
OTHERS' VIEWS
To clear the cobweb of misattribution, let it be known that this piece was not inspired by the 2003 South Korean film, “Song of the bandits”, a captivating South Korean action period drama set against the backdrop of the 1920s during the Japanese occupation of Joseon. Wikipedia describes that movie as “a tale where those who head to Gando, a land of lawlessness, unite as one to protect the homeland of the Koreans… a prelude to the Gando massacre.”
The following is totally different. It is the poetic rendition of a repentant bandit (Oh, that word – repentant – again!), who wonders why we keep beating about the bush while the bush-rat is running rings round us. The Oxford Dictionary does not equivocate about the definition of the word, bandit: A criminal gangster, hooligan, marauder, mobster, outlaw, robber, brigand, desperado, hijacker, pillager, plunderer, villain.
Welcome!
Self Intro
I am proud to be a bandit, dreaded by all, threatened by nothing
I am your worst nightmare, the necro-trance you would rather not have
I used to be a far off, invisible demon, a gnome inhabiting the woods,
I used to be a violent ghost, here today, there tomorrow, with bloody trail,
But not anymore! Now, I’m your personal armageddon, your collective nemesis
If I don’t get you, I’ll catch your relative
Or, are they all wearing armoured vests?
There is honour among merchants of death, that is why I give Boko Haram its flowers;
Ansarul, ISWAP, Lakurawa – localised ‘territorialists’ redrawing the map of terror
Great precursors in this fascinating industry of violence:
Ensuring that the interests of ransom-paying captives are prioritised.
A hostage is more useful alive than dead. Remember, he’s also a plaything.
Have you ever seen the dread in the eyes of a hostage awaiting slaughter?
You don’t know the power in the nozzle of a gun, loaded or blank
Who wants to find out?
Everybody
On the floor!
Close your eyes!
I have news for you: We are all bandits— religious bandits, political bandits,
Material bandits, ethno-national bandits. Our locus may be different
But if I collect my tithes on the highway by kidnapping your traditional ruler
And Lakurawa collects its own through farmers paying protection tax
While the politician collects his through ‘oversights’,
What makes one tithe superior to the other?
While demonising the highway bandit?
Are some tariffs more equal than others?
How many trillions have you thrown at Boko Haram, Ansarul and Lakurawa?
How many more thrown at kidnappers, armed herdsmen, unknown gunmen?
You segment terror because it is an industry;
You feast on calling the same thing by different names.
And designing amnesty as if it was a Niger Delta-type conundrum;
Making a spectacle of ‘Repentant Terrorists’ in resplendent ‘aso ebi’,
As if they were extended relatives celebrating a festival.
Frustrated Citizen
But wait and watch the video of the frustrated citizen who calls out the generals
For using their troops to corner fat budgets
Leading to erosion of morale; just what the terror apparatchiks need
To rout frontline posts and other formations
For, no army is as easy to pulverise as one lacking in collective self-esteem
As borne out by their lack of necessary provisions.
Oh, hear out the frustrated citizen, who dares to ask why, why?
“If you think I don’t know what I am saying, I dare you to come for me”, he declares, looking straight into the camera. “I’ll prove it to you that some of these corrupt military officers and some of these corrupt politicians are sending a bunch of demoralised soldiers, ill-equipped soldiers, to go and face their death in the name of trying to protect the country.
“Are you telling me that the generals are not aware that some of the allowances of these soldiers are still not being paid?
The soldiers are being shortchanged,
They’re ill-equipped and demoralised!”
And the aggrieved citizen rants on and on.
Borrow Some Sense
If you’re not too arrogant to think that you can’t learn anything from a bandit
I’ll lend you some sense –
Terror is terror, be it an armed carjack, hijack, sea piracy, or highway abduction
Ransom is ransom, no matter how lowly or illustrious the hostage
Stripped of its religious veneer and fake spirituality
There is no difference between Boko and Ansarul and bandit and Lakurawa
We are all vendors of violence and death and minters of ransom.
You have a war on your hands
Forget your coinages
We are all agents of death, armed to the hilt
The only difference is that we bandits know we are waging a war
But you think this is just a social kind of fever, an insurgency
Curable with light arms and grammar
And conferences and summits.
Look at the trail of Boko Haram
Since 2009, the group’s terror has disoriented 15 million people,
Displaced over two million and killed over 30,000;
In the name of which God?
They stand excommunicated by respectable Muslims
Who dissociate their faith from such butchery
So, don’t be fooled. We are all bandits!
Did you hear Mukhtar Ya’u Madobi?
“Boko Haram and its ISWAP faction are ramping up attacks, employing asymmetrical warfare tactics with alarming effectiveness…
The brazen assault on the 153 Task Force Battalion in Marte LGA on May 12, 2025, epitomises this alarming trend. Insurgents overran the base, killed and captured soldiers, looted the armoury, and destroyed military vehicles and equipment.”
Understand my position fellow countryman,
I make no claim to being a better person
All I’m telling you is that life tolerates no vacuum –
Too many ungoverned children, ungoverned adolescents
And ungoverned spaces
At the mercy of ungovernable outlaws
Taking advantage of under-governed polity!
Nobody negotiates with evil;
You confront and extirpate it!
Evil has no half measures; it envelopes and dominates
If left to fester, it metastasises—
Like Boko Haram, one franchise becomes, four
And may yet beget more monsters
That will eat up your unborn future.
A New Song
There is no terror that lasts forever
Perhaps you’ll give yourselves a breather?
Project an alternative universe to those of us living outside the law!
Can you return the society to the days of old
When hard work was guaranteed to put bread on the table?
When we did not abandon almajiris to the elements?
When we were devoted to our faith but never grudged other people theirs?
We are not asking for too much,
Just a chance at the normalcy you take for granted
Minimum literacy and numeracy to help us cope with 2025 Nigeria
To return to the human family
Instead of living like cacodemons in your forests and bushes
Plotting the next set of abductions and bloodfest,
Living from ransom to ransom.
I am the ultimate repentant bandit
If you will heed my counsel and keep your part of the bargain
Then, hear this: Throw a combo at the monster:
Re-armed heavily compensated troops; Military contractors;
Civilian vigilantes; forest guards; mobile police; intelligence agencies;
Neighbourhood guards, traditional institutions…
In six months, you’ll sing a new song.
As the memories of President Bola Tinubu’s recent state visit to Anambra State still keep reverberating as a resounding success, the urge for a contemplative reflection on the mastermind behind the event is irresistible.
Ever cloaked in his inspiring simplicity by demeanour and dressing, Anambra State Governor, Prof. Chukwuma Charles Soludo, CFR, today stands tall in being a catalyst of regional progress and egalitarianism, a selfless subnational leader who could pull chestnuts of progressive commitments out of the overburdened hands of a Federal Government.
Love, envy or hate him, Governor Soludo has proven time and again to be more than a governor. He is an architect of hope, and a luminous star shining a vivid path towards a brighter future for the Southeast and Nigeria at large.
Without a doubt, Governor Soludo’s commitment to regional development trumps political rhetoric. He is a rallying champion, a tireless advocate for the Southeast’s potential who believes in transforming the landscape with tangible progress. His ambitious vision of Anambra becoming the “African Dubai-Taiwan-Silicon Valley” is an authentic blueprint being meticulously executed, brick by brick. The new roads that stretch across the state, the hospitals that heal, the schools that enlighten – these are not just routine projects; they are proofs of his relentless dedication to uplifting the people.
In Nigeria, many can pay lip service to patriotism. But Governor Soludo’s pan-Nigerian federalist ethos is a force that travels beyond the borders of Anambra to reach hearts across the nation. He understands that true progress lies in unity, in a harmonious symphony of states working together with the centre towards the common good.
His intellectual acuity, honed through years of dedicated service to Nigeria, allows him to navigate the complex dynamics of Nigerian politics with grace and wisdom. He is a bridge-builder, a charismatic leader who commands respect in different quarters, promoting dialogue and cooperation where others see fault lines.
Of course, his critics may whisper their doubts. Their voices would get lost in the roar of progress. They may question his methods, but they cannot deny the tangible results of his leadership. For Governor Soludo is a man of action, a doer who translates vision into reality. He is a leader who understands the delicate balance between ambition and pragmatism, between dreaming big and delivering on promises.
His relationship with President Tinubu, cultivated in the nuances of shared ideals and mutual respect, is a pointer to his ability to navigate political divides. Their partnership, a sync of collaboration and shared vision, now promises to usher in an era of unprecedented inclusive development for Anambra and Southeast.
Never a manufactured persona, Governor Soludo always speaks with strong conviction, his words dripping with the hope and aspiration of a people yearning for transformation. He is a leader who inspires, who motivates, who ignites the spark of possibility in every project he touches.
On iconic leadership pedigree, he carries within him the echoes of past Nigerian greats, the Awoist dedication to people-centred development, as well as the M.I. Okpara spirit of industrial and agricultural revolution. His vision for a prosperous Anambra, a thriving Southeast, and a united Nigeria is a destiny he is determined to fulfil.
So, in the quintessential leader called Professor Chukwuma Charles Soludo is evolving a vibrant thread, a symbol of hope, a luminance of progress. He is someone who will undoubtedly play a game-changing role in shaping the future of Nigeria, a future where unity, progress, and prosperity shall reign supreme, no matter the odds. And yes, no cacophony of criticism can stall this force of Soludoism, a propeller of the people, and a bridge to a brighter tomorrow.
The phone call came in the afternoon of Saturday, May 10. I was particularly tired and very low in spirit. And, usually, when I’m that way, I don’t take calls. My doctor’s advice. “Comfort, drop the phone, particularly when you are tired. Rest. Shut your eyes. Don’t talk.” That is the wahala I have been going through since the past four years when my doctors began to, literally, run my life.
But this call was from my maternal home, Ihiagwa. I am proudly Chris Asoluka’s “nwa-nwa”. There are calls one does not ignore. This was one of them. So, I took it. After the initial pleasantries which had began to irritate me because the caller kept asking, repeatedly, if I was okay, the next question “arrested” me. “Have you heard what happened, what we are dealing with now?” I paused. He sighed. And added “life”. So, I thought somebody has been kidnapped, or somebody’s farm has been invaded by rogue herdsmen. I mean, those are usually the most current news from the South-east. Many people, including yours truly, have developed shock absorbers to such news. We just sigh, shake our heads helplessly, and life drags on. But none of those was the case. This was a combination of thunder, lightening, earthquake and tsunami. “Chris Asoluka died”, he dropped the bomb slowly. I had no response. But I slowly sat on the floor to avoid a fall because I had immediately began to sweat dangerously even though the room was cold. My mouth instantly turned dry. I was just gazing at my phone. Speechless. And then, I screamed: “Nneka!”, and cut off the phone.
The news was difficult for me to process. There must be a mistake somewhere, I finally concluded. Chris called and spoke to me just about a month earlier. He said he and his lovely wife, Nneka, just thought about me; that we hadn’t spoken for sometime; that they plan to come visit me in the house; he was apologetic he hadn’t called for a couple of months but quickly told me he had, also, been out of the country where he underwent surgery. So, we agreed to see as soon as I was back to the country. And now this.
This is not true; there must be some mistake somewhere, I consoled myself. Wishful thinking. But, with faith in God, I picked the phone and called two people I was sure would know. I called my cousin, Chief Martin Agbaso. As soon as he picked and I heard his voice, soooo very low, I knew Chris had gone. Two of them were great friends and each other’s confidant. I was reluctant to ask him for details. But I needed to know how and why? So, I called another good friend of his, Nick Oparandudu. We spoke. And my blood pressure shot dangerously up thereafter. After about two hours, I had the courage to speak with Nneka. It was no use. She was “silently” hysterical. I was loudly hysterical. She was in the village. And would come back the next day, she managed to tell me. I managed to hear that.
Chris always wanted to pass on in his village:
So, Chris planned his own passing, was my conclusion; in his own terms. He always talked about passing on at home anytime it was time for him to go. He would, jokingly, we usually thought, talk about how he hated it when somebody died, and the body would be wrapped up and transported home in the luggage compartment of an airplane. He didn’t like the hassle or the discomfort and inconvenience the process gave family members. He thought it was a disruption of other people’s lives and activities. Just like him. A gentleman of the first order. He hated hassles. He hated any inconvenience to anybody. So, that must be why it took less than 24 hours after he passed for his family to announce the devil-cursed news, funeral dates included. That was what he wanted. He hated too much protocol.
Morbid sense of humor
Anybody who knew him knows he had a sense of humor. He spoke slowly. Never raised his voice. Full of wisdom. Played with proverbs. Played with words. Held his audience spellbound with his combination of serious points, words of wisdom, proverbs and humor that cracked one’s ribs. But atimes, his humor can be morbid.
Take these two.
When he lost his eldest sister in London, and having lost all the others, he became not only a confirmed orphan but the only one of his siblings alive. So, he would tell his wife: “Nneka, pamper me o. If you don’t, I will join my siblings. And everybody would have a good laugh and add “Nneka, pamper him ooo!”
And this. One day, after a funeral at a beautiful private cemetery in Lagos, he turned to Nneka: ” I kind of like this place. They are all neighbors. It’s like a Community. When I die, may be you should bury me here so that at night, all of us neighbors will come out, sit down and be telling stories. If you bury me at Ihiagwa, I will be alone there. No neighbors.” From Nneka was “God forbid”
And Asoluka was a consummate family man
He loved his wife and children to the moon and back. He had three children, but particularly had a special bond with his only daughter, Somachi. I remember the day Soma wedded. After the father- daughter dance which we thought he enjoyed, Chris came to where I was, and broke down in tears. He asked me for a handkerchief to wipe his tears I had a good laugh at him, said ‘shame’, and in addition to the handkerchief handed him his sunglasses which he kept in my custody. “Jealous, protective father, cover your eyes so Soma will not see them red”, I taunted him.
Chris always wanted his family around him. And, without them knowing, he planned it to be so on his death bed. He made sure Nneka and Soma were around him all through the few days in hospital when nobody expected his passing. He was alert; was never put on oxygen; was discussing with his wife and daughter and his medical team. Soma cheered him on. Hung onto his every word, every movement. Applauded him each time he took his medicines, or when blood was drawn from his vein for different tests. “Good job daddy,” Soma will tell him. “Okwuruoha, Okwuru Owere”, she would hail him. And they would hold hands. Nneka will tell him: “You know I’m leaving here with you. Once you are stronger, we leave.” Nothing prepared her for her husband’s passing.
The man and his books, the mentor
He loved books. He authored quite a few. And was not denied the company of books even in the hospital. Soma was around to read for him. She would sit by the bedside and read since he couldn’t hold the book by himself because of all kinds of medical “gadgets” attached to his hands in particular.
He loved to impact knowledge on others. He did that while in the hospital – to his medical team.
An accomplished development strategist, an accomplished financial guru, Lawyer, Asoluka mentored not a few people. One only needs to go to the internet which has been on fire, literally, since his passing. Testimonies from those he mentored are coming in like claps of thunder. While in the hospital, he continued with his mentoring, guidance of his medical team in his own field and other fields. He was home to any subject.
The man with a Community spirit.
He loved his community. He was proudly Owere, and proudly Ihiagwa – his community. He, always, thought about things to improve his Community, to improve Owerri. The Ihiagwa -Nekede – Owerri road was one of his greatest worries, his nightmare. As he was being transported to Owerri from Ihiagwa a couple of hours after he fell ill, his thoughts were on that road. As the vehicle, no thanks to the bad road threw him up and down, he said he had discussed the road with his good friend, Imo State Governor, Senator Hope Uzodinma and was hopeful he would not fail him; that the road will get same treatment as the scores of others the Governor handled.
Now, the urgent prayer is that when his body will be transported from Owerri to Ihiagwa on July 27, the road will not bounce his casket/body around; it will be so smooth so that Chris will be smiling and hailing the Governor for honoring him in death.
The man with a a kindred spirit, proudly Owerri, unadulterated Igbo
Since Chris Asoluka’s passing, from Lagos to the USA to Canada, it has been all very moody, dreary and long faces for my siblings and I. It has been rivers of tears. One of my younger sisters whose wedding Chris and Nneka were sponsors has been inconsolable. A man with a great kindred spirit, I didn’t need to ask him to be the sponsor. It was a role he offered to play, especially, when he knew that my sister’s husband is, like Nneka, Anambra. At the wedding reception, he was all over the place to make sure everything was okay, everybody was comfortable. Aside from my siblings and I being his “nwa- nwa,” we had a special relationship with him. He was “our big brother!” and we are devastated by this sudden separation.
In Lagos where he lived, he was in the forefront for the fight for the progress of the Igboman. He had been the President of the intellectual engine room of the Igbo, Aka Ikenga, Lagos. He was a solid Ohaneze member. He had sort, once, to be its President, to give it a new direction, but quickly, and quietly withdrew when the office became controversial. Chris was a Federal Parliamentarian where he put his people first. He was Imo State’s Commissioner for Finance at a time where he showed unprecedented zeal, patriotism and accountability.
Dr. Chris Chigoziri Asoluka
Why I am angry
My anger over Chris Asoluka’s passing boils to high heavens. I am not just angry, I am incensed. Chis’ passing is like somebody who had crossed the Atlantic Ocean, crossed the Pacific Ocean, only to drown in a stream.
The questions I have been asking nobody in particular are: “What kind of joke did this guy pull on everybody? What kind of magic is this? What kind of ‘wayo’ is this?” I am not going to lie that his health had been 100 per cent for some months, but whose health in Nigeria is 100 per cent? Who is absolutely free from these silly illnesses? We are all dependent on our medications, on the whims and caprices of our doctors.
There was nothing to suggest that Chris was in danger. The time we thought he was bad had since past by months and months. He was taking his medications religiously. He was keeping to his appointments with his doctors- both within and outside Nigeria- religiously. He was strong. He was going about his businesses. He was playing the role of husband, father, grandfather, big brother and mentor to many. There was no sign that it was his time to be harvested from Mother-earth by the great Creator. He was not ripe. If he was not strong, would he have gone home for the funeral of the Traditional Ruler of Ihiagwa, HRH Eze Lucky Ajoku? It was a funeral he ended up even not attending because he suddenly fell ill on its eve.
Why did the devil-cursed illness not begin in Lagos where his doctors were, even though I understand the hospital he was taken to in Owerri is well equipped. It would have been easier to handle him in Lagos and/or air-ambulance him out. In deed, an air ambulance, provided by a worried friend of his was ready and waiting. But there was so much confidence in the hospital where he was that the air ambulance was asked to just wait, “let’s see.” I mean, from all indications, he was doing very well. Hope was high. Nobody thought of death. Which death? Then, suddenly…
How did we lose somebody like Chris just when Owerri needed him most. Brilliant. Urbane. Dignified. A combination of good looks, brain, wisdom. Chai!
What a waste!! And I don’t mean that his life was a waste. He had achieved all there was to achieve. A family of lawyers – father, mother, children. Beautiful, loyal and loving wife, successful children. Academically, Chris was solid; had a couple of Master’s degrees and capped them with a doctorate degree, not honorary! Well respected in the society. Had friends that mattered. Yet, it is difficult not to describe Chris Asoluka’s sudden passing as a waste of everything good. How does one even refer to him in the past?
So, this other day, nervously, I went to see Nneka in the company of Agbaso and lovely wife, Robin. And even though there were a number of people there, the house seemed so empty without Chris. It was so strange. Eerie! My eyes kept dashing from upstairs to downstairs in a failed expectation that Chris could just walk down donning his infectious smile. His absence was so conspicuous that even the dog in the house noticed. The poor white, fine dog kept looking at faces miserably. He would end up at Nneka’s feet, look up at her face, then walk away to Chris’ usual chair. Sit down. Look up and down the empty Chair. And make the rounds again. An emotional Nneka explained: “He is looking for Chris.”
Weep, Owerri, weep! First, it was Paschal Dozie. Now, it is Chris Asoluka at just 70 years. It is well with our souls. God’s will, we are always told. He just picks us up like that to come stay with Him.
Chris nne m. Nwoke oma. Ome nwanne. Okwuruoha! Okwuru Owere!! Peace. Peace. Peace. Good trip!!!
Obi is the Editor-in-Chief/CEO of The Source (Magazine).
Say whatever you like about Sule Lamido, but one thing is beyond dispute: he is one of Nigeria's most consistent politicians alive today. Since 1999, Lamido has stood firmly with the People's Democratic Party (PDP).
He has resisted every temptation and opportunity to defect, even when it seemed politically expedient to do so.
In 2013 and 2014, Lamido was part of a faction of the PDP that became known as the "nPDP." It was at odds with then President Goodluck Jonathan. Yet, when most members of the nPDP defected to the then-emerging All Progressives Congress (APC), he stayed put.
To him, abandoning PDP simply because it was ailing was akin to abandoning a sick child he himself brought into the world.
Today, even as the PDP seems to be faltering and politicians scramble to jump ship to the APC, Lamido remains reliably loyal.
Recently, I came across a fascinating graphic illustrating the convoluted, often confusing, trajectories of party defections by Nigeria's prominent political figures. If Lamido's name were placed there, his track would feature just one entry: PDP.
I first met Lamido in Jos in 1999 during the PDP presidential primary convention, where Olusegun Obasanjo emerged as the party’s flagbearer. I was then a young reporter with Weekly Trust, keenly observing Nigeria's unfolding democracy.
Our paths crossed again in 2010 through my good friend Adagbo Onoja, Lamido’s Special Adviser on Media at the time. Lamido warmly invited me to Dutse to condole with me following my wife’s passing.
On both occasions, I found him sharp-witted, insightful, and intellectually engaging.
I noticed the news buzzing about Lamido's newly launched autobiography, aptly titled "Being True to Myself."
The title strikes me as profoundly fitting. Here’s a man whose political life embodies solid consistency and fidelity to his principles.
Once the book hits Amazon, I plan to promptly order it, savor every page, and share my reflections in a detailed review.
Sule Lamido’s story deserves thoughtful attention, whether or not one shares his political stance or his choices while he was in government.
The last two weeks witnessed a gale of defections by politicians notably from the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to the governing All Progressives Congress (APC). The high water mark of these defections were the fell swoop defections of the Governor of Delta State, Sheriff Oborevwori, and a former Governor of Delta State and the former Vice Presidential running mate of former Vice President Atiku Abubakar in the 2023 General Elections, Ifeanyi Okowa, and many of their supporters.
Defections in Nigerian politics are not new. Their antecedent can be traced to the First Republic when we operated a British-style parliamentary system. The phenomenon was referred to as “cross carpeting”. In spite of this unsavory history, defections have come to define and characterise the politics of the Fourth Republic which encompasses our return to democracy from 1999 up to the present.
Interestingly, the opposition PDP, which previously held sway until 2015, set this unseemly tone by co-opting bigwigs of the opposition on the watch of former Presidents Olusegun Obasanjo and Umaru Yar’Adua. Subsequently, the APC took this predilection to a new low: it enticed members of the opposition and others facing investigation for alleged corruption by dangling them carrots. A former chairperson of the APC enticed allegedly corrupt politicians by famously promising that they would be free of their sins if they joined his party.
The latest gale of defections is alleged to be informed, partly, by subtle blackmail and coercion. This allegation is lent credence when we consider that one of the high-profile defectors, until now, was being brow-beaten and hectored by one of the anti-corruption agencies.
It is correct to argue that these defectors have the right to do so if they choose. After all, our Constitution allows us to associate freely and in an untrammeled fashion. Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, who is a serial defector and whose political standing is supposed to be vitiated by Okowa’s defection, underscored this in his recent remark.
If politicians have the right to defect or to choose which persons to relate with, our defections are informed largely by the need to jump onto a gravy train and a primitive desperation for power. This is best underlined by the languid rationalisation offered by former Governor Okowa. He claimed that in hindsight, he ought to have aligned with the interests of his geo-political South South. What took him so long to receive this revelation? Does he want us to seriously subscribe to the notion that he did not give his aspiration to be Vice President any forethought?
In other jurisdictions where politicians are informed by high-minded ideals and well considered principles, it is an uphill task to defect or make the kind of shameless three hundred and sixty degrees turn that our politicians make. In such serious climes, cogent and reasoned explanations will be offered to the citizens or voters. Or the politicians will resign their positions because the platforms they used to secure power were no longer tenable.
Even in the more redeeming Second Republic when there was a semblance of ideological politics, and the political parties were anchored on some modicum of principles, the parties, at the worst of times, were sundered or splintered into factions. The Peoples Redemption Party (PRP) and the Nigerian Peoples Party (NPP) were cases in point.
Today’s political parties, except a very few, are mere sucked eggs. They are bereft of belief, principles or moral compass. Worse, the returns on investment in politics in Nigeria is the highest of any enterprise, hence the desperation for office. This desperation is aimed, not at adding value to Nigerians but at feathering the nests of these politicians.
The fact that politicians can defect with ease, and without recourse to their supporters or voters, speaks eloquently either to a lack of respect for Nigerians or to an insult to their intelligence. It also betrays the fact that the overriding considerations for the typical Nigerian politician are power and the lavish perks of office.
If, as some of them glibly argue, that they are leaving their parties to the governing APC because they are dysfunctional or that they are riven with crises, is the APC, which refuge they desperately seek, a paragon? This is a party, like other defective ones, which does not lay premium on internal democracy. This is a party which scarcely holds meetings of its executive bodies. This is a party which gives its ticket to the highest bidder. And this is a party which is bereft of any succinct or lofty agenda other than state capture.
The APC is thus as guilty, if not more guilty, than the parties they are abandoning.
This writer’s conjecture is that those scrambling for the grace and embrace of the APC do so for two self-seeking reasons: To have their sins glossed over by a party desperate to remain in office and to seamlessly access its ticket in 2027. This may be informed by the calibration that the APC has some of the most pivotal institutions which will facilitate this possibility in its thrall.
But even this calculation may be preposterous or unattainable.
Besides, as the well-worn saying goes, only fools rush in where angels fear to tread. Those departing the APC may not be without blemish but they had compelling reasons, informed by the APC’s failings and peccadilloes, to leave. The APC, itself, rather than alleviate Nigeria’s woes, has worsened them and remains, at best clueless.
Additionally, a scramble which is not adroitly managed can only lead to an implosion. The spooning or dishing out of the gravy could be messy. This is not to mention the greed and vaulting ambition of those jumping onto the APC train.
These defections also take Nigerians for granted. The defectors, and those cajoling them, assume that Nigerians will forever be docile and that they would forbear the misrule and excesses of the APC in perpetuity. There is a word for it. It is called hubris. Hubris often comes before a catastrophic fall.
Dazang is a former director at the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC)
The 2025 Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination (UTME), conducted by the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB), sparked public outcry over widespread failures, leading to a rare press conference by the Registrar, Professor Is-haq Oloyede. His statement is notable for its candour and rhetorical flourish. However, in light of best practices in crisis communication, the address reveals commendable efforts alongside critical shortcomings.
One of the core tenets of crisis communication is the prompt and transparent acknowledgement of the issue. JAMB’s press statement scores highly on this front. The Registrar admits, unequivocally, that technical glitches occurred and that candidates were affected. This stands in contrast to the typical deflection or denial often seen in Nigerian public sector communication. “There are grounds for the complaints about our 2025 UTME results… This press conference is convened to unveil the bitter truth of our findings,” he said.
This openness lends credibility and helps contain reputational damage. However, the initial delay between the release of the results (May 9) and the press conference (May 14) allowed public distrust to fester, which reduced the effectiveness of the eventual admission.
While transparency is commendable, the Registrar’s tone at times veers into the overly rhetorical and self-congratulatory. Phrases like “we burn the midnight oil” or referencing spiritual maxims like “Man proposes, God disposes” dilute the severity of the situation. Rather than focusing on the affected candidates, the statement meanders through lengthy descriptions of quality assurance processes and organisational philosophy.
Best practices suggest using clear, concise, and empathetic language during crises. Overusing metaphors and anecdotes may come across as deflective or insincere. Audiences seek reassurance, not poetry.
ALSO READ: 19-year-old UTME candidate commit suicide after scoring 190 in JAMB
JAMB earns praise for the Registrar’s assumption of responsibility: “As Registrar of JAMB, I hold myself personally responsible… and I unreservedly apologise for it.”
This is a textbook move in crisis communication: own the failure, don’t blame others. It helps maintain public trust. However, the apology is somewhat undermined by attempts to shift focus to the robustness of the system and the incompetence of unnamed service providers. The emphasis on “just one of the two service providers” feels like a hedging tactic rather than full accountability.
Another best practice is to provide a factual and comprehensible explanation of what went wrong. Here, the Registrar offers significant technical detail: issues with shuffling options, patch errors, server misconfigurations, and distinctions between “LAG” and “KAD” operational zones.
However, while thorough, the explanation is not sufficiently user-centred. Many stakeholders, including students, parents, and the general public, may struggle to understand this technical jargon.
The core message could have been simplified: What went wrong? Where did it happen? How many were affected? What are you doing about it?
Excessive focus on internal systems and structure detracts from the human cost of the crisis and obstructs clarity. JAMB took decisive remedial steps: affected candidates will retake the exam; WAEC was contacted to address scheduling conflicts; affected parties will be notified through multiple channels.
This is a strong and practical response, demonstrating both empathy and action, which are key pillars of effective crisis resolution. The Registrar’s statement that JAMB will reschedule exams for 157 affected centres reflects a responsive approach. However, the solution would have resonated more if it had been presented earlier and more clearly in the speech. It appears near the end, following many paragraphs of justification.
Moreover, it’s unclear whether the Board will compensate or support the candidates beyond merely rescheduling. For a proper restorative approach, some gesture of support (e.g., transportation assistance, exam fee waiver, or psychosocial support) would demonstrate deeper care.
Involving respected stakeholders—educators, parents’ associations, tech experts, and former officials—adds legitimacy to the investigation. It shows that JAMB is not acting unilaterally and values transparency. Still, the Registrar misses the opportunity to mention whether any candidates themselves, or their guardians, were part of this review. Their voices, being the most directly affected, should have had a space in the resolution process.
In closing, the Registrar leans into a heartfelt apology and uses phrases like: “I AM SORRY to all Nigerians.” This statement, although made late in the address, strikes a powerful emotional note. The triad of “please,” “thank you,” and “I am sorry” adds a human touch to the message. It indicates that JAMB acknowledges the public’s dissatisfaction.
However, the apology would have carried more weight if placed earlier in the statement, rather than buried after technical justifications. Best crisis responses end with concrete commitments to prevent recurrence. The Registrar fails to outline clear steps for future reform. While the speech highlights existing quality assurance processes, it does not promise new oversight mechanisms, third-party audits, or changes to provider contracts.
A future-facing statement such as “We will implement X, Y, Z to ensure this never happens again” is notably absent. JAMB’s crisis communication during the 2025 UTME controversy was commendable in its openness but flawed in its delivery. By focusing more on public clarity and actionable commitments—and less on internal glorification—it could have strengthened trust during a time of institutional vulnerability. For future incidents, JAMB must prioritise speed, simplicity, and support over storytelling.
Onyima, a former Commissioner for Information in Anambra State, teaches at Paul University, Awka.
It is time to retire the old gatekeeping models. Not because we no longer need standards, but because we need higher ones. Standards that transcend degrees and titles and ask instead: What truth are you serving?
The future demands new journalism! One that is inclusive, interdisciplinary, intelligent, and intuitive. One that welcomes the nurse who podcasted her way through the pandemic, the lawyer who fact-checks electoral misinformation on X, and the farmer who documents the crisis of food security with stories, charts, and interviews. If they honour the truth, if they hold power to account, if they serve the public, they are journalists.
Nine years ago, we were on the verge of launching the NextGen Journalism programme. This initiative emerged from our examination of what mass communication students were being taught in the classroom, which revealed a significant gap that would hinder their competitiveness in the job market. To address this issue, we decided to refine the educational process. We gathered seven lecturers from different regions of the country who specialised in mass communication. They not only confirmed our observations but also helped us enhance our training modules, which were ultimately incorporated into the Campus Reporter App.
During our university tours to train campus journalism students, a few months after the design workshop with these lecturers, we visited a university in South-Eastern Nigeria. There, we trained students of the Mass Communication department and other disciplines, who were members of the campus journalism union, focusing on investigative journalism, fact-checking, and data journalism. Part way through the session, the Head of the Department paused our training — not out of protest, but out of curiosity. She asked, “Why are you teaching them things that their lecturers don’t know? Do you want them to question what they are learning in class?” She went on to request that some veteran journalists and lecturers join us for the second day of training, to create a balance between the practical concepts we were introducing and the curriculum.
When the lecturers observed our training methods and content, they requested that we extend similar training to them as well, noting a significant disconnect between classroom teachings and real-world professional practices.
These training sessions and additional mentoring efforts led to recommendations for incorporating Computer-Assisted Reporting into the Mass Communication curriculum, which were later approved by the National Universities Commission.
I provided the background above to present a case regarding online discussions about who qualifies as a journalist, what it takes to become one, and the distinctions between journalists, bloggers, and those I like referring to as infomediaries or infopreneurs. I decided to elaborate on my thoughts beyond the comment I made on a post by a colleague, which touched on what journalism in Nigeria should focus on, which really is going beyond just the questions of who is a journalist or what defines them.
One major argument that has been making the rounds is this: You can’t call yourself a journalist unless you’ve had some formal education, training, internship, or structured path that has prepared you for this. While I understand and even agree that training builds the knowledge and understanding of principles, philosophies, and ethics that guide any profession, I believe the method of acquiring those principles, whether by certification or otherwise, is not what defines one’s qualification. Especially in today’s world, it must be about output, about action, and most importantly, about the quality of what is produced.
In 2021, during Dataphyte’s university roadshow to several tertiary institutions, aimed at enhancing journalism training by incorporating data journalism, we received feedback from many faculty members. They pointed out that the concepts we were introducing were largely unfamiliar to them, except for the theoretical frameworks that supported them. For instance, some of the CAR (Computer-Assisted Reporting) trainers struggled with basic tools like spreadsheets for data entry and analysis. The tools we showcased were as challenging as giving bones to novices.
These experiences highlight a crucial truth: Journalism is evolving, but our educational systems have not kept pace. It also raises significant questions about how we train journalists, who we include in the training, and what qualifies a person to be considered as a journalist.
Moreover, if we consider the evolution of distance learning and continuing education. That was the first real attempt to “hack” formal education by enabling people who couldn’t access university classrooms or afford formal schooling to still learn. The latter concept dwelt on the opportunities for anyone to pick up new skills or deepen existing ones at any age or stage.
Journalism is inherently multidisciplinary. Limiting it only to those with diplomas or degrees in journalism is short-sighted. Instead, we should mainstream the principles and ethics of journalism across all academic disciplines, opening the door for anyone committed to the public interest mission of journalism — be it informing, educating, entertaining, or holding power accountable.
So, here is the poser: If I go to a journalism school and after graduation I end up becoming a farmer and spend my life growing food, should I be called a journalist or a farmer? Now, consider someone who has been farming all their life. Maybe they’ve never stepped into a journalism classroom. But they start a media platform to educate others about farming, using podcasts, blogs, or video content. Their work is structured. They apply the journalistic essentials: the who, what, when, where, why, and how. So why shouldn’t they be called a journalist? Why dismiss them as “just a blogger”?
On the Ethics of Professional Comparison
Again, about the recurring statement, “you can’t call yourself a doctor or a lawyer without going to medical or law school. So why should journalism be different?” I believe that’s a flawed analogy.
This is because it confuses technical professions with behavioural and social disciplines. In Law, you must be licensed to represent others, but you can represent yourself in court. In policing, you have state actors, but you also have citizen-police or neighbourhood watches. These rely on shared knowledge of community rules.
While Law and Medicine are grounded in defined, codified knowledge systems, including diagnoses, legal precedents, biological imperatives; journalism is grounded in human behaviour, observation, narrative, and context. It is a behavioural science, not an exact science.
Similarly, journalism has always had room for the witness, the chronicler, the concerned citizen. Yes, journalism has its methods. Yes, it has its ethics. But it also has its citizens. In the same way a person can represent themselves in court without being a lawyer, or a community member can act as a first responder without being a police officer, a citizen can investigate, inform, and advocate without carrying the title of “journalist.” Because journalism is not the preserve of the privileged. It is a practice, measured not by the institution that conferred your badge, but by the integrity of your output.
The Real Crisis is Not Identity, It’s Instruction
Before I delve deeper into legalistic or certification debates, I want to reflect on something more fundamental, which I also mentioned in my comment to the colleague’s post: the quality of pedagogy, especially in a context like Nigeria.
When we launched the Campus Journalism Programme I referenced above, one of the first things we noticed was that students from disciplines like the social sciences or humanities — outside of journalism — were often producing better quality content than students formally studying journalism.
Our conclusion? Journalism is inherently multidisciplinary. Limiting it only to those with diplomas or degrees in journalism is short-sighted. Instead, we should mainstream the principles and ethics of journalism across all academic disciplines, opening the door for anyone committed to the public interest mission of journalism — be it informing, educating, entertaining, or holding power accountable.
This further propelled us to expand our journalism experimentation into agriculture, health, extractive sector, security and environment. We called it “the five fingers.” What we found was clear: Professionals, whether from health, agriculture, or the environment could learn the ethics and tools of journalism and practice it meaningfully.
It is time to retire the old gatekeeping models. Not because we no longer need standards, but because we need higher ones. Standards that transcend degrees and titles and ask instead: What truth are you serving?… In a century when storytelling tools have changed, the information war is fought in megabytes and memes, and audiences are fragmented and cynical, we cannot afford pedagogies stuck in time.
Just as we were going about this, Aproko Doctor, a medical doctor, took to the airwaves and started using behaviour change techniques to educate citizens about their wellbeing and health-related lifestyle decisions. Today, that initiative has morphed into a healthtech company that provides information on wellness, lifestyle, and medicine, using AI. Call him what you will, but his work sits well within the development and interpretative journalism genre.
Henry Jenkins’ Convergence Culture provides a valuable perspective on the changing landscape of journalism, where traditional media merges with digital platforms, creating a participatory culture. Audiences transition from mere consumers to content creators, challenging the traditional gatekeeping roles in media and placing more value on the quality and impact of journalism, rather than formal credentials. In this evolving environment, the definition of a journalist is increasingly fluid.
In the context of AI, IoTs, and wearable technologies, Jenkins’ submission becomes even more relevant. These tools enable individuals to gather and share information in real time, further democratising journalism. The focus shifts from formal training to engaging audiences and fostering informed communities. Jenkins highlights that this participatory culture allows diverse voices to contribute to public discourse, encouraging a reevaluation of journalism that prioritises practice and impact over traditional qualifications.
A Final Word: Reimagining the Future
Let us be clear: Journalism is under siege. Not from bloggers or infopreneurs, but from irrelevance, poor pedagogy, and ethical drift. To protect journalism, we must stop asking who has the badge and start asking who is doing the work and what does it take to accentuate its forms, frames and functions.
The future demands new journalism! One that is inclusive, interdisciplinary, intelligent, and intuitive. One that welcomes the nurse who podcasted her way through the pandemic, the lawyer who fact-checks electoral misinformation on X, and the farmer who documents the crisis of food security with stories, charts, and interviews. If they honour the truth, if they hold power to account, if they serve the public, they are journalists.
It is time to retire the old gatekeeping models. Not because we no longer need standards, but because we need higher ones. Standards that transcend degrees and titles and ask instead: What truth are you serving?
In a century when storytelling tools have changed, the information war is fought in megabytes and memes, and audiences are fragmented and cynical, we cannot afford pedagogies stuck in time.
The journalist of today must be part data analyst, part psychologist, part anthropologist, part engineer of truth. And this evolution cannot be confined to those holding legacy credentials. It must be open-source, collaborative and dynamic.
Because in the end, journalism is not a degree. It is a discipline. Not a title, but a temperament. More so, journalism is not a profession you enter. It’s a principle you live by.
Joshua Olufemi is the founder of Dataphyte and Goloka Analytics. He is passionate and committed to media innovation, management and revenue sustainability in Africa
[OPINION] A Tearful Letter to Justice Binta Nyako: When the Law Must Speak Above Power, Fear, and Delay - John Egbeazien Oshodi
AdminDear Justice Binta Nyako,
This is not a legal brief. This is not a media headline. This is not an accusation. This is a letter. A solemn, sober appeal to your spirit, to your integrity, and to the legacy you are still building.
You sit at a crossroads that most public servants will never truly understand—not just between two legal arguments, but between fear and fortitude. Between duty and destiny. Between the convenience of delay and the clarity of conscience.
You are in possession of a case that carries more than legal consequences—it carries national, spiritual, and generational weight. The matter of Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan is not only about what happened in the chamber of the Senate. It is about whether a chamber of law will affirm the dignity of truth.
And the question many are quietly asking—some aloud, some within—is this:
What is the worst they can do to you, if you do what is right?
Can they block your elevation to the Supreme Court? Possibly.
Can they transfer you to a quieter, less convenient judicial post? Perhaps.
Can they isolate you from their circles of comfort? Likely.
But at your stage, with your experience, your age, your understanding of life’s deeper currents—is any of that worth more than your conscience?
They may have power for today. But only truth travels into forever.
And robes, titles, appointments—these things do not outlive memory. But justice does.
Justice, real justice, lives beyond buildings and bulletproof gates. It is carried in the mouths of citizens, in the prayers of women who feel unseen, and in the notebooks of students who hope that, one day, the law will protect them too.
They may offer influence. They may offer distance from discomfort. But no one—no matter how connected—can offer you peace with your own name, if your name drifts from the truth.
Remember, Madam Justice, this is not your beginning. This is the phase where every word from your lips, every judgment from your gavel, becomes the story that others will tell when you are no longer there to tell it yourself.
And when your robe is folded away, and your seat becomes someone else’s—what story will be told in your absence? What legacy will outlive the salary, the titles, the ceremonial entrances? Will it be said that you stood, or that you stalled?
There are those who whisper that courage costs too much. But courage, when spent in service of truth, never runs out. It multiplies. It echoes. And it blesses generations to come.
Those who sit in power may change the rules, but they cannot change the records of time. Those who wish to bend your judgment may do so in shadows, but light always finds what shadows try to hide.
What stands before you is not simply a legal argument. It is a national temperature check. Will the judiciary affirm courage, or bow to convenience? Will the Constitution guide judgment, or will unseen hands shape rulings through unseen pressures?
We are not asking you to be political. In fact, we ask the opposite.
We ask you to be judicial.
We ask you to show that law is still sacred in Nigeria. That truth still has a home. That the robe still means something beyond ceremony.
You are no longer just one among many. This case, and what you do with it, may well be the most publicly remembered moment of your judicial career. And it will not be remembered for the technicalities or citations—but for the courage, or the absence of it.
You are a woman whose age grants you freedom from ambition, and whose experience grants you the wisdom to see through all political fog. You carry no need to climb ladders anymore. You are already above them. And from this height, you have one sacred opportunity left: to decide whether you will descend with the crowd—or rise above the noise.
Let them say what they will. Let them plot what they may.
But let it also be said, one day:
That Justice Binta Nyako, in her time, was not moved by fear.
That she did not flinch.
That she remembered what the robe was meant to symbolize.
That she ruled for the law—and not for the loud.
Let it be said not in newspapers, but in homes. In classrooms. In the silence of the mind where all true memory lives.
You are not doing this for Natasha.
You are doing it for your name.
For democracy.
For your Creator.
For Nigeria.
And yes—especially for those unborn daughters who will someday sit where you sit, and will wonder whether the law still bends to truth.
We are watching. Not with anger—but with hearts breaking under the weight of disbelief. With the trembling belief that perhaps—perhaps—this time, justice will not bow. That one judge, one voice, might still resist the tide.
And while we weep and wait, we remember—with grief and expectation—what your fellow justices once declared with courage.
We remember the year 2017. A year when a Federal High Court, unshaken by political heat, declared the suspension of Senator Ali Ndume not only unlawful but a betrayal of the Constitution. That judgment was not about favor. It was about fidelity. That ruling reminded Nigeria that no Senate chamber has the right to suspend a voice elected by the people. The judge that day saw beyond chairs and titles—he saw a constitutional violation bleeding in daylight.
And again, in 2018, it happened. A court stood again. This time in defense of Senator Ovie Omo-Agege. The judgment was firm: this suspension too, like the one before, was a misuse of legislative procedure. It was an overreach. It was unlawful. That court did not care for political winds. It did not pause for party lines. It heard only the voice of the law—and responded without trembling.
Now, we hear the excuse: that Senate internal rules justified defiance of court orders. That they could brush aside a judicial instruction because their Standing Orders allowed it.
But how, Justice Nyako? How can any internal Senate rule ever rise above the Constitution? How can any legislative manual supersede a court order from a constitutional judge? How can Nigeria claim to be a democracy—if its lawmakers obey their own preferences and defy the rule of law?
Justice Nyako, no. This cannot be accepted. Not again. Not now.
You know this. You have lived this. You carry the weight of decades in the legal system. You know that once the judiciary is made to kneel before politics, democracy becomes theatre.
Those rulings in 2017 and 2018 were not accidents. They were the cries of a legal system fighting to stand. They said clearly that legislative chambers are not above the law. They cannot suspend a Senator in darkness and call it order. They cannot hide injustice behind the veil of ‘procedure.’
And now, you have been handed this same flame.
You are not writing the first paragraph—but perhaps the last hope.
When you raise your gavel, raise it in the name of those rulings.
Raise it in defense of the Constitution.
Raise it for the daughters who will one day ask whether courts still had strength in their mother’s time.
Let your ruling say what fear cannot.
Let it whisper into the fabric of our nation: that justice is not an accessory, and law is not a tool of convenience.
Let it be your moment—not for applause—but for legacy.
With prayer. With grief. With tears still falling—because Nigeria is desperate for one judge who reminds the powerful: justice is not a strategy. It is a stand.
This writer does not know any of the individuals involved; the focus is solely on upholding democracy, truth, and justice.
Respectfully,
Did we have mass failure of candidates in the 2025 tertiary institutions’ qualifying examination or a deplorable conduct of the scheme by the JAMB? While it would take time and independent investigation to unravel candidates’ allegation of “wrong result”, the role of JAMB generally, presents another case study in the difficulty of making the Nigerian system work. No, the trouble with Nigeria is not simply a failure of leadership. It goes beyond leadership and indeed beyond political leadership. The judiciary, the legislature, the civil service, security agencies, health sector workers, universities, to mention only a few sides of public service are as dysfunctional and corrupt as various executive arms of government. What seems more characteristic of Nigeria’s public life is the unwillingness to uphold the common good. Personal, narrow and group interests are brought to override the larger societal interest in many decisions and execution of public programmes. Added to the vice of privatisation of policies is the near – absence of work ethics. We routinely chant “international best practices” without corresponding commitment to upholding standards. That is why service delivery is mediocre, bumpy and slow. That is why built infrastructures and facilities deteriorate in no time. As will be seen, JAMB’s controversial outing this year cannot be situated far from this background.
At no other time have we witnessed the barrage of outrage that greeted this year’s entrance exams. While in the last ten years, results for 2020 and 2021 were considered poor, they did not receive the widespread protests nor intensity of criticism trailing the current exercise. JAMB had announced release of the 2025 result on Friday, May 9, with emphasis on the 78 percent below 200 mark score. In 2020, under 200 point score was 79 percent; and climbed to 87 percent the following year 2021. Yet, reactions to those results were not as strong as with this year’s edition. Public response to result of the April 2025 higher institutions’ entry exam was largely dismissive. Significantly, candidates and or their parents rejected the low scores on their slips as incorrect. They did so with such confidence and resolve that could not be ignored. As at Monday, May 12, 2025, about 8400 candidates had reportedly filled the formal complaint form demanding access to their scripts. Typical of Nigerian government agency, JAMB leadership’s initial attitude to the outcry was playing the ostrich and deflecting the heart of the matter. Reacting after seventy – two hours of public outcry over the doubtful results, the Board’s spokesman appeared on Channels television on Monday, to read the stilted official line of candidates’ errors, omissions and challenges with digital demands as the issues. This technical slant featured prominently in a briefing by the Board’s registrar to announce the results on Friday, May 9, 2025. However, as the resolve to take legal steps to compel JAMB to transparently authenticate the disputed results gathered momentum, the Board finally buckled. By Monday afternoon, the JAMB leadership was forced to set aside it’s stereotype of candidate technical inadequacy to pledge a fact – finding review of the examination package.
While we await report of investigation into the doubtful results, it’s necessary to draw attention to other controversial steps by JAMB with hope that corrective action will be taken going forward. There were problems with the much advertised mock UTME test. Some candidates were posted outside their chosen States for the exam. Defending the arrangement, JAMB’s Public Communication Advisor, Fabian Benjamin told journalists that not all computer based centres were available for the mock exam. “If centres for mock in Abuja are filled up and there were available centres in Nassarawa State, candidates will be sent there” Vanguard, April 15, 2025 reported. This still does not absolve the admissions body from responsibility to place candidates where they registered. JAMB conducts two major exams in a calendar year. What does it do with the considerable time at it’s disposal? Is it asking too much to say the Board ought to confirm the availability of needed facilities before commencing sale of registration forms? The crux of the matter is that this oversight, this inconvenient relocation of candidates repeats every year. Where then is the supposed value of the mock exam as mirror towards successful main exam? Conducting hassles – minimal, mock exam which involves a tiny number of candidates, should not continue to be problematic.
Another instance of the Board’s wrong footing is the approved publication for those taking Literature. The novel chosen this year is The Lekki Headmaster by Kabir Alabi Garba. No problem about the literary quality of the work. But the print format of the publication is a big issue. The 63 page book, by standard setting, would run up to 90 pages. The text however, is in font size ten, instead of the preferred twelve point, making the print – run tiny. Additionally it is rendered in single line spacing with the result that the pages are tight. The compression poses problem of readability, a big challenge in an environment where electricity supply is not often assured. Exams by their very nature task the mental and attitudinal faculties of students. Saddling candidates with barely legible texts in the context of a very competitive exam is unhealthy. The selection of a visually deficient title as The Lekki Headmaster reflects poorly on JAMB. The decision calls into question the judgment that approved a publication with potential of unduly tasking candidates. Why didn’t JAMB insist on stress – free, readable specifications for the adopted texts? What was the Board doing all year round that it could not find a suitable, eyes – friendly publication? The impression that follows this scenario is that of a conscious attempt to cut costs. Unfortunately, this would be at the expense of some candidates’ performance. Any situation that tends to put the candidate at disadvantage should be avoided.
JAMB also got it wrong on the timeline for commencement of the exam. The slip admitting candidates for the exam clearly stated that they were to report at the various centres by 6:30am. The Labour Party 2023 presidential candidate, Mr Peter Obi, was therefore right in his indictful intervention on the matter. Obi’s faulting of the time schedule was justified. An official indication that a “compulsory” public event will kick off by 6:30am is invariably a recommendation for those concerned to be on the road much earlier. Ordinarily, that would pass for insensitivity on the part of the organisers. But to prescribe such time schedules under the prevailing insecurity situation in the country and for a programme involving youths and teenagers is reckless and dangerous. What attitude could be more uncaring of responsibility to society? In suggestive admission of the scandalous time fixture, JAMB spokespersons denied the 6: 30am directive, emphasising that the exam proper started at 8am. It was difficult deciding which was more ridiculous; the barefaced lies about not having communicated 6:30am to candidates or 8am exam crap; or the bungled opportunity of candour and apology. It was a low moment for the organisation. Did it not bother the management what candidates who began accreditation by 6:30am and exams by 7.00am would think of these deceptions? What lessons would these manipulations teach them about sense of public service in their country? Again, JAMB wanted to curtail expenditure by shrinking the number of days the exams would run. And again, this was to be achieved at the detriment of quality. The exam dash embarked upon by JAMB would explain the early morning schedules and exploitation of candidates whose computer systems developed problems. There were reportedly no redress if the system hung for thirty minutes or an hour. In effect, the exams in some respect, became a crash programme focused on completing a task rather than upholding set standards.
Mercifully, JAMB’s admission of responsibility for the controversial mass failure came as this essay was about being completed. JAMB Registrar Professor Ishaq Oloyede’s press conference of Wednesday, May 14, 2025, was a display of humanity and humility so rare in Nigeria’s public affairs. His sense of accountability was in sharp contrast to the officialdom of May 9 when the candidates and Nigerians were taken for granted. The regret expressed over result analysis errors came across as sincere and I think most Nigerians would accept the apology. Although some harm has been done, the opportunity of resit for affected candidates should mitigate the extent of loss. What remains is for the JAMB authorities to internalise the lessons surrounding this chain of events in achieving better performance subsequently. And let our public officials, in high and low offices, take inspiration from this hopefully born – again experience to make themselves servants of the people dedicated to the common interest.
There is, it seems, no limit to the extent the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Commission, FCCPC, is prepared to go in its dance of shame with MultiChoice Nigeria, owners of DStv and GOtv. This time, it is wheedling the legally unwary by spinning an otherwise straightforward court ruling to wit: While the FCCPC has investigative powers under its establishing Act, it lacks the authority to fix or suspend prices unless specifically delegated by the President through a gazette.
It was an unambiguous, explicit, clear-cut and unequivocal judgement.
Of course, no such presidential instrument as required by law was presented to the court. And there couldn’t have been any because President Bola Tinubu was emphatic in disavowing price control during his first media chat on December 23, 2024. Asked if his government would consider travelling the “price control” route in order to mitigate the prevailing cost-of-living crunch, his answer was emphatic: “I don’t believe in price control. We just continue to supply the market, we work hard to supply the market.”
Justice James Omotoso of the Federal High Court, Abuja echoed the same sentiment last Thursday when he ruled that the FCCPC lacks the power to interfere in the pricing decisions of private companies in a free market economy. He held that under Section 88 of the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Act, only the President can regulate prices.
But in affirming MultiChoice’s right to set prices for its goods and services, Justice Omotoso also dismissed the company’s suit against the regulator’s intervention in its recent subscription price hike, a fact that FCCPC is latching on in its dance of shame, spinning the judgement.
Justice Omotoso ruled that MultiChoice’s suit constituted an abuse of court process as a similar case was pending in Lagos, stressing that the firm should have pursued its arguments there. The fact that it failed to do so, the court held, rendered the filing in Abuja inappropriate. Simply put, Justice Omotoso struck out MultiChoice’s suit against the FCCPC only on procedural grounds.
What the Judge didn’t say, however, is the fact that not only is a similar proceeding pending in a Lagos court, indeed, as far back as 2015, two lawyers – Osasuyi Adebayo and Oluyinka Oyeniji – approached a Federal High Court sitting in Lagos to challenge MultiChoice’s right to increase prices and lost, with the court ruling that they were not obliged to use MultiChoice’s services.
That judgement had not been vacated when the FCCPC, in its desperation to ratchet up the pressure, sued MultiChoice and its Managing Director, John Ugbe, in March for allegedly violating regulatory directives, obstructing an ongoing inquiry and engaging in conduct deemed violations of the provisions of the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Act (FCCPA) 2018. But the Judge recalled that in 2022, the Competition and Consumer Protection Tribunal, ruled that MultiChoice, a luxury, non-essential commodity provider, has a right to increase its prices while Nigerians have a choice to opt for other Pay TV platforms.
It is this clear-cut ruling that FCCPC is spinning, orchestrating media headlines such as, “Subscription Hike: FCCPC Floors MultiChoice” and “Court affirms Commission’s Power to Investigate Exploitation.” That is a deliberate misinterpretation of the judgement designed to deceive.
Now, what is the issue?
Citing inclement economic climate and surging operational costs, MultiChoice, on March 1, 2025, implemented a less than 25 per cent subscription price hike, which is far less than the inflationary pressures exacerbated by sundry volatilities in the economy. Yet, it is enough to put it in FCCPC’s crosshairs.
To be sure, Nigerians, facing significant economic challenges, are barely surviving and any tariff hike makes it worse. But businesses are not faring any better. Firms that hitherto posted robust balance sheets year-on-year are going bust, literally. Some that could no longer stand the heat fled. In 2023 alone, industry giants, including GSK, Sanofi-Aventis Nigeria Ltd, Unilever Nigeria Plc., Procter & Gamble Nigeria, and Bolt Food, bolted. A company facing higher costs must either pass some of them to consumers or degrade its services or go under.
Standing between the devil and the deep blue sea, businesses that have decided to weather the storm rather than flee are hiking tariffs to remain afloat. MultiChoice is one of them. But it is not the only one. In January, the Nigerian Communications Commission, NCC, approved a 50 per cent tariff increase for telecommunications operators in Nigeria in order to address rising operational costs and ensure sustainability.
Long before those operators hitched a ride on the price hike wagon, many other companies were already on board with price adjustments in excess of 100 per cent. For instance, in 2024, Nigerian Breweries hiked prices of its products thrice. In 2023, StarTimes raised its rates twice. The first was by 33 per cent in May, while the second was by another 25 per cent in August. Streaming giants, Netflix, also announced a review of its prices with effect from April 1, 2024. Earlier, International Breweries, citing escalating cost of doing business, increased prices across its product portfolio. Another brewing giant, Guinness Nigeria Plc., also announced a new price regime.
Curiously, while these other organisations are given a free pass even with higher percentage hikes, MultiChoice is always singled out for sanction. So, why is it a crime for MultiChoice to charge market-reflective rates for its services when it is not for others?
If protecting consumers is truly FCCPC’s goal, then its enforcement must be consistent and fair. Singling out one player while turning a blind eye to others undermines the very principle of consumer protection. Worse, it erodes trust in the Commission. As Justice Omotosho rightly pointed out, not only is MultiChoice’s right to a fair hearing serially savaged, the Commission’s unholy antics smacks of selective enforcement.
For the avoidance of doubt, Justice Omotoso, in his well-considered judgement, raised many fundamental issues.
The court held, and rightly so, that a pay-tv is not an essential service and consumers can choose to subscribe or not or even switch providers by using free-to-air channels or stream on YouTube. Thus, no one is trapped because the market offers alternatives.
Justice Omotosho equally dismissed FCCPC’s claim that MultiChoice held a dominant market position, calling the argument untenable. For him, Nigeria being a free market economy means service providers such as MultiChoice have the right to set their prices.
More importantly, the Judge harped on a very fundamental issue, which tragically seems to be lost on FCCPC: attempts to fix prices by regulatory bodies could scare off investors and harm an already struggling economy.
MultiChoice has made significant contributions to Nigeria’s economy. From its humble beginnings of about 30 employees, the company presently sustains over 30,000 Nigerian jobs, directly and indirectly. While other companies are closing shop, exiting or downsizing, MultiChoice is still creating value – investing, hiring and stabilising the fragile economies of most families.
So, at a time of historic unemployment, does it make sense to hound one of the few remaining businesses that are standing by the country and its longsuffering people? Besides, more than any other business – public or private – MultiChoice plays a larger-than-life role in promoting the country’s cultures and projecting its soft power.
To be sure, the antagonism and campaign of calumny against MultiChoice is tantamount to success in a difficult business environment becoming a burden? MultiChoice is not a monopoly. It is just the most resilient competitor in a tough market. Not only that, those who talk about monopoly and absence of choice conveniently ignore the fact that the company offers tiered packages from N4,400 to N44,500, which means that there is a bouquet for every pocket and no one is forced to buy what he cannot afford.
It is disingenuous to equate success to monopoly. Truth be told, by sheer dint of hard work, MultiChoice became the dominant actor in the industry because over the years, rather than quitting, it stayed put to build infrastructure, content pipelines, measures that ultimately engendered trust and patronage. Any other company that does same will get the same result. Market dominance is earned, not gifted.
What Justice Omotoso’s ruling exposes is FCCPC’s regulatory overreach in its dealings with MultiChoice with an unambiguous message: it is high time this dance of shame stopped. MultiChoice should be allowed to do its business within the ambit of the law without let or hindrance.
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The French establishment is, again, sowing the seeds of violence in Africa. As it is traditional with France, it will water such seeds, nurture them until they are ripe for harvest.
In its latest genetically-modified violence-seed planting, France in May, 2025 set aside 150 million Euro through its French Development Agency to plant violence in Western Sahara. The fund is to enable the parochial-minded Moroccan Monarchy to recolonise its neighbour.
The French mission is simple. It is aware that Western Sahara, otherwise known as the Saharawi Arab Democratic Republic, SADR, which has been a member of the OAU/AU since February 22, 1982, will resist the Moroccan re-colonisation moves. Then war will break out and France will sell arms and maintain Moroccan loyalty while also generously stealing the resources of Western Sahara, including its phosphate and fisheries. That way, the French establishment which, for centuries, is not used to an honest living, would continue its parasitic nature: living off the resources and sweat of underdeveloped countries.
It was primarily for this reason it engaged in the slave trade and became one of the bloodiest and most remorseless colonialists in world history.
The 1825 Independence Tax France imposed on Haiti, for daring to end slavery and become independent, led to the underdevelopment of that country. It also resulted in it becoming a failed state 200 years later.
Africa suffered severely as a result of France’s duplicitous role in the Second World War. In that war, led by its First World War hero, Marshall Henri Philippe Petain, France first fought on the side of Hitler-Germany from 1940-1944. When Germany began to lose that war, the anti-German wing led by Charles De Gaulle, swung France fully to the side of the allies. While fighting on both sides of World War II, France used Africans in its colonies as canon fodders.
Criminally, after the war, France carried out massacres of African soldiers that had fought in its ranks against Hitler. On December 1, 1944, Black African soldiers who fought in the French West Africa army, were massacred at the Thiaroye Barracks, Dakar. The men had been part of the about 120,000 Africans captured by Germany in the 1940 Battle of France. Eighty per cent were from North Africa, and the rest from West Africa. They had been held as prisoners of war, POWs, by Germany which in May and June, 1940, summarily executed between 1,000 and 1,500 of these Black prisoners.
On their release four years later, and return to Africa, they complained that their demobilisation benefits, statutory advance payments and savings made during their incarceration, remained unpaid, and that the living conditions in the barracks were very poor.
Declassified documents were to reveal that even before the African war veterans left France, the French authorities, claiming falsely that Hitler gave the African POWs special treatment to spite it, had decided to eliminate them. When therefore these veterans protested in Dakar, the French military moved in with deadly weapons and shot 300 – 400 of them dead. However, the French military officially claimed that it killed only 70, while agreeing that hundreds were injured.
It was not until the eve of the 80th Commemoration of that massacre in 2024, did France under President Emmanuel Macron acknowledge the massacre. It should be noted that France made the acknowledgement in the face of demands by the new principled Senegalese government of Bassirou Diomaye Faye, and the loss of French power in West Africa following the expulsion of its military in countries like Burkina Faso, Niger and Mali.
France, in 1945, carried out similar massacres in Setif and Guema in Algeria. The African soldiers who had returned from fighting in the French military led protests for independence. This was violently suppressed and the Algerians reacted in violent confrontations that led to the death of some French settlers.
France reacted by sending well-armed troops into the streets of Algeria. As France simply massacred the Algerians, keeping no known records, the extent of the killings are unknown but are estimated at between 5,000 – 45,000 Algerians. This turned out to be a tiny figure as in the subsequent Algerian struggle for independence, France massacred some two million Algerians.
After WW II, France developed the type of atomic bombs the United States had used to wipe out most of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Given its knowledge that these were highly radioactive bombs, France decided not to test the bombs in its territory or any part or Europe, but in Africa!
The Evil Empire from February 13, 1960 tested at least four atmospheric atomic bombs in the Algerian desert. When Africans led by Ghanaian President Kwame Nkrumah protested against this wilful destruction of Africa, France was forced to stop the atmospheric tests, but went on to conduct 13 additional underground nuclear bomb tests in Africa devastating parts of North, Central and West Africa.
The radioactive effects caused mass blindness, leukaemia, cancers of the liver, skin and stomach, and also birth defects. In the immediate territories around the test sites, 27,000 – 60,000 Algerians were affected. As at 2023, radioactive dusts emanating from the test sites were still being detected across West Africa.
On October 2, 1958, France, confident of its vile grip on its colonies in West Africa, conducted a referendum asking them to choose either complete independence or partial independence within a so-called French Community. France was so livid that Guinea voted for full independence, that it decided to physically wreck the country before leaving. These included uprooting sewage and water pipes, roads, immediate withdrawal of all French professionals, including medical personnel, unscrewing light bulbs and destroying life-saving medicines.
However, on the long run, it was a better deal for Guinea because even after independence, France continued to rule the subservient ‘Francophone’ countries. This included forcing them, until a few years ago, to deposit their earnings in the French Central Bank from which it scooped $500 billion annually. Until now, 14 West and Central African countries still spend the French Franc which even France had stopped using in 2002 when it adopted the Euro.
France also has the infamous distinction of executing the first military coup in West Africa with the January 13, 1963 overthrow of Prime Minister Gilchrist Olympio of Togo. The latter was executed at the gates of the US Embassy in Lome by French gendarmes led by Sergeant Etienne Eyadema.
In August 2023, France almost succeeded in luring the Economic Community of West African States, ECOWAS, to invade Niger Republic following the July 26, 2023 coup in that country. This directly led to the split of ECOWAS.
Does this sound like demonising France? No. Africans say you cannot claim not to be a thief if you are always in possession of stolen goods.
It has been traumatic for my entire family since that video started making the rounds. I sneaked a slight view. It’s our trial. It’s my trial. Ishaq Oloyede is genuine. He is most sincere. He is modestly so as well. For us, however, Allah knows best.
I was with a trader in the afternoon of what I considered a dark Wednesday, the 14th of May 2025. “Se bi won ni JAMB o get mo bayi…”. I had to cut in immediately. Which JAMB? “Madam, that’s one person I will vouch, and vouch for…zero tolerance for corruption. Absolutely responsible with a high level of consciousness for the good of others. If certain things went wrong at JAMB, I agree it’s his responsibility to carry all pleasant and other burdens, but just know that the bad side of the operations may as well be sabotage. I have absolute trust in that man. Ask my own colleagues about me, but Oloyede is my own hero, somebody I have known for more than 40 years…”
This is by no means a reductionist disposition to the tragedy induced by the so-called computer glitch. May the Almighty God, in His infinite mercy, console the parents of the candidate reported to have committed suicide. May God strengthen them to survive this gloomy phase of their lives and sustain them to reap bounteous compensation that will endure in their lives. It’s hard, so hard to pull tragedies of this magnitude. I personally feel for these parents.
The said computer glitch thing, may we never fall victim to it. Those who work for big organisations requiring a large layout of ICT operations know what I’m talking about. Rather than being solutionist, IT facilities can be unimaginably problematic sometimes, yet indispensable in this civilisational dispensation. This is not doubting deliberate sabotage, as may have happened in the case of JAMB. I’ve been part of Oloyede’s JAMB journey to attest to his commitment to offer his best for the otherwise sinking board.
Far from being cosmetically exhibitionist, the Oloyede-led JAMB team led the education minister, Tunji Alausa, round the critical facilities of JAMB during the just concluded examination. Alausa saw firsthand, like never before elsewhere in this country, how far JAMB had gone in its strive for transparency and real-time monitoring of the conduct of examinations nationwide. Alausa, beyond being in awe, sought to make the JAMB effect spread immediately to other examination bodies.
On the same day, the WAEC team came to JAMB and made it into the situation room, which was my own duty post. The NECO team followed suit afterwards, both duly led around by the sturdy lead IT consultant who’s been reliably there from Oloyede’s assumption of duty, Damilola Bamiro. Far richer, given that they charge more for their exams, the duo of WAEC and NECO were suddenly mandated to understudy the exam sector leader in Africa, which JAMB has become over time.
The staff of both WAEC and NECO suddenly had to undertake a professional excursion led through all the real-time monitoring screens and other digital facilities. It was obvious they marvelled at what they saw, revealing functional leader-subordinate synergy manifest in trendy output that the world can see and learn from.
But that may even seem the tip of the iceberg of the output of the hard work and commitment of the nation’s foremost icon of integrity in public service. A series of far more seemingly serious strides had been accomplished by Oloyede at JAMB. As a focused scholar, he ensures that every bit of the experience of the Board is treasured as worthy data to guide future actions and even subjects for further research.
Not even the agencies dedicated to emergency matters in Nigeria could have been as prompt as the Oloyede management on this ugly glitch saga. Once the complainants began ventilating into the public space, JAMB rose to the challenge without any predictably traditional arrogant stance of ‘government is always right’. I was aware that a particularly strident public critic and a former student leader at Obafemi Awolowo University, Adeola Soetan, commended the spokesperson for JAMB for excellent handling of public complaints.
Promptly, an independent team of investigators was set up to unravel the mystery leading to the rather depressing situation that now confronts us. The team, drawn from assorted but technically relevant constituencies, has found out that no fewer than 165 centres of over 800 exam centres nationwide were affected.
Obviously well prepared for whatever the outcome may turn out to be, he braced up to the challenge to embrace the surrender value to tell it to the world as it is. This trial is for all of us who believe and trust Oloyede. I am undoubtedly in this group. So much so that his public cry infected me… It was a patriot’s cry for his beloved country. Like me, a former Law don at LASU, Dr Kilani, wasn’t any less affected as demonstrated in a quick note to me: “I write to associate myself with the pain, sorrow and emotion of our own Professor Oloyede. I could not hold my tears seeing him cry. May Almighty Allah see him through. May we all not be put to shame…”
But then came a soothing message from Gbade Osunsoko, my cousin: “…He will come out of this much stronger because Nigerians will trust him far better than a number of our leaders.. A man that mistakes happen under him and takes responsibility – it’s a big deal in Nigeria.”
With Oloyede, young Nigerians with challenges regarding sight are no longer left to moan their fate endlessly, with adequate provision for their inclusion in the UTME. How many of our public facilities are this inclusion-conscious as stipulated by SDGs?
How come a legacy built through almost a decade at the very best cost ever possible will be made to crumble when the game-changer leader yet remains ever modest? JAMB has steadily risen through thick and thin to accomplish its tasks to the admiration of stakeholders nationally and internationally under Oloyede. Both NNPC and the Nigeria Police, being beneficiaries, can attest to the current competence of JAMB. How much more numerous other stakeholders nationwide never deemed to have any relevance to JAMB before Oloyede but have since become critical, if not indispensable players?
But why this sudden, saddening encounter threatening our joy of service without blemish? Why this unforeseen truncation of a good story, so intentional, coming from Africa? Whodunnit? Surely the truth shall come out for the world to perceive and asses,s and get to appreciate the efforts and the quantum of commitment appropriated to the JAMB excellence project driven by Oloyede.
One cannot but be deeply concerned. Before the very eyes of a few of us carefully selected to give support from our respective professional perspectives from the very beginning, Professor Oloyede’s concern for genuine growth and development was real. It is still real and increasingly so, as a matter of fact. Indeed, inimitable. It shall be well.
Tunde Akanni, PhD, is a Professor of Journalism and Development Communications a the Lagos State University, LASU.
The last time I was approached by a television reporter to comment on the life and times of Chief Ayo Adebanjo, my initial response was that I could not think of any aspect of his public life that has not been adequately covered in the interlude between his earthly passage and the burial rites. Besides, the deceased himself had written an autobiography on the occasion of his 90th birthday.
On further reflection I recalled his unlikely rapport with President Olusegun Obasanjo in his latter years. The open secret was the lifelong mutual antipathy between the two. Following the 1979 presidential election and the alleged bias of the former President against the candidacy of Chief Obafemi Awolowo (to whom Adebanjo was fanatically committed) a prior article of faith among the followers of Awolowo was the capacity to hold Obasanjo in virulent disdain.
To nonplussed inquiries about this improbable camaraderie, Adebanjo responded with the explanation that he had nothing personal against Obasanjo. He said the latter had transcended his anti-federalist status quo ideology to embrace the policy platform of the restoration of federalism aka restructuring.
I have recalled this antecedence to illustrate the concept of ‘Politics As A Vocation’ as propounded by the German sociologist, Max Weber. He proposed that the ‘pursuit of power often requires compromises and strategic decisions that may conflict with one’s moral beliefs. He restated this conflict as amounting to the distinction between the “ethics of conviction” (principle-driven, idealistic motives) and the “ethics of responsibility” (pragmatic, outcome-oriented consideration).
Weber argued that effective politicians must balance both ethical approaches; they should adhere to their convictions while also being mindful of the consequences of their actions.
In his response to the first World War and how it impacted the distressed German society, Weber characterised the effective politician as one who is capable of striking a judicious balance between the two ethics . Such politicians are generally located in the midstream of the ideological spectrum and are spatio temporal specific. As such they are commonsensical and non- doctrinaire. I have identified three historical statesmen whose careers have met the bar that Weber has erected, namely Abraham Lincoln, Nelson Mandela and Obafemi Awolowo. The first two, Lincoln and Mandela, are world historical figures. Localized to Nigeria, the third is of a less grandiose pedestal.
On his embrace of Democratic socialism, Awolowo, for instance,once argued. ‘In a country like Nigeria, the adoption of socialism had to be gradual. My belief in socialism as an ideal has not been based on the writings of Marx or Lenin. The methods of attaining socialism can differ from place to place. The mistake many people make is that they take the methods for the ideal itself. In Russia they had to use violence because there was no other way of supplanting those in power. Dictatorship was all right in Russia, because they had not known any democracy in all their history. The same thing evolved in China. China had these war-lords who had their own dominions and past emperors were ruthless in dealing with the masses. Now you cannot say the same of Nigeria. There are no homeless people in Nigeria.
The London Spectator said of his second Inaugural address. “We cannot read it without a renewed conviction that it is the noblest political document known to history, and should have for the nation and the statesmen he left behind something of a sacred and almost prophetic character”.
In its historical applicability, it is difficult not to suspect that Weber had Abraham Lincoln in mind when he penned the essay.
Abraham Lincoln
In the Lincoln archetype, we found a near perfect congruence between theory and practice. In his unique charismatic pedagogy, he pondered . “At this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office, there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. Then a statement, somewhat in detail, of a course to be pursued, seemed fitting and proper. Now, at the expiration of four years, little that is new could be presented”.
“One eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the Union, but localized in the Southern part of it. These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew that this interest was, somehow, the cause of the war. To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the Union, even by war; while the government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. Neither party expected for the war, the magnitude, or the duration, which it has already attained”.
Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with, or even before, the conflict itself should cease. Each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding. Both read the same Bible, and pray to the same God; and each invokes His aid against the other. It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just God’s assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men’s faces; but let us judge not that we be not judged. The prayers of both could not be answered; that of neither has been answered fully. The Almighty has his own purposes. “Woe unto the world because of offences! for it must needs be that offences come; but woe to that man by whom the offence cometh!”
“If we shall suppose that American Slavery is one of those offences which, in the providence of God, must needs come, but which, having continued through His appointed time, He now wills to remove, and that He gives to both North and South, this terrible war, as the woe due to those by whom the offence came, shall we discern therein any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a Living God always ascribe to Him?
Fondly do we hope–fervently do we pray–that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away. Yet, if God wills that it continue, until all the wealth piled by the bond-man’s two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash, shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said “the judgments of the Lord, are true and righteous altogether”
Mandela
Of Nelson Mandela, Peter Pham of the New Atlanticist wrote :”It was the example he left with his broad vision and pragmatic approach that will perhaps be his lasting legacy to those who follow. In 1988, he secretly offered to open negotiations with the apartheid regime. In Mandela, the greatness of soul that dreamed large was matched by a wisdom of mind directed to political realism. That grandeur is a rare combination, one which those who would be his heirs in South Africa and elsewhere on the continent will need to aspire to if they are to ever realize the vision of Madiba.
On the extreme right, Mandela was widely labelled a terrorist by prominent political figures in the Western world for his embrace of political violence. According to Thatcher, for instance, the ANC was “a typical terrorist organisation”.The US government’s State and Defense departments officially designated the ANC as a terrorist organisation, resulting in Mandela remaining on their terrorism watch-list until 2008.
On the left, some voices in the ANC accused him of selling out for agreeing to enter negotiations with the apartheid government and for not implementing the reforms of the Freedom Charter during his presidency.
Obafemi Awolowo
On the occasion of the 50th birthday anniversary of Chief Obafemi Awolowo, his deputy, Chief Ladoke Akintola had this to say. “To Chief Awolowo, passivity is a bane and inaction an anathema. How could it be otherwise to a life which thrives on industry and to a man with fanatical faith in hard work? That was why he made himself a terror to the demagogues and Mountebanks who, with neither a chart nor a rudder believed that they could steer the Nigerian ship of state to its destination….No pilot has a clearer vision and none a keener sense of mission than Chief Awolowo…In the political changes which took place in Nigeria from 1947 onwards, Dr. Azikiwe has been spasmodic and casual; Sir Ahmadu Bello has been leisurely and care-free; but Awolowo has been constant and calculating…
“To know Chief Awolowo as a man is to respect him. It has been my pride and pleasure to know him. He is by every standard a genius. His unimpeachable character, his faith in God, his confidence in his fellowmen, his personal devotion to duty and his
loyalty…have conspired together to make him a great pillar of strength. He never lets a friend down…As a political leader, Chief Awolowo is miles ahead of his colleagues. His sincerity of purpose, his democratic leadership and inspiring example are yet to be equaled by any of the leaders of other major political parties in the country…Awolowo is the nearest approximation to Mahatma Gandhi. He is a good blend of Gandhi’s philosophy and Nehru’s dynamism and the only hope for democracy in Africa”.
Although this eulogy was a mocking backdrop to the scorched earth intensity of the fractional struggle that ensued three years later between the two leaders. After making sufficient provision for the flattery and permissible exaggeration, there is the element of honesty and extenuating validity in Akintola’s eulogy.
In Weberian tradition, it is the case that the conception of the professional politician almost always overlaps with charismatic leadership (based on personal qualities and the ability to inspire) and can be used as cause and effect explanations of cultural and social changes.
There were also Prophet Mohammed, Buddha, Alexander, Ho chi minh, Winston Churchill, Nnamdi Azikiwe, J.F Kennedy, Barack Obama, Adolf Hitler, Martin Luther King, Oduduwa, Chairman Mao etc The greatest of them all is the Jesus archetype. who became man in order to partake of man’s imperfections and vulnerabilities. Who had to experience humanity in order to become a perfect vessel and bearer for the consequences of the fall of man.
But now you have been united with Christ Jesus. Once you were far away from God, but now you have been brought near to him through the blood of Christ. In Jesus Christ we found a perfect reconciliation of “the ethics of conviction with the ethics of responsibility”
Dr. Abdullahi Ganduje, the national chairman of APC, does not see anything wrong in a one-party state and from his body language he will not mind if all parties in this country collapse their structures and move over to the APC. Addressing State House correspondents last week Friday upon emerging from a meeting with President Bola Tinubu, he waved off concerns about the country’s political drift towards one-party state and of course, inexorably to dictatorship.
When a country moves in the direction of one-party state, it is the same story, the same hollow argument, the same old hat by its advocates: “One-party system reflected the basic consensus of African society”. (Mbah, 2007: 365). He goes on: “The one-party system was a drug which exacerbated the very disease it was taken to heal even though the ‘men’ behind it in Africa argued that the system was beneficial in order to control regional or ethnic divisions and curtail factionalism. The system became, in effect, another veritable tool in the hand of pushing back the advance of democracy and entrenching dictatorship.”
Dictatorship by its nature and practice brooks no opposition and is intolerant of alternative viewpoints. In no time opposition, though, may be cowed, begins to plan the fall of the regime. The dictator, not folding its arms, seeks to infiltrate the ranks of the opposition, some seduced and some murdered in the strongman’s bid to cling to power.
Former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, now of blessed memory, did say: “Power is an aphrodisiac, a sort of scintillating elixir, both to the person in power and his admirers.” Consequently, long-drawn instability in all its ramifications ensues. That has been the experience everywhere there is dictatorship.
Professor Jude Chibuzo Udenkwo of Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka, says: “The political tendency among executives or Heads of African States is to cling to power for a long time, even throughout their life-time.” He adds: “Modern dictators have survived by surrounding themselves with elite groups that are composed mainly of allies that were involved in the initial struggle for power. Insulating oneself with the cadre of ‘yes men’ is one part as the other is keeping up with their rents. These rents can present themselves mostly in the forms of ill-acquired wealth and influential government position. Comrades of a dictator have a lot to lose if their valued leader is overthrown. Consequently, they will go out of their way to ensure that the status quo remains.”
Tendency towards one-party state is never wanting in salesmen. We are already being told that the defections to APC does not pose any danger to the Nigerian polity and by extension to Nigerians and the presentation is smooth. Senate Leader Opeyemi Bamidele commenting on the defection by Kebbi Senators said by accommodating defectors, the Tinubu Administration is creating a government of national unity. He went on: “We will not close our doors to anyone intending to join the party and will not discriminate on the basis of religion, ethnicity or any other factor.”
Senator Adams Oshiomhole, one-time activist and for many years Labour leader before becoming a governor does not see the defection as dangerous to our democracy. He said on television that the defections do not diminish the role of debate or dissent within the National Assembly, as lawmakers typically vote on issues, not along party lines. “If you ‘ve been following debates in the Senate, sometimes you can’t even tell whether someone is from the PDP or APC based on their positions.” Oshiomhole’s response came on the heals of the increased numerical strength of APC in the Senate to 68, bringing it close to two-thirds majority. After citing examples of democratic systems in the Western world, he said, “If I see conflict between party interest and national interest, I will have no difficulty resolving it in favour of Nigeria.”
For Ganduje, he sees the switch by the senators in question as part of a democratic process. He said the defection is the result of extensive negotiations among stakeholders in the state “and it is part of APC’s broader strategy to strengthen its base. This is a good development in Nigeria today. Almost every week in the Senate and House of Representatives, you see members of other political parties decamping to our party.” He went on to say that his party’s strategy to expand both its members and the quality of its membership is in line with democratic principles. Referring to China as a successful one-party state, He said his party is not actively working to eliminate opposition. He said if one-party state is a wish of Nigeria, why not? He believes, come to think of it, one-party state could be a blessing to Nigeria after all. However, “if other political parties see the effect of the positive governance of our party and decide to come to our party willingly, I think there is nothing wrong with that. Too many political parties spoil governance.”
The question is: Why do we not encourage other parties to stand solidly on their feet to provide alternative platforms and sell your own party to the electors only on the superiority of programmes, rather than encouraging their collapse. The grundnorm expects a legislator to vacate his seat and report back to his constituents who may decide to keep him in the hallowed legislative chambers or elect someone else. But everywhere the provision in the constitution is disregarded and life goes on with the defector beating his chest. The party to apply the law is the beneficiary. The fixation is on 2027 and not on propriety and the sense of shame. Impunity does not gnaw at the recess of anyone’s heart.
Abuse of power is one of the results of a one-party state. Checks and balances could be in disarray. Even in a monolithic society, one-party state stifles freedom of thought and speech. Competition is not given free reign. The arbitrariness inherent in one-party state breeds revolt, parochialism and nepotism, plunging the society into chaos and confusion. And so does blurred vision.
Will a one-party state be healthy for a plural society such as Nigeria? Some City Fathers are already takimg a cue putting or imposing their children on emerging dynasties to go to legislative houses. Will a one-party state be good for Nigeria with her diverse cultures and different cognitive levels undergirded by inner maturity, the lack of which is the bane of mankind today. Everything is about power, influence and public acknowledgement.
Indeed, it is to hold the world together in peace and harmony as well as for what can make for development that viable options, even if they are tentative in the long run, are being considered. The world has been in disarray since the abuse of the age of the Divine Right of Kings. The right is observable in many cultures till this day.
The recorded claim to ecclesiastical right is said to be traceable to the coronation of Charlemagne performed by the Pope on Christmas Day 800AD. The thesis that the kings were regents of the Almighty Creator and derived their authority from Him and to Him alone they were accountable held sway until what was described as Glorious Revolution in England (1688-1689), American Revolution (1775-1783) and French Revolution (1789). The revolutions drained the contention and attendant absolutism of life and mankind then devised their own ways of governing themselves. King James 1 of England (ruled 1603-1625) was reputed to be the foremost exponent of the doctrine holding tight to the pronouncement by Apostle Paul: “Let every person be subject to the governing authorities. For there is no authority except from God, and those that exist have been instituted by God. (Roman 13). God removes kings and sets them up. (Daniel 2:21). But what is the ordinance of the Almighty Creator for governance mechanism?
Were Paul and Daniel right? Is it conceivable that the Almighty, perfect as He has been and will be in all eternity, would send human spirits to this earth without providing them leaders who are to lead and guide them in their development, taking them from one step of development to the other?
According to revealed Creation Knowledge on earth today, leaders are born, not made, sent and not electable. We are now in the End-Time when the gale of purification will sweep all wrongs away, including the governmental systems devised by men. Today, the seeds of instability are being sown in the world in accordance with man’s severe limitedness, but the harvests cannot be prevented; they are certain in the future. Adamant, immutable are the Laws of His Holy Will.
THESE 84 YEARS AND THOSE TO FOLLOW
The original title of this address was THESE FIFTY YEARS AND THOSE TO FOLLOW. The address was given in 1991 by Adeyemi Lawson mostly to the large and extensive circles of his associates. I am reproducing it today in his honour on the occasion of his post-humus 101th birthday yesterday. It is, of course, in view of the relevance of the speech of a foremost industrialist and spiritual leader in the sinking of the world from the storms of purification sweeping through it.
On the 6th Day of December, we recall the passing away of the Bringer of the Grail Message—known by His Work as Abd-ru-shin. To many of us who have recognized His Voice, He is much more than ‘Abd-ru-shin.’ The immensity of the need of humanity for His Message is indescribable. The Love which permitted It to be mediated to us is unfathomable. How have we humanity received the Word? How do we as ones privileged to have some inkling of the significance of His Work reflect Its values? Fifty years hence, where shall we be? What are we doing with it? What would we be doing in consequence of the blessings of having come across His Word and being permitted to work with it? These are some of the questions which should stir within the inner recesses of our being, bringing forth answers candid and true; enabling us in humble and true recognition of our weaknesses, of our faults to propel ourselves into stronger efforts and prayerful longing for help and strength that we may truly fulfil as He would wish us do.
Our fellow mankind, as indeed of old, have not awakened by millions to stretch forth their arms in joyful recognition and acknowledgement of that which comes from the Light, raising their voices in gratitude and glorious praise of the ALMIGHTY FATHER, striving to see His Will also done here on earth as it is in Heaven. That, however, applies to us as well. During the past fifty years there have been a great number, both here on earth and in finer realms who joyfully work with this great Message to make it possible for us to be severally helped to the knowledge of the Truth. We joyfully came to the state of awareness which we claim to be recognition! Recognition? In absolute conviction? Do we not need even now to strive for that?
Be that as may, even that level of awareness of the value of the Message enkindled within us a longing to serve HIM who brought the Message and help further His Work on earth. Has that awakened longing remained as it was? There was a time when we felt like proclaiming His Message from hill tops. Today, many cross our paths without hearing of the Message. We put the blame on them. We convince ourselves, if not deceive ourselves, that they are not ready for the Message; that they have not asked for it, that they are too strongly engrossed in the material! We spell out all their failings which make it difficult for them to receive the Message. Let us remember the great distance which had to be traversed that He may bring us the Message. He did not remain in His Home and simply cry out into Creation hoping we would listen. Knowing that we have become too dense to hear and comprehend from that distance. He painfully traversed world upon worlds and came to us in Love and Holy Wisdom. He painfully spent a whole life learning to know more of us and our weaknesses that He may the better be able to help us. He spent yet another life struggling under painful earthly experience to give FORM to the LIVING Word for our comprehension. In selfless LOVE and with great patience has He brought us that far.
If only with a minute fraction of the effort and pain with which the Word was brought to us, we would also strive to pass it on to our fellow human beings! From now on, let us rather look for our own faults and weaknesses which make it so difficult to reach our fellow human beings and make them awaken to the knowledge of the Message being on earth. Let us drop all inhibitions which make it appear that we are anxious to conform with the norms of the society rather than speak of His Name and His Work.
Let us be counted amongst those who truly serve Him, even if at the beginning only a few will trickle in the mighty waves will later develop. Fifty years hence, wherever we may be at that time, how shall we react to the Rays which may touch us and demand: ‘What did you really do with the opportunity of being permitted to touch the Rays of Light bearing His Message?’’
Let us fervently remember this so that we may truly serve him aright. Today for us, a span of fifty years can lose its earthly perception of space and time and be like a flash of thought. Let us patiently and lovingly strive hard, and in all earnestness, to bring our fellow human beings to awareness of the existence of the Message on earth. It is not for us to judge but only to mediate and pass on courageously and in love that which we have received.
ADEYEMI LAWSON (DECEMBER 1991).