehinmi](/media/k2/items/cache/8cf0263656ab5459ba8ed50cbbebb0c3_XS.jpg)
In January 2024, the federal government inaugurated a 37-member tripartite committee to review the National Minimum Wage. As of today, the committee has not agreed on the new rate but, the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) and Trade Union Congress (TUC) have given the federal government a deadline of May 31 to develop a new national minimum wage.
What is interesting about the discussions about minimum wage has been the tension within the employer group, particularly within the public sector. In recent years, the state governments have argued against higher minimum wages because they believe they cannot afford them. On the other hand, the federal government always proposed a higher rate than the State Governments.
According to the Awolowo Foundation, Late Awolowo ” introduced and successfully implemented the first minimum wage policy in Nigeria and paid to Western Nigerians from October 1954 a minimum wage that was double the amount paid to workers of the same level in some other parts of Nigeria.” So, before independence, Awolowo had introduced a minimum wage to the Western Region. While the Western Region paid 5 shillings and six pence as minimum wage to workers, workers in the North earned only two shillings and eight pence.
The Late Chief Obafemi Awolowo, as President of Action Group and Premier of Western Region in June 1959, complained about “…the refusal of the Federal Government to introduce a policy of 5 pounds Minimum Wage”. He said this “has led to anomalies which must be most depressing and shattering to those concerned. Federal workers employed in the Western Region, for instance in the Post and Telegraphs and the Moor Planation, who work side by side, live in the same sort of houses and buy from the same markets with Western Region workers, get less in wages than the latter independence. ”
Late Chief Obafemi Awolowo made the fixing of a National Minimum wage a campaign issue. Speaking at a Press Conference held in the Premier’s Office, Ibadan, on Thursday, June 4, 1959, Chief Obafemi Awolowo said, “The Action Group and its Allies will terminate this inhuman and uneconomic state of affairs during the first six months in office and in any case, well before the day of independence. All workers employed by the Federal Government will be paid five pounds Minimum Wage with effect from October 1, 1959. At the same time, a law will be enacted by the Federal Parliament stipulating a National Minimum wage not below 5 Pounds, which must be paid by all employers of Labour in Nigeria.” Chief Obafemi Awolowo lost in the 1959 elections to Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa KBE PC, Nigeria’s first and only Prime Minister. The Prime Minister didn’t do anything about the Minimum wage law, delaying the dream of a National Minimum wage. So, before Independence, the federal government didn’t support a national minimum wage, but the regions pushed for it.
The first National minimum wage law was signed into law by the Late President Shagari in September 1981. This law was prompted by the advocacy of the Nigerian Labour Congress, which was led by the late Hassan Sunmonu. This new law covered all full-time workers except seasonal workers and those who worked in enterprises employing fewer than 50 workers. The wage was 125 naira per month. Using the exchange rate of US$1 = 0.61 naira as of 1981, this wage was about US$204. At the 2024 exchange rate, that amount paid as minimum wage in 1981 would be equivalent to about 265,000 naira (going by the current exchange rate of about US$1 = 1,300 naira). The current national minimum wage is N30,000 (US$24) a month. So, the minimum wage in 1981 was over eight times more than the current minimum wage.
Fixing the minimum wage is a constitutional issue in Nigeria. The current constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria made fixing the national minimum wage an item in the Exclusive list. Therefore, it can only be legislated upon by the National Assembly and not the state assemblies. So, while the Western region started a minimum wage, we have transformed this idea that was a regional initiative into one that only the Federal Government could determine. Are we the better for it?
From 1981 to 2018, Nigeria’s minimum wage changed three times. In 2000, it was increased to N5500. In 2011, President Goodluck Jonathan signed a new National Minimum Wage into law. The new law increased the minimum wage from N7,500 to N18,000. This new law applied to public or private sector employers with a workforce of about 50 persons.
The Government started the review of the National Minimum Wage in 2019. The unions demanded N30,000 per month as the National Minimum wage, the Federal Government proposed N24,000 and state governors N20,000. In January 2019, the National Council of State approved the sum of N 27,000.00 as the minimum wage, but the Governors counter–offered the sum of N 22,500.00. The NLC rejected the offer, but later proposed the sum of N30,000.00 (Thirty Thousand Naira). This amount was accepted by the Federal Government, leading to the enactment of the National Minimum Wage Act 2019 in March 2019. The new national minimum wage was approved and signed by former president Muhammadu Buhari. The new law increased the national minimum wage from N 18,000 to N30,000 monthly.
In 2024, discussions about a New Minimum wage are ongoing.
I want to draw these conclusions based on the history of minimum wage reviews in Nigeria.
First, most wage reviews happened under democratic rule, as opposed to when Nigeria was under Military rule.
Second, the states or regions usually view minimum wage differently from the federal government. In 2019, the Chairman of the Nigeria Governors Forum NGF and Governor of Zamfara State, Abdulaziz Yari, said: “We made it clear that we are not against the upward review of salary, we are in tandem with the NLC to get the minimum wage reviewed but the problem we are having is the capacity to pay what is agreed. As at today, most of the states are struggling to pay the N18,000 minimum wage. Some states are paying between 35 to 50 percent of the minimum wage and some states are owing salary. …it is not about only reviewing it but how we are going to get the resources to cater for it.”.
Third, negotiations on the minimum wage take a long time.
Fourth, while the Labour Unions ask for a minimum wage based on the economic realities of the time, the government proposes the minimum wage using the ability-to-pay principle.
Fifth, while the Private sector participates in the negotiations, it has a limited role compared to the others.
Sixth, local governments are not represented in the negotiations about the minimum wage.
Seventh, there is rarely an agreed amount that all parties commit to pay. In January 2019, the Zamfara State Governor, Abubakar Yari, also the Nigerian Governors Forum Chairman, warned the National Assembly against passing a new National Minimum Wage that would be difficult for states to pay because it was not realistic. He said, “It is easy to call figures, but when it comes to implementing in the field, it becomes a problem. Only Lagos can afford the N30,000 as minimum wage, not even Rivers can afford to pay that much.”
Eight, while the Minimum Wage Act always has an enforcement mechanism, nobody cares about enforcing the wage. Sections 9, 10, and 15 of the Act listed various offences. Section 10 (2) of the Act states that “an employer is liable upon conviction of such offence to a fine not exceeding N75,000.00 (Seventy-Five Thousand Naira) and an additional penalty of N10,000.00 (Ten thousand Naira) or less for everyday that the offence continues”. Offenses in section 15 of the Act attract a maximum fine of N250,000.00 (Two Hundred and Fifty Thousand Naira) or imprisonment for a term not exceeding 6 (six) months or both. In Section 11 of the Act, The Minister may authorize any officer to enforce the provisions of the Act. Section 12 empowers the Ministry of Labour and Employment and National Salaries, Incomes, and Wages Commission to monitor the implementation of the NMW in line with the provisions of the Labour Act and the National Salaries, Incomes, and Wages Commissions Act. Section 13 of the Act empowers an aggrieved worker, trade unions, and the Minister to enforce any part of the Act. But I am not aware that anyone has enforced the law. Perhaps the worst culprits are the state governments. As of October 2023, BudgIT stated that 15 states did not pay the N30,000 minimum wage fixed by the Muhammadu Buhari administration in 2019.
Ninth, some states have announced a new minimum wage for civil servants. For example, the Governor of Edo State, Godwin Obaseki, approved a new wage of N70,000 to take effect on May 1, 2024. Also, since January, the Lagos State Government has been paying civil servants an N35,000 wage award directed by the Federal Government. While Lagos claims it has not increased the minimum wage, Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu said: “The civil servants and all public officers, they know that since January we have continued to pay the wage allowance of minimum of N35,000 over and above what they were earning before. People that were earning a minimum of N35,000 to N40,000 before, they are now earning over N70,000. ”
Ten, Chief Awolowo introduced the Minimum wage in Nigeria. It was a regional idea, and the regions paid better than the Federal Government.
Nigeria is currently negotiating a new minimum wage. However, we are still using similar templates, processes, methods, and negotiation styles to fix the National Minimum wage to what we have used in the past. This raises the question: will we get any better results? Would we get a wage that will make a real difference to workers?
We need to have an honest conversation about the Minimum wage. Do we want to fix any amount as the minimum wage, or do we want a wage that will be affordable to employers and reasonable enough to improve the livelihood of the workers? Until we resolve this question, we will keep fixing minimum wages that many employers will refuse to pay, and even when they pay, the wage will make no difference to most workers.
![[OPINION] Tinubu’s bragging right and his 200 needles - Festus Adedayo](/media/k2/items/cache/67e366cceb04ea25186c38ed2b6ed81c_XS.jpg)
In Africa, when a man loses his virility, he is subject to scorn, ridicule and disdain. Male impotence or infertility is not only disdained but tabooed. In a continent where child-making is almost an obsession, Africa couched some hurtful epithets for one who loses his virile member. Failure to get this critical member to stand up leaves sour overtones of frustration, pain, social ostracism, stigma, marital instability, discomfiture and even sometimes, suicide.
Among the Yoruba, virility victims are named Okobo. The rural Shona tribe in the Mhondoro-Ngezi area of Zimbabwe could not stand the virility challenge. To ward off this evil spirit from their tribe, they deployed socio-cultural intervention strategies to ward it off. To do this, they devised indigenous systems of monitoring signs of impotence during infancy, puberty and even after marriage.
Moyo Stanzia of the University of Zimbabwe, Harare, in her “Indigenous knowledge systems and attitudes towards male infertility in Mhondoro-Ngezi, Zimbabwe” (Culture, Health & Sexuality, 2013 Vol. 15, No. 6, 667–679) attempted a study of the Okobo in this Zimbabwean village. One of her informant interviewees, 69-year-old Ruzvidzo, volunteered his experience thus: “Traditionally, our uncles and grandfathers would take us away from home to a river with clear water. We were forced to masturbate and ejaculate our sperm in the clear water, one after the other. This was done to test the quality of sperm. It was understood that fertile sperms would sink in the water. However, if the sperms floated, it meant that the individual was weak and could be infertile – a problem regarded as requiring strategic intervention.”
Ousmane Sembene’s XALA (1975) film, considered one of the most successful films by the Senegalese writer and filmmaker, also explored the thematic preoccupation with the Okobo. Sembene uses sexual zero virility as a metaphor. Situated among Black Africa’s growing middle class of Senegal, Sembene weaves their challenge into the projection that they are doomed to lose their power unless they delink the Western world and identify with Africa and its masses. The film’s protagonist, El Hadji Abdoukader Beye, a successful middle-aged polygamous businessman, is preparing to take a third wife. On his wedding night, he suddenly discovers he cannot get his member up. Attributing this to a spell cast on him, he consults witch doctors. El Hadji’s Senegalese society ties social prestige to status symbols, which collectively speaks to the ability to show manhood. This means satisfying one’s wife sexually and economically. Zero virility leads to El-Hadji being expelled from the Chamber of Commerce and confiscation of his most prized possessions. He finds out that a Dakar beggar he cheated on several years back laced him with the spell. The beggar agrees to remove the spell only if he strips naked and he (the beggar) and his friends spit on him.
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In a piece I wrote that tangentially discussed male virility, (Atiku Abubakar and the sexual history of the Nigerian presidency, February 6, 2022) I related how rumours once had it that Zimbabwean former Prime Minister and presidential candidate, Morgan Tsvangirai, suffered “a nasty blow from below,” euphemism for zero virility. The news spread like bushfire. At about the same time, the virility-restoring prowess of Emmanuel Makandiwa, a ‘miracle-working’ Pentecostal prophet, froze the stratosphere like snowflakes in winter. The estranged wife of Tsvangirai, Elizabeth Macheka, had lit the fire. In an interview, she granted The Herald, entitled, Why I ditched Tsvangirai: Wife, Macheka said she separated from Tsvangirai due to ‘sensitive personal issues’ and that this was known to her and Tsvangirai alone and only the two of them could resolve it.
For a Zimbabwean public that salivated by riveting gossip and rumours in high and low places, Macheka’s statement was the confirmation it needed for a high-quality rumour. In whooshing whispers and mouth-to-ear transmission, the former prime minister was said to have been afflicted by an “under-neath,” below-the-trousers problem of ‘erectile dysfunctional disorder.’ The Herald did not also help matters. It immediately tagged what Macheka dubbed ‘sensitive personal issues’ as ‘a medical one.’ Thereafter, Fungai Machirori, Zimbabwean journalist and blogger, did a salacious piece on the issue she entitled, Of Penises, Politics and Pentecostalism in Zimbabwe, an essay which she called an “exposé of trouble in the un-paradise that is Tsvangirai’s love life’’
Among the Yoruba, the Okobo is the butt of crude jokes. He is also called the Akura, one whose member had died. One of Akura’s characteristics is hyperactivity. If a man, like one on steroids, does the job of ten people at a go, Yoruba wonder if he is an Akura. When there is a trust deficit between two people, and every action becomes suspicious, my people find a way to drag the Okobo into the conversation. So, they say, what we demanded of the sexually sterile is to penetrate but he boasts that, in a twinkle of an eye, he could make a thread penetrate 200 needles in the dark. In its rawest form, they render this as, “nkan ti won ni ki Okobo bo, ko bo; igba abere l’olohun le bo l’okun.” In a chapter I wrote in the book, Indigenous African Popular Music, Vol 1 edited by Biodun Salawu and Israel Fadipe, (Palgrave Macmillan, 2022) which I entitled, “Corpus of Prophecy, Philosophy and Crusading in Ayinla Omowura’s Music,” I explored the Okobo theme in the music of the late Yoruba Apala musician. In one of his vinyl, while trying to denounce charges of piracy of songs levelled against him by his colleague musicians, Ayinla magisterially replied that the mockery of a man afflicted by the venereal disease, gonorrhoea does not lie in the mouth of the sexually sterile. Only a virile man can contract gonorrhoea. He sang, “abosi alatosi ko si l’owo okobo…”
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Last Wednesday, the rumour became real. President Bola Tinubu signed into law the bill to revert Nigeria to its old national anthem. By the way, even Tinubu’s supporters clothed themselves in sackcloth and ashes last week. They were probably reinventing the old Jewish response to devastating news concerning their race. It is the Jewish practice of showing intense grief and distress. The Tinubu supporters’ valiant war hero, who they boasted that, at each of his dancing steps while returning from a war of conquest as eight-year governor of Lagos state, the crowd dashed him slaves (ajogb’eru), to their chagrin, now dances and all he gets is miserable cornmeal (ajogb’eko). As our elders say, to find out how melodious or sour the rhythm of the Bata drum is, we should ask the Sango deity devotee whose god is the totem of the Bata drum. So, opinion samplers, recognising that Nigerians are the Sango devotees and Tinubu, the Bata drummer, approached the common people to rate the melody of Tinubu’s one-year drumming. The opinion moulders didn’t go to the IMF. Nor to the Nigerian elite who, like bedbugs, drain quality blood from the Nigerian body.
One such opinion sampler was the Africa Polling Institute (API). It did a Citizens Assessment Report of Tinubu’s one year as president. It reported that there was a stark reality of hunger, poverty and mass dissatisfaction. 84% of people overwhelmingly expressed profound sadness with the Tinubu presidency, 81% felt Nigeria under him is headed in the wrong direction, 36% identified hunger, 28% inability to meet basic needs, 13% riled against unemployment, 9% insecurity and 5% poor electricity as the bane of his government. All in all, they agreed that the last year has been one of misery, pain, lies and grandstanding. In earlier pieces I did, I alerted Nigerians that some qualities were exclusive preserves of the typical Lagos Boy. He is bold and brash, rather than courageous; he is dismissive of others’ feelings and believes he can wangle his way through the toughest of all calamities by deploying subterfuge.
Amid a plethora of Nigerian people’s agony, last Sunday, the Lagos Boy flew into Lagos. It was the flag-off ceremony of the highly demonised Lagos-Calabar coastal highway. Many commentators have concluded that, in the ₦15 trillion road construction, you do not have to drill too deep down to see an army of maggots wriggling their milk-coloured bodies to the Bata drum being beaten by Tinubu and his Gilbert Chagoury business associate contractor. Rather than join the Nigerians in this sackcloth and ashes week, that Sunday, Tinubu dismissively looked into the eye of the camera and pronounced, “Today is my day to boast. My bragging day. Today, I hold the bragging right.” Now, I pray thee – apologies to students of the biblical Old Testament – which leader brags when his people go to bed hungry?
The president then capped this contempt for the longsuffering people of Nigeria with the signing of the National Anthem Bill. To the people, ipso facto, he instantly became that proverbial Okobo who boasted that he could insert thread into 200 needles in the dark. On the streets of Nigeria, the people’s disgust with Tinubu’s hyperactivity and the supersonic speed with which he signed the bill made him that sterile man. Against the general wish that he should consummate the relationship with Nigerians, President Okobo boasted that he could get the thread to penetrate the eye of the needle.
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Let’s be clear, national anthems are a people’s property. They keep the goals of heroes alive. This is done by transmitting culture and history to new generations, as well as establishing a close connection with the people’s ancestors. Anthems espouse passion, look into the people’s past and rally them into the future. It is a people’s identity symbol unique to them, specifying their way of life, their culture and worldview. Anthems also create bonds, and for citizens, they reinforce national goals. To some scholars, anthems even do more. They serve to embody collective memories of heroes who died to have a nation and the values they left behind. The wordings of anthems are carefully and emotionally constructed in such a way as to ensure that they can boost collective identification of a country’s self-identity, national history, values, bloody memory of war, heroism and victory. It could be memories of colonisation or (de)coloniality but they clearly distinguish one nation from another.
You can know what makes a people thick by looking at the lyrics, rhythms and themes of their anthems. Anthems define the core values and convictions of a people. Adopted at independence in 1960, Nigeria’s first anthem, which Tinubu just legislated back to recognition, has become a subject of high national rage. Written by Lillian Jean Williams in 1959 and composed by Frances Berda, the anthem, which began with “Nigeria, we hail thee,” was replaced in 1978 by another that was themed around patriotism. Having its verse beginning with “Arise, O Compatriots,” this 1978 anthem’s music was said to have been composed by Benedict Elide Odiase, director of music of the Nigerian Police Band.
Historically, national anthems began in 14th-century Britain. The Netherlands is reputed with the oldest anthem composed in 1568. Its music was from a popular French tune. Those who composed Britain’s “God Save the Queen/King” and Russia’s “God Save the Czar” in 1744 and 1745 respectively were not known because those compositions were regarded as sacred.
While Nigerian independence was a collective fight against Britain for freedom so that the people’s customs, rituals and the like could survive, alongside their diverse tribes, cultures, languages, and religious groups, the “Nigeria we hail thee” anthem reflects this. Many people have however deplored the derogative reference to Nigerians as “natives” in that anthem. They claim that, in the year 2024, what Nigeria needs most is the patriotism of the “Arise o compatriots” and not tribes and tongues that differ. This, in the people’s submission, has, in 64 years of independence, become a given. While both anthems are important bonding icons, one mirrors political sovereignty more than the other. The 1958 anthem, written by a Briton, does not rally citizens for the task of showing loyalty to the state. This is a trait that has disappeared among Nigerians. The anthem however underscores servile abidance. All over the world, governments devise means through which citizens can show loyalty and patriotism to the state. Methinks, if patriotism is what the Tinubu government demands of Nigerians, there was no need to do away with “Arise o compatriots.”
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The stark reality that confronts Nigerians is that successive leaders have made the country such that, rather than hail Nigeria, the country is wailed, according to a poet, “for (Nigeria’s) fallen fences eaten by termites and (her) lifeblood sucked dry” by politicians and soldiers. It is a country in the hands of embezzlers of national patrimony, corrupt officials and a post-independent Nigerian state where endemic poverty, starvation, fear of disintegration, and false and feigned freedom from colonialists, reign.
In the words of famous Oyo state broadcaster, Edmund Obilo, it is not the national anthem that makes a nation great. It is the integrity, vision and selflessness of its leadership. A corrupt, wicked and uninspiring leadership cannot conjure patriotism, no matter how eloquent the lyrics of its anthem. Let Tinubu and his economic henchmen not continue on this path of the Okobo by leaving leprosy and seeking to cure eczema. Let them make life livable for the people; embody the values of transparency, accountability and justice, in the words of the inimitable broadcaster. Nigerians cannot see these values of leadership anywhere in Aso Rock. They see a bizarre anthem reversal as the usual antic of a fiddling Nero in a burning Nigeria.
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Aso Rock inside Kudeti River
The poor governance of the last year is getting at President Bola Tinubu. He needs our collective pity. It is making him depressed, enough to enter into what lawyers call forum shopping. Today, Aso Rock is clutching at straws. Its case is akin to that of the proverbial man inside raging waters which have overwhelmed him. The tidal wave is angry and is threatening to envelop the non-initiate, the Ogberi who jumped into the Kudeti River assuming it was a mere steady flow of run-off water. To overcome the anger of Kudeti, Tinubu throws tantrums, accusations and all-what-ought-nots as straws to salvage his drowning.
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Last Thursday, the president met Northern leaders, the leadership of the Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF) at the Presidential Villa, Abuja. As things later turned out, the meeting was aimed at concretising, in the minds of Nigerians, the suit instituted by the federal government against the 36 state governors at the supreme court. Specifically, Tinubu wanted the leaders to pressure their state governors to account for their responsibilities. Fantastic. Like a grumpy schoolboy boxed to a corner, the president told the Northern elders that, while he was doing his utmost to raise the nation’s revenue, sub-national governments must make the needs of the locals the centrepiece of their governance.
“We are running a constitutional democracy. I will appeal to you to summon the governors. I am doing my very best to enhance the revenue base of the country. They must equally be sympathetic, and they must urgently consider the needs of the local people. People reside in the local communities. That is where they work, farm, and live. If the local governments are not effective in delivering services; as leaders, we must not hang on to the numbers. We have 774 local government areas, but are they truly effective? Do they solve problems for Nigerians? Do they coordinate development programming with the state and federal governments?” he asked, throwing rhetoric into the debate.
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The president also asked for accountability in the performance of the 774 local governments. “Maybe we should look at recalibrating. What was good four years ago may not be good today. When we want the votes, we go to the locals; when we get the votes, we move to and focus on Abuja,” he said pleadingly.
Since 1999, Nigerians have confronted sub-national governments that they accuse of performing beneath their optimal level. They also, in fact, accuse them of tampering with the stupendous cash that goes into their tills. Heads of those governments have even been jailed for filching their people’s patrimony. So, Tinubu’s cry of the matricidal wife (ekun ap’okoje) is not novel.
Last week, the FG instituted a legal action against the 36 governors at the supreme court. In it, it alleged misconduct in the administration of local government areas. Filed by the attorney general of the federation (AGF) and minister of justice, Lateef Fagbemi, the suit seeks full autonomy for all local government areas in the country. It also specifically prayed the court to issue an order prohibiting governors from embarking on unilateral, arbitrary and unlawful dissolution of democratically elected local government leaders. In the same vein, it asks for an order that will permit funds standing to the credits of local governments to be directly channelled to them from the federation account. Another request was for the supreme court to stop the governors from constituting caretaker committees to run the affairs of local governments because this is against the constitutionally recognised and guaranteed democratic system.
On the surface, we must commend this federal administration for this yeoman role. It goes without saying that governors are alleged to have asphyxiated the 774 councils. As an Ogun state former council chairman confessed recently, council bosses are even, in some cases, made to swear oaths to the various vindictive deities never to reveal the dirty details of governors’ heists.
However, we should tarry awhile and look at the intendments of the Lagos Boy. It should interest us that Tinubu, on this road to Tarsus, has morphed from Saul to Paul. This was the same man who fought Olusegun Obasanjo to the hilt in defending his rights to a sizeable portion of the patrimony of the local governments of Lagos state. When such a man suddenly becomes an apostate of that conviction, society should be wary of him. My major hunch is that the Lagos Boy wants to decimate the 36 state governors, elevate local governments and build a new outpost of command for himself. His gambit could be to castrate the stiff-necked states, and project and promote Superman in his conjured 774 new pseudo-centres of power. With humongous money coming to the councils, the 774 LGs would be his battle axe to fight the governors. More importantly, the councils would be vulnerable to federal blackmail. Whatever the newly curated Leviathan asks the new kids on the block to do, including becoming his poster boys for the 2027 election, they will glibly do. Borrowing from that ancient proverbial quip, the Osanyin deity will thus become the slave.
It goes without saying that from 1999 to date, all Nigerian presidents have had issues with governors and have sought one way or the other to cut them to size over the issue of financial autonomy of local councils. We ordinarily should clap for a president who is poised to use the law to neutralise our enemy governors who have wasted our sub-national funds without any visible impacts. But, let us tarry awhile and ask ourselves how safe our cherished democratic government will be after the conquest of Napoleon. Does Napoleon, the Leviathan, have the pedigree of a people’s fight as the one he just entered into, without self-motive? Lest it turn out to be the proverbial case of the Iwofa who was mandated to take a thirsty horse to the riverside. When this happens, the Yoruba, in their infinite wisdom, say money (the Iwofa) is going after money (the horse). The Iwofa is not equivalent to slavery. It is a system of pawnshop or peonage, otherwise known as debt slavery. Extracted from two Yoruba words, iwo (the act of entering into) and efa (six), in traditional Yoruba society, when a person owes money, he could volunteer his son as an Iwofa, ‘a recurrent six-day service’ agreement with the person he owes, to cancel out the debt.
In this rash race to demonise the sub-national governments and their heads and hand the states and local governments over to the Leviathan, we must remember that this cherished object we call democracy is incompatible with the rule of one man. Adolf Hitler began from the same harmlessness, you remember?
![[OPINION] Looking forward to yesterday - Simon Kolawole](/media/k2/items/cache/4efa4adb526c2542466729c29fd7957e_XS.jpg)
Good God, we are madly in love with yesterday, aren’t we? We are always looking forward to yesterday. You know, the good old days. The days when we had three regions and “true” federalism. The days when the regions “competed” with one another, when the Western Region would set up a TV station and the Northern and Eastern Regions would follow suit. The days when one region would build a stadium and the rest would construct theirs. The days when the North stood tall with the groundnut pyramids, when the West was a huge forest of cocoa and when the East swam in palm oil. The days when we ran the parliamentary system and every region self-governed and had a premier.
The good old days when our national anthem was ‘Nigeria, We Hail Thee’. With the speed of light, a law has just been passed by the National Assembly returning us to the old national anthem with immediate effect. We were not even given a transition period to learn or re-learn it — unlike in 1978 when the military government gave us one-month notice. While the serious corners of the world are already living in tomorrow by focussing on artificial intelligence, advanced robotics, cancer vaccines, biotechnology and smart cities, Nigerians are being held hostage to yesterday with meaningless symbolisms. In the absence of good governance, diverting attention is such an easy thing to do.
Many disgusted Nigerians have been asking if the new old anthem would resolve the hunger in the land or put an end to insecurity. I asked a similar question before, but I am no longer interested in pursuing that line of inquiry. I have since realised that even if we do not backslide to the old anthem, there will still be inflation and insecurity. Meanwhile, the old national anthem is “service to Nigeria”, in the words of President Bola Tinubu. It will return Nigeria “to glorious days”, Philip Agbese, a member of the house of reps, said. Senate President Godswill Akpabio, arguably Nigeria’s most prolific sycophant, said it is Tinubu’s “most profound act”. So profound I was moved to tears.
By the way, Nigeria is not the first to tamper with its anthem. Anthems are sometimes changed when something significant happens — independence, “revolution” and such like. South Africa, Burkina Faso, Libya and Zimbabwe, among others, have made fundamental changes to their anthems when entering new eras. There are also minor consequential changes: Britons started singing ‘God Save the King’ when King Charles III succeeded Queen Elizabeth II in 2022 and ‘God Save the Queen’ had to be amended. Nigeria, however, has just done the unusual by reverting to an old anthem. We have not composed a new one to signify a new era; we only did some archaeological work to dig up the past.
What next? It has been repeatedly suggested that we should change the name “Nigeria”, which was apparently coined from “Niger Area”. Proponents say the name was given to us by foreigners. A critic once said a change was necessary because it was a British journalist and Lord Lugard’s “girlfriend”, Flora Shaw, that christened us. Therefore, the time has come for us to cut off from our colonial past by giving ourselves a new name — although I must regret to add that we have just dumped an anthem composed by full-blooded Nigerians for the one written by a British expatriate in 1960, but never mind. Pre-Independence, we used to sing ‘God Save the Queen’ as British colonial subjects.
The proposed change of name for Nigeria is, I hope, going to launch us into a new age and grow our GDP by a minimum of 10 percent per annum. Chief Mike Ozekhome, a senior lawyer, was ecstatic when we reverted to the old anthem, recalling how he moved the motion at the national conference in 2014. I remember him also saying the country’s name should be changed. He proposed that it should be spelt backwards: “Nigeria” would become “Airegin”. Federal Republic of Airegin, that is. That aligns perfectly with our backward thinking. I would struggle to pronounce “Airegin”, but I also struggled to say “shokolobangoshe” when I was a little boy and I would say I am doing just fine today.
Many countries have changed their names. The Democratic Republic of Congo used to be Zaire. It was a case of “potato, potahto” as Zaire is another name for the Congo river. It was called Republic of the Congo at Independence in 1960, changed to the Democratic Republic of Congo in 1965, rechristened Republic of Zaire in 1971, and (when the strongman Mobutu Sese Seko was overthrown by Laurent Désiré-Kabila in 1997) reverted to DR Congo. In the main, the country has remained poorly governed, riddled by abject poverty and armed conflict — with over six million killed since the last name change. Yet, it is one of the most resource-rich African countries. So much for symbolisms.
What else? I am enthusiastically expecting a bill to change our national currencies to pounds and shillings. I don’t know if it would be the next most profound thing to be done by Tinubu, but, by some logic, when Nigerians were spending pounds, the economy was bubbling, there was no Boko Haram, there were no yahoo boys and there were no potholes on Nigerian roads. The refineries were working efficiently and we never had to import fuel. Bad things started happening when we changed our national currencies to naira and kobo. The solution, according to the logic of the Yesterday Movement, would be to go back to the past. Who knows, we may soon change to left-hand drive.
There is this song by the Carpenters, the former American sibling duo, that I love so much. It is titled ‘Yesterday Once More’. They made the song five decades ago but I still listen to it as if it was released this morning. Old school is something I love when it comes to music, so I can understand the fixation with Nigeria’s past by the nostalgic sections of the political elite. Members of the old order have passed on the received wisdom to their descendants that a return to yesterday is the gateway to our future. I am, thus, not surprised or bemused by the sustained campaign to return Nigeria to the things we used to do in the 1950s and 1960s. Going back to ‘Nigeria We Hail Thee’ is true to type.
When are we returning to regionalism, another super solution to Nigeria’s problem? This is a hot item on the bucket list of the Yesterday Movement. The argument is that our golden era was when Nigeria was in regions. It doesn’t matter that 36 states, as against three regions, are now competing. It doesn’t matter that we now have more stadiums and more TV stations. It doesn’t matter that many states are now big on rice, cassava, maize, sorghum, sesame seed and gum arabic. No. We must revert to three regions and return to groundnut pyramids, cocoa and palm produce. The only way forward is for three or six regions to compete. Competition among 36 states is unacceptable.
In fact, the most popular argument is that we should collapse the 36 states into six regions, along the line of the current six geo-political zones. That way, there will be only six governors, six regional governments and six houses of assembly — thereby saving the treasury the enormous bureaucratic costs of running 36 “unviable” states. If the six-zone proposal scales through, Akwa Ibom, Edo, Delta, Bayelsa, Rivers and Cross River will become conjoined under one governor. If we adopt the almighty 1963 constitution, Abia, Akwa Ibom, Anambra, Bayelsa, Cross River, Edo, Delta, Ebonyi, Enugu, Imo and Rivers will be reunited under one governor. This promises to be super interesting. Bring it on!
You cannot accuse the Yesterday Movement of lacking a sense of history, although you may say they tend to circumcise the facts. The expansion from three regions to 36 states was not done without reason: there were strong agitations by ethnic and political minorities who felt marginalised. The Midwest Region was created in 1963 to satisfy the yearnings of the people of today’s Edo and Delta states who felt overwhelmed by the Yoruba majority in the Western Region. Every state in Nigeria today is a product of yearnings by those who felt marginalised even within their own ethnic groups. Many are still campaigning for new states. But, hey, let us return to yesterday and hail Nigeria.
There is also an ongoing campaign to ditch presidentialism and return to the parliamentary system “as practised in the first republic”. By the way, I love parliamentarism. I wrote a whole article to make my case (‘A Vote for Parliamentary System’, December 16, 2018). I like the reduced cost of electioneering since parliamentary polls are local to constituencies. I like the potentially reduced cost of running government since most ministers will be picked from the parliament. I love the culture of debate, particularly the Prime Minister’s Question Time. A dumb leader cannot be PM: opposition is constantly asking hard-hitting questions on the floor of parliament. There can be no hiding place.
However, my support for parliamentarism has nothing to do with the fact that we practised it in the first republic. No way. It will not turn water into wine. The secret of the successes of Nigerian regional leaders — such as Dr Michael Okpara, Sir Ahmadu Bello and Chief Obafemi Awolowo — in the 1950s or 1960s was not regionalism or parliamentarism. It was not ‘Nigeria We Hail Thee’. The secret was that they were competent and patriotic leaders. They had vision and values. They were not insanely greedy. They were committed to good governance. Though imperfect, they put their people first. That is the yesterday I look forward to, the yesterday I long for. Yesterday once more.
AND FOUR OTHER THINGS…
LAST TRUMPET
Former US President Donald Trump has been found guilty on all 34 counts of falsifying business records — the first time an American president, former or serving, has been convicted of a crime. But no constitution is perfect, so Trump has a loophole and will still run for office later in the year. No law bans a convict from becoming president in the US. The founding fathers of American democracy never thought a day would come when an individual like Trump would defy shame and stretch the constitution to the limit. I keep thinking Trump was meant to be a Nigerian politician but he found himself in the wrong country. If he wins, American democracy will become a butt of jokes. Awkward.
SPOX VS SPOX
Presidency treated Nigerians to an extraordinary spectacle on Tuesday over President Tinubu’s “state of the nation” address to the National Assembly. While Mr Bayo Onanuga, special adviser to the president on information and strategy, announced that Tinubu would address the legislators on May 29 to mark his first anniversary, Chief Ajuri Ngelale, special adviser to the president on media and publicity, issued a counter statement, describing the information as “false and unauthorized”. My interest is not in the facts of the matter but how such heavy words could be issued on a presidential spokesman by a fellow spokesman. Something is wrong somewhere. State of the nation. Indeed.
CYBER CRY
It would appear that every week in Nigeria, a journalist is arrested under the Cybercrimes Act. Let me be clear: I do not support the use of journalism to terrorise people. I do not condone reckless journalism. However, the newfound love for the Cybercrimes Act — which treats what should be civil libel as a criminal case to be prosecuted by the police — is a clear and present danger to journalism. They started using the law against obscure online outlets but it will gradually get to the traditional newspapers, who also have online presence. This is the time for free speech campaigners to move for the amendment of the Cybercrimes Act to decriminalise libel. Nobody is truly safe. Pressing.
NO COMMENT
The new old national anthem says “in brotherhood we stand” — written in an era when gender justice was a joke, when everybody was a “man”, and when a woman’s place was in the bedroom, not boardroom. The world has moved on, but Nigeria has returned to “brotherhood”. Anyway, we have never elected a female president, VP or governor. Elected and appointed public office holders are overwhelmingly standing in “brotherhood”. The third stanza of the anthem says “a nation where no MAN is oppressed”. Sorry, women, your oppression is officially back to the good old days. On a brighter note, the new old anthem ends with “our sovereign motherland”. Sweet mother. Wonderful.