OTHERS' VIEWS

OTHERS' VIEWS

Though he may not like being in the headline of a newspaper, Dr Michael Olawale Omolayole will admit two things: He is a goldfish that has no hiding place, and his name will help draw attention to the colloquium on malaria that is taking place today in Ijebu-Imusin, his hometown.

The colloquium is midwifed by the Michael and Theresa Omolayole Centre for Community Development, a non-government organisation set up by Omolayole and his late wife, Theresa, for interventions in community development issues.

The colloquium, to be addressed by Prof. Oyeku Oyelami, specialist in paediatric and adolescent medicine, and Provost of Federal College of Medicine, Ila Oragun, Osun State, reflects the theme, “Malaria Ends with Us: Reinvest, Reimagine, and Reignite”, that marked Malaria Day of April 25, 2025.

Dr Titi Hassan, professor of zoology at of University of Ibadan, will respond to Oyelami’s submissions, and ophthalmic surgeon, Dr Kunle Hassan, proprietor of the White Shoe Eye Foundation Hospital, is the chairman.

 

 The 2025 Malaria Day global campaign is to re-energise efforts, from global to community level, to expeditiously eliminate malaria. Nigeria’s National Strategic Plan 2021-2025 is to achieve a malaria-free Nigeria, by keeping malaria parasite prevalence to less than 10 per cent and reducing mortality to less than 50 deaths in 1,000 live births by 2025.

According to Omolayole, the colloquium will provide “vital knowledge about the prevention and treatment of malaria, which is a dreaded disease in the whole of tropical Africa. It particularly affects and kills millions of children below the age of 5”.

Those old enough will remember that West Africa was described as a “White man’s graveyard” because yellow fever and malaria led to a high mortality rate of Europeans. Some suggest that Caucasian and Arab settlers chose temperate Southern and North Africa to escape the scourge of mosquitoes.

Hinting at his approval of alternative medicine, Omolayole revealed that Oyelami was in a position to “demonstrate… how some herbs and plants that surround us can help considerably in the matter (of battling malaria)”.

He adds that he had heard and read extensively “about neem (dongoyaro), lemon grass and oruwo plants” that are cheaper and more readily accessible for use to combat the devastating scourge of malaria fever.

By the way, ethnopharmacology, which Omolayole seems to be interested in promoting, is the study of what Western orthodox medicine practitioners prefer to derisively label as traditional medicines and their uses.

A more academically arrogant definition of alternative medicine is that it aims to achieve the healing effects of orthodox medicine, even though it lacks biological plausibility, testability, repeatability or evidence of effectiveness.

But, then, any form of medication, orthodox or alternative, must be taken with a pinch of salt. That is probably why doctors suggest that patients should always seek second opinions. Some have even suggested that patients could use orthodox and alternative medicine to complement each other.

Perhaps a more acceptable definition of alternative medicine is that it includes medical practices that are not considered to be part of conventional or orthodox medicine and focuses on holistic approaches, natural therapeutics and alternative systems of healing, many of which are backed by a long history of usage and cultures.

It is also important to stress that there is a need to ensure the safety of the medications and the qualification or expertise of those who will dispense the alternative medicine options, as it applies to the use of Western orthodox medicine.

In addition, the methods of alternative medicine are not taught by regular university medical schools. But it is obvious that alternative medicines have returned with a vengeance, to the extent that vendors of herbal medicines are sometimes allowed to hawk their remedies to patients even in the wards of some Nigerian medical teaching hospitals.

 

Perhaps the biggest blow to Big Pharma is that alternative medicine gives patients very easy access to exceedingly cheaper herbs. Alternative medicine includes herbal medication, acupuncture, homoeopathy, massage therapy, yoga and meditation and significantly reduces the need to pop pills that come with significant negative side effects.

The lobby for alternative medicine, or at least another approach to the use of medication, was taken to another level by Dr Stella Immanuel, a Cameroonian, who studied medicine at the University of Calabar in Cross River State of Nigeria.

She led an audacious crusade for the use of hydroxychloroquine to treat patients of the COVID-19 pandemic. Of course, America’s food and drug administration agency, in panic mode on behalf of Big Pharma, promptly shot the idea down with reports of “serious heart rhythm problems” and other ill-defined health issues.

But Dr Immanuel’s effrontery rang throughout the world as Donald Trump, in his first term as America’s President, seemed to have weighed in on her side. But Dr Anthony Fauci, Director of America’s National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, was on the side of orthodox Western medicine and the financially munificent Big Pharma lobby.

But the world took notice of the debate, and many in the metropolitan economies of North America and Western Europe and the peripheral economies of South America, Africa, Asia, and Central and Eastern Europe stampeded in droves to patronise outlets that sold herbal medicines to combat the dreaded Covid-19 grim reaper.

Two state governors in Nigeria, Nasir el-Rufai of Kaduna State and Seyi Makinde of Oyo State, publicly admitted to having been cured of COVID-19 after taking herbal medicine. Testimonies of the efficacy of herbal medicine thus suddenly became more fashionable.

Dr Olorunninbe Mamora, a medical doctor and Minister of State for Health to former President Muhammadu Buhari, even promised that the government would work with herbal medicine practitioners to find solutions to COVID-19.

However, the cynicism of the Western orthodoxy against alternative medicine is so high that the world may miss the little steps that are capable of delivering the great benefits of cheaper and less complicated drugs to the world.

Little do these Euro-American cynics know that South African botanist, Dr. Zimara Dubeni, found out that Moringa oleifera leaf extracts can enhance food safety, reduce synthetic additives and improve public health if used to preserve raw chicken meat that can otherwise breed foodborne diseases.

The intervention of the Omolayoles’ MATOCCODEV is timely, considering the recent report of a breakout of Lassa fever that has caused 138 deaths in 15 Nigerian states. To be sure, Lassa fever is somewhat different from malaria fever.

Lassa fever is a viral illness transmitted by rodents, and malaria fever is a parasitic infection that is spread by mosquitoes. Whereas symptoms of Lassa fever are headache, fatigue, and, sometimes, bleeding, vomiting and kidney issues, those of malaria fever are chills, sweats, and, when it really gets worse, include seizures, fainting, coma and even death.

Today, MATOCCODEV is going to be facilitating the sharing of knowledge on the prevention of malaria fever and distributing, for free, 25 units of treated mosquito nets that were popularised by Rotary International.

Omolayole expects that the colloquium will attempt to explain the nexus between orthodox medicine and herbal medicine that is considered to be more cost-effective and more readily available, especially in rural communities.

Maybe Nigeria’s healthcare policymakers should give more than passing attention to the malaria colloquium taking place at Ijebu-Imusin today.

One of the founding theses of public administration reform philosophy is that the dysfunction and reconstruction of the administrative system must be figured out both in theory and in practice, and public administration had therefore historically functioned within frameworks of communities of practice and service and their knowledge networks. And that, among other things, implies that theory and practice must first be seen as being two sides of the same coin rather than two mutually exclusive frameworks. When I made the decision so early in my public service career to study the theoretical foundations of the Nigerian public service system, it dawned on me that dissecting the dysfunctional dynamics of the public service system provokes theoretical insights by which to engage with these same dysfunctions.

However, the gross anti-intellectualism of the policy space in Nigeria contributes to one of the fundamental deficiencies in the institutional framework of the public service in Nigeria: a mix of conception-reality and passion without knowledge gaps that manifest in terms of a mismatch between theoretical and reform paradigms on the one hand, and local conditions, circumstances and realities on the other. Indeed, administrative reforms are conceived and implemented to a significant extent with scant recognition that public administration has a theoretical foundation that is way distinct from the theoretical assumptions of the core management science.

We therefore arrive at a most significant reason why the public service system has been struggling to constitute the institutional mechanism to backstop democratic governance and its dividends for Nigerians. If we take it as axiomatic that the bureaucracy is a necessary complement to democracy, then it implies that the public service must be in topnotch shape—in terms of human resource management, performance accountability and productivity metrics—to be able to deliver on the imperatives of good governance. The public service system in Nigeria has however been struggling with the necessity for institutional reform that will transform it into a worldclass mechanism that could serve the need of a developmental state and its democratic requirements.

Ultimately, the fate of the public service and its optimal functionality—its capacity readiness to service democratic governance anywhere—lies firmly in the type of theoretical questions we ask in terms of what should drive the practice of public administration. The big questions are fundamental questions that articulate the relationship between theory and practice, and provide the directions that enable theorists and practitioners to make sense of any endeavor. The big questions that public administration is confronted with help to shape how it grounds its frameworks, dynamics and paradigms, especially when applied to the working of the state and the imperatives of governance.

Three initial big questions have been offered that are meant to ground public management. One: how can public managers break away from non-innovative fixation with excess of procedural rules which prevent pubic agencies from achieving measurable result and outcome? In other words, how might we ignite the shift from current input-process fixation to an output-outcome-impact-results-based management framework? Two: how can public managers motivate their workforce to achieve more in performance terms? Three: how can public managers measure these achievements?

These how-questions underscore the capacity of the public manager and her capacity to facilitate the capacity readiness of the public bureaucracy. This approach, especially in public administration, focuses on the public managers and their objective of capacitating the public agencies as an organization with its own unique character. However, as the objection goes, such an approach is limited in its failure to connect the functionality of the public bureaucracy or agency to the institutional demands of a democratic government. Public administration in a democracy is a whole ballgame all by itself. Once we see the intimate connection between public administration and a democracy, then we immediately see how there is a need for new set of big and fundamental questions that will adequately guide public administration practice within a democratic context.

Seven of such questions have been provided in the literature. “(1) What are the instruments of collective action that remain responsible both to democratically elected officials and to core societal values? (2) What are the roles of nongovernmental forms of collective action in society, and how can desired roles be protected and nurtured? (3) What are the appropriate tradeoffs between governmental structures based on function (which commonly eases organizational tasks) and geography (which eases citizenship, political leadership, and societal learning)? (4) How shall tensions between national and local political arenas be resolved? (5) What decisions shall be “isolated” from the normal processes of politics so that some other rationale can be applied? (6) What balance shall be struck among neutral competence, representativeness, and leadership? (7) How can processes of societal learning be improved, including knowledge of choices available, of consequences of alternatives, and of how to achieve desired goals, most importantly, the nurturing and development of a democratic polity?”

Unfortunately, it is not just sufficient to align public administration and public management to the imperatives of democratic government, as these seven questions by John Kirlin of the University of South California has attempted to do. A further criterion is missing. And this, because the experience of public administration and democracy differs from context to context. The contextual criterion ensures that the fundamental big questions we need to ask will be those that will take seriously the peculiarities and uniqueness of the context within which public administration will be expected to interact and backstop democratic governance. This is even more so in the Nigerian context where public administration and democratic government must factor postcolonial circumstances into the type of fundamental questions they are meant to engage with.

The Nigerian state, since its post-independence trajectory, has generated its own unique experience of public administration. This can be framed in terms of the myriad attempts at achieving institutional reform of the public service system inherited from the British colonialists. The commencement of the democratic experiment in 1999 puts a new spin on the urgency of bending public administration to the demands of democratic governance that will transform the quality of life of millions of Nigerians who have been promised the dividends of democracy. How then can we articulate the fundamental questions that should guide our understanding of the relationship between public administration and democratic governance in Nigeria? What are the critical issues that the government, its bureaucracy and public administration theorists ought to make the core of their reflective endeavor?
In what follows, I frame seven of such big questions in line with my many years of theoretically and practically engaging with the perils and promises of the public service as a mechanism for democratic fulfilment in Nigeria.

One: How can public managers break away from non-innovative fixation with excess of procedural rules and regulations that prevent public agencies from producing results and outcomes that translate to better life to the people in a democracy? This question speaks to the centrality of the “I-am-directed” Weberian tradition and the centrality of the input and process-oriented business model that undermine the output-oriented model which demands performance, efficiency, productivity.

Two: ⁠How can the public service resolve the seemingly jinxed pay and remuneration policy problem which has prevented the public service from achieving an excellent talent management regime that enables attraction and retention of talented professionals and some of the scarce skills the service requires to perform at optimal levels? This is a question that stems from government’s loss of status as the employer of choice which in turn has eroded civil service’s prestige as a brand, as well as the inability of the public bureaucracy to attract and retain the brightest and the best while managing adversarial industrial relation that undergirds employer-employee contractual obligations.

Three; ⁠How can public managers measure the achievements of their agencies in a way that is game-changing for performance of government and the productivity of the national economy? The success of democratic governance in Nigeria is aligned to the urgent need for a shift in the productivity paradigm that ensures that the public service system becomes motivated by a performance management that increases the productivity profile of the Nigerian state.

Four: ⁠How can the nature and role of the state be sustainably redefined and how to leverage same to organize and utilize government resources to better achieve the collective good? The nature and the role of the state keeps changing in relation to its governance responsibility. And this demands that the success of public administration is seen in terms of the state’s relationship to other non-state and nongovernmental actors that are stakeholders in the governance space.

Five: ⁠How can the public service regain public trust and foster social equity within framework of stewardship relationship with the people in a democracy? This question addresses the modalities by which the public service system function as a democratic institution that is transparent, accountable and open to the citizens as the most significant component of a democratic government.

Six; How should NGOs be empowered so they can play more positive role in society and in getting public policy to achieve the common good, and how can their desired roles be better protected? NGOs, as a nonstate actor, opens up the governance space (hitherto dominated by government and its agencies), and serve as the critical mediator between the government and the citizens.

Seven: ⁠How can the public service strike a balance between the values of being neutral and non-partisan as basis for strengthening professional ethics and the public servants’ capacity to speak truth to power? The founding dichotomy in public administration—the politics/administration distinction—insists that the politician and the administration must operate on different level of the policy divide. However, this dichotomy must be balanced with the capacity of the public servant to confront and engage with policy somersaults that fails the test of policy intelligence and action research.

These big questions constitute core issues which the public administration profession in Nigeria must foreground as the central reflective points for rethinking the functionality of the public service in Nigeria’s quest for democratic distinction on the continent.

*Olaopa, a Professor of Public Administration, is the Chairman of the Federal Civil Service Commission, Abuja

There has been a lot of brouhaha over the 2025 Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination (UTME) results. Over 2 million candidates registered for the examination, and about 1.94 million sat for it. Over 75% (1.5 million+) scored below 200. This development has not gone down well with parents and candidates who took to social media to express outrage.

 

However, according to Prof. Ishaq Oloyede, the performance data for the 2025 UTME falls within the expected range based on trends from the past 12 years. “This is not peculiar to this year. The performance statistics are consistent with those of the last 12 years,” Oloyede stated. He cited previous years to support his claim, noting that in 2024, 76 per cent of candidates scored below 200, while in 2022, 78 per cent of the 1.7 million candidates also fell below that mark. In 2021, only 803 out of 1.3 million candidates scored above 300.

The 2025 UTME has become one of the most controversial in recent history, not just due to the number scoring below 200, but because of the complaints revolving around the efficiency of the system and the credibility of the results. The problem also raises critical questions about the exam process, integrity, and educational equity. The controversy is resulting in efforts aimed at understanding what could have gone wrong, if anything was indeed wrong.

In the latest turn of events on May 14, 2025, a very emotionally regretful JAMB Registrar, Prof. Ishaq Oloyede, apologised to the public in a press outing reported by major national newspapers. He accepted that there were indeed regrettable technical issues from their end that had affected the outcome for some candidates. According to the analysis, a total of 379,997 candidates across the 157 centres in Lagos and the South-east would retake their examinations. Prof. Oloyede said the board has decided that all candidates affected in 157 out of 882 (17.8%) centres will be contacted to retake their examinations starting Friday, May 16th.

“So, I appeal to the candidates and those affected by the error of our system to accept this explanation as the truth of the matter without embellishment, please. I apologise and take full responsibility, not just in words,” Prof. Oloyede stated. He informed the media that affected candidates would be contacted by JAMB through text messages sent to their registered phone numbers, email addresses, profiles, and phone calls. He directed them to reprint their examination slips for the rescheduled examination dates.
He said the board has contacted the West African Examinations Council (WAEC), which is currently holding its West African Senior School Certificate Examinations (WASSCE), to allow JAMB some slots for candidates to take the exams, and WAEC has agreed. “Any candidate with a clash of timetable, particularly for Agricultural Science on Friday, would be rescheduled,” Prof. Oloyede said.

 

“However, we have endeavoured to ensure that no such thing exists. Most, if not all, such candidates are scheduled for Saturday. Fortunately, the prescribed texts for SSCE are also the prescribed texts for UTME, apart from the reading text of the UTME, which carries just 10 marks in our Use of English test.”
While 206,610 candidates were affected in the 65 centres in Lagos zone, 173,387 candidates were affected in 92 centres in Owerri zone. JAMB reportedly examined samples from across the country, but no sign of any abnormality has been detected in any centre other than the ones mentioned. Prof. Oloyede, however, added that the exercise continues.

National Readiness for Digital-Only Exams

Many factors could account for why about 75% of candidates have been annually underperforming at UTME. It is a national shame that we have been accepting this situation as normal at the annual JAMB meetings with University Vice-Chancellors. This national acceptance of low quality as normal has been forcing Universities to scramble for the 25% above 200 and then set very low standards to fill up vacant positions. After all, profit is now the major part of setting up Universities, especially in the private sector.
The 2025 UTME imbroglio throws up several issues that have been yearning for solutions. There has to be more readiness in embracing digital-only exams, both on the part of the examining agencies/service providers and the service users/candidates. For instance, some supervisors noticed system malfunctions at CBT centres – freezing screens, login problems, and loss of answers. Some candidates reportedly logged out without submitting or could not navigate between subjects. Those were absolutely no faults of the service users/candidates.

The digital divide is a problem for the use of CBT centres for UTME. Many candidates, especially from rural or low-income backgrounds, lacked basic computer literacy. A supervisor’s report highlighted that some candidates didn’t know how to operate a keyboard or mouse, much less navigate the CBT interface. In simple terminology, technological illiteracy or, at best, semi-illiteracy is yearning for solutions. Not many candidates or customers of JAMB grew up with the advantage of using computers as a regular everyday life item. There has to be some middle ground for inclusivity.

However, the answer is not to opt out of technological change but to come up with answers on how to democratise the availability of knowledge on technological change that is spreading in our world to all Nigerian children who are actively motivated towards education. Though JAMB could play a role in deploying some of its earnings for such a purpose, the answer should involve society and its governance structures at large. We must be more intentional with issues that affect the destinies and future of young Nigerians. The UTME exercise should not just be seen as a mere exercise, but as a very important platform through which the future technocrats and crop of people who would take over the skilled manpower machinery of the country are practically filtered. It is good that the public reaction has met with responsible action from JAMB in this case.

Recommendations on the Way Forward

Beyond being a revenue-generating tool for the government, with special commendations on the registrar’s commitment to returning funds to the Federal government, JAMB must continue to recalibrate, fine-tune its structure, and ensure it delivers excellently.

Nigeria requires massive digital literacy campaigns in secondary schools, especially rural ones. The 774 local governments, with more funding expected to result from the autonomy they are expected to have under the present dispensation, should invest in computer-based modern libraries. Private entities could also be encouraged to spend some of their Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) funds on setting up computer-based libraries.

CBT Simulation Workshops should become mandatory for all candidates before UTME and similar exams. Independent Audit of CBT Centers and Software Providers should be a regular effort of regulatory bodies, including JAMB.

Despite the uproar over the 2025 UTME, it’s important to recognize the integrity-driven leadership of Prof. Ishaq Oloyede, who has consistently fought corruption and pushed for reforms. However, even strong leadership needs to be adaptive and listen to the cries of the people. A calm, evidence-based review of 2025’s UTME is not only necessary—it’s urgent.

The JAMB Registrar has indeed demonstrated maturity and good leadership. He readily showed empathy by agreeing truly that there was failure in the system and took responsibility, with corrective follow-up actions. Currently, what should be key are preventive solutions, such that there is no future recurrence of the underperformance at UTME.

Prof. Babafemi A. Badejo, author of a best-seller on politics in Kenya, was a former Deputy Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General for Somalia, a former Professor of Political Science and International Relations at Chrisland University, Abeokuta, and currently a Legal Practitioner and Consultant at Yintab Strategy Consults. He is the 2025 Nelson Mandela Distinguished Africanist Awardee of the African Annual Conference at the University of Texas at Austin, USA.

In recent years, Nigeria has witnessed a cultural shift in how communities handle the death of loved ones. Gone are the days when families relied primarily on close kin and neighbors for support in organizing funerals. Instead, a new practice has emerged—forming 'Committees of Friends' to raise funds for lavish burials. While this may seem like a noble gesture, it reflects a concerning trend: the increasing commodification and public performance of grief. Shakespeare’s timeless observation that 'Death is a necessary end, that will come when it will come' reminds us that dignity in death must not come at the cost of unnecessary burden on the living. This essay explores how funeral insurance can restore financial and emotional balance to Nigerian funerary practices.

The Evolution of Nigerian Funeral Culture
Traditionally, Nigerian funerals were community-led events grounded in cultural and spiritual beliefs. Families, friends, and neighbors would rally around the bereaved, contributing food, livestock, labor, and cash voluntarily. In Igbo, Yoruba, Hausa, and many other ethnic groups, the burial of a loved one was an intimate and reverent affair. However, as society modernized and urbanized, the nature of funerals transformed. Social status, prestige, and public display began to play larger roles. Funerals are now sometimes seen as an opportunity to showcase wealth or honor the deceased through extravagant events. This evolution has led to a rise in financial pressure on bereaved families who feel obligated to meet rising expectations.

The Rise of Committees of Friends
The 'Committee of Friends' is an informal group of friends, associates, or colleagues that organizes to raise funds and support a bereaved family. Often, these committees are created immediately after a death and begin their task through social media platforms like WhatsApp. While they are meant to offer support, they also reflect a growing cultural dependence on public fundraising to meet funeral costs. Unfortunately, many families have come to rely entirely on such committees, expecting friends and distant acquaintances to fund most or all of the burial. This has diluted the original communal ethos of mutual care, replacing it with performative generosity. At times, more resources go into planning the fundraising event than into comforting the family.

The Rising Cost of Dying in Nigeria
Funerals in Nigeria have become an expensive affair. The average cost ranges from ₦1.5 million for basic burials in rural areas to over ₦10 million in urban centers for high-profile ceremonies. These costs include embalming, casket purchase, mortuary fees, venue hire, catering, music, obituary adverts, clothing (Aso Ebi), and transportation. In some cultures, additional ceremonies such as wake-keeping, church thanksgiving, and anniversary celebrations are customary. These mounting expenses often leave families in debt. Some delay burials for months to raise enough money, while others cut essential costs or sell property. This financial burden exacerbates grief and pushes families into cycles of hardship.
Global Perspectives: Funeral Insurance in Other Countries
Around the world, funeral insurance is a common financial product designed to ease the burden of burial costs. In South Africa, companies like AVBOB and Old Mutual offer family-wide funeral cover with added benefits such as free services. In the United States, companies like Colonial Penn and Mutual of Omaha provide final expense insurance plans that pay out amounts between $5,000 and $25,000 upon death. The UK offers Over-50s plans through firms like SunLife and Legal & General. Closer to home, Ghana and Kenya have embraced mobile funeral insurance. In Ghana, aYo (powered by MTN) allows mobile users to subscribe to funeral cover for as low as 1 cedi daily. Kenya’s Britam and CIC Insurance offer funeral policies through banks and saccos, making them accessible to informal sector workers.

Why Nigeria Needs Funeral Insurance
Funeral insurance offers several key benefits. First, it ensures affordability. With small, regular premiums, policyholders can prepare for inevitable expenses without resorting to emergency fundraising. Second, it restores dignity. Families can grieve in peace, rather than engage in financial appeals during mourning. Third, insurance is sustainable. It creates a structured safety net that does not rely on social pressure or personal connections. Lastly, funeral insurance encourages financial planning. By bundling it with mobile money platforms, it becomes accessible to Nigeria’s vast unbanked population. With nearly 40 million Nigerians working in the informal sector, insurance companies have an untapped market. Funeral insurance also creates new revenue streams for insurers while promoting social impact.

Charting a Path Forward: Policy, Products, and Public Awareness
Nigeria must act decisively to embed funeral insurance into its financial landscape. First, insurance companies should create simple, mobile-first products with flexible premiums, especially for low-income earners. Second, partnerships with telcos, banks, cooperatives, and churches can broaden access and trust. Third, the National Insurance Commission (NAICOM) can provide incentives or regulatory frameworks to promote funeral insurance uptake. Fourth, public education campaigns are essential. Traditional and social media should emphasize the value of funeral cover. Religious leaders, Nollywood celebrities, and influencers can help normalize insurance culture, making it aspirational and relatable. Digital apps and bulk SMS can also be used to drive awareness.
Changing the Narrative: Celebrate the Living, Prepare for the Inevitable
Nigeria must change its cultural mindset around death. Lavish burials should not substitute for love, care, and support shown during life. Committees of Friends should not be a default financial plan. It is time to shift from spectacle to substance. Instead of planning elaborate ceremonies, families should prioritize elder care, access to healthcare, and education. Funeral insurance helps achieve this by providing a structured, dignified way to deal with life’s final reality. More importantly, it allows society to refocus on celebrating the living rather than overemphasizing the dead. Respecting the dead should not impoverish the living.

Conclusion
Death, though painful, is inevitable. Nigeria’s current approach to funerals—with increasing reliance on committees and costly events—is unnecessary and unsustainable. While the intention behind fundraising may be noble, it often places undue strain on both the bereaved and contributors. Funeral insurance offers a practical, respectful alternative that aligns with financial prudence and cultural dignity. By developing inclusive insurance products, partnering with distribution networks, and launching national awareness campaigns, Nigeria can revolutionize how it manages death. It’s time to prepare for the inevitable with wisdom and compassion, not pressure and debt.

Of all Nigerian political elite, our current military-baked ‘new-breed’ politicians have come to be regarded by most Nigerians as the most cynical.  Twenty-six years into the Fourth Republic, Nigerians remember with nostalgia that not even the departing colonial British administrators were this contemptuous.

Unlike our founding fathers that put their differences and individual ambition aside to foist a working federal constitution which defined how we were to live together in peace and justice, as brothers even though tribes and tongue may differ, our current leaders, driven more by greed for power and its dividends, have continued to take Nigerians for a ride. Thinking they could decree unity or wish away tribes, forgetting that tribes are the building blocks of African society, they have wasted billions of taxpayers’ money tinkering with our current unworkable ‘unitary’ constitution. They have done everything except revisiting the national question, which is about the challenges of living together in justice and respect as civilised human beings as was the case until January1966.

Of course, we have had different administrations, including that of President Obasanjo, who probably genuinely believed attainment of economic justice, equitable allocation of resources, and effective and sustainable production and distribution of appropriate goods and services is the ultimate solution to the national question. But we have seen how this was marred by massive looting of the nation’s resources under Obasanjo and Jonathan, especially by those who saw undermining the nation’s economy as an answer to distributive injustice arising from non-resolution of the national question.

We have also seen the effort of the current administration of Tinubu, who believes promoting efficiency within the existing structure will usher in all-round prosperity and life abundant for people of Nigeria, leading to equitable and peaceful cohabitation of the various communities in Nigeria. Even while the jury is out, there is already a basic misconception that leaders of ethnic nationalities in Nigeria who are at different levels of cultural development want life more abundant for their citizens.

It is just as well that the House of Representatives, last Tuesday, rejected a constitutional amendment bill seeking to rotate the office of the president and vice president among the six geopolitical zones of the country. Deputy Minority Leader Aliyu Madaki led the opposition to the bill, saying that issues the bill intends to cure have been addressed by the Federal Character Commission, warning that the issue of rotation should not be included in the constitution, but allowed to remain the way it is.

The dead proposed bill was at best diversionary. The truth is that rotation of the presidency, like past social engineering efforts of the military, including NYSC, quota system of admission into tertiary institutions and bureaucracy, and other government brainwaves turned into government policies in a desperate attempt to ignore the national question, would have failed.

 Zero sum struggles for power at the centre is a symptom of our unresolved national question, just as it is a phenomenon associated with our new-breed politicians.

With our independence constitution, which indeed addressed the national question, the centre was not as attractive. Ahmadu Bello did not think twice before ceding it to Tafawa Balewa, a minority from southern Bauchi, where the Fulani were only being tolerated. Zik had a chance to be prime minister at the centre, but conceded it to Tafawa Balewa, according to him, to promote the unity of the country. The only national leader that seriously aspired to go to the centre, ostensibly to replicate his miracle in the west, was Obafemi Awolowo. And having lost the 1959 election, he offered to serve as Finance Minister under Zik.

That the north has since 1954 dominated the centre was not an accident. At the 1950 Ibadan constitutional debate, the North’s demand for control of fifty percent of members of the House of Representatives, which was not informed by the population factor, as a condition for remaining a part of Nigerian federation, was acceptable to all stakeholders, including the outgoing colonial government, which was ready to do anything to accommodate their preferred successors.

 
 

The northern leaders, who never hid their desire to belong only to Nigeria they could control, got what they wanted. The Yoruba, being federalist by nature, wanted a federal constitution or regionalism where the centre will not interfere in how they manage their own affairs The Igbo, a landlocked nation with hostile neighbours, canvassed for a unitary system for a multicultural and heterogeneous society. But in the end, they succumbed to the superior argument of the British umpires, including Oliver Stanley, who reminded them that Nigeria is a multicultural and multilingual society where ethnic nationalities were at different levels of cultural development.

That the age of ‘divine right of Kings’ ended around 1600 did not stop northern leaders from developing a mindset of being born to rule. There was, therefore, continued insistence by the northern hegemonic class including Ahmadu Bello, who according to Clark, swore he would never support southern leaders with real executive power. There was also the late elder statesman, Maitama Sule, Nigeria former permanent representative to the United Nations, who said,” Everyone has a gift from God. The Northerners are endowed by God with leadership qualities. The Yoruba man knows how to earn a living and has diplomatic qualities. The Igbo are gifted in commerce, trade and technology.”  Similarly, not too long ago, the immediate past governor of Kaduna State, Nasir El Rufai, tried to justify the northern monopoly of power on the grounds that the north has the population, especially if we accept that democracy is a game of numbers.

Except for the new-breed politicians of the Fourth Republic that breed nothing but corruption, I am not sure old politicians from the east and the west envied the north for its monopoly of power that has brought nothing but misery to the northern masses.

As for the east, despite being out of power but serving only as ever- willing bride to the northern hegemonic group to satisfy the demand of politics of participation and identification, the east was adjudged the fastest growing economy in the world in the early sixties. The west, which accepted its role as that of opposition, was ahead of the two other regions, paying higher minimum wage than even the federal government and sending more western region youths on foreign scholarship than the colonial master ever did for the whole of Nigeria in three years.

What made all the difference was the independence constitution, which not only provided an answer to the national question by defining how we live as human beings in control of different culture, language and the education of their children, but also allowed groups/regions to develop at their own pace without interference from others.

But the coalition partners made up of the hegemonic ruling cast in the north and their ever-willing bride were envious of the independence and giant strides of the western region. They, in breach of the constitution, interfered in the affairs of the west. In 1962, Chief SL Akintola, the premier of the west, was removed from power by 82 votes to 29 for anti-party offences. Chief Adegbenro was constitutionally sworn in as replacement. Premiers Ahmadu Bello and Okpara refused to recognise him as stipulated by the constitution, despite the Privy Council judicial pronouncement that upheld the action of the governor of western region.  A subsequent attempt to pass a vote of confidence in Adegbenro at the western house was resisted by a few NCNC members who started throwing chairs. This was all the coalition partners who did not declare a state of emergency in the north or in the east, where there had been Tiv popular uprising and Isaac Boro insurrection suppressed by the military, needed to declare a state of emergency in the west.

With the declaration of a state of emergency, Awo was detained in mosquito-infested Lekki while Akintola was installed premier of the west without an election. While in detention, Awo was charged with treasonable felony – attempt to overthrow her majesty’s government and sentenced to 10 years imprisonment. The military finally intervened in January 19666 to end the First Republic while the ‘living’ constitution was thrown into the dustbin.

While our current new-breed leaders play the ostrich, concerned Nigerians stakeholders are saying if we don’t know where we are going after 59 years in the wilderness, it makes sense to return to where the rain started to beat us.  It is for this reason many Nigerians believe we had more freedom and attracted more respect from the colonial masters than our new-breed politicians that have since the beginning of the Fourth Republic swindled Nigerians of billions of naira on self-serving periodic constitutional review without addressing the fundamental issue of the national question.

We all know that our current crisis of nation building, including the Boko Hara insurgency, immigrant Fulani herdsmen criminals, bandits, kidnapping for ransom, massive corruption, are all but symptoms of the unresolved national question.

 

Last Thursday, I was going through This Day and, on Page 34, I saw a news story titled “DSS Files Charge Against Utomi Over Planned Shadow Government”. I didn’t know how to react, whether to fall on the floor rolling with laughter because it sounded so ludicrous, or whether to cry, because such a serious security agency which Nigerians look upon to take care of their internal security, could be wasting precious time on such instead of concentrating fully on Bandits, Kidnappers, Insurgents, so-called Herdsmen, and all the other new criminals that have emerged to cause Nigeria‘s internal insecurity. The news story stated that the Department of State Services (DSS) had gone to the Federal High Court, to get a perpetual injunction to stop Professor Pat Utomi and his associates from establishing a Shadow Government! The DSS claims that the Shadow Government is contrary to Sections 1(1), (2) & 14(2)(a) of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended)(the Constitution). 

One wonders if the DSS or its legal representatives understand what a Shadow Government is, at least, in Prof Utomi’s context, as the term ‘Shadow Government’ could have several appearances, and how needless their action of filing a suit in this regard is. To most Nigerians, it appears like a not-so-subtle attempt to stifle Nigerians’ right to freedom of thought and expression, which is enshrined in Sections 38(1) & 39(1) of the Constitution. See Shuaibu & Ors v Utomwen & Ors (2022) LPELR-58237(CA) per Biobele Abraham Georgewill, JCA on the right to freedom of expression. How does inaugurating a group that shadows government, monitoring whether government delivers good governance and churns out sound economic and public policies, translate to being a group that wants to control government and seize the sovereignty of Nigerians contrary to Sections 1(2) & 14(2)(a) of the Constitution? This is called accountability, checks and balances, encouragement of transparency in governance, and possibly opposition, if the Shadow Group disagrees with government policies; these are essential elements of democracy, and cannot be said to be unconstitutional. Unless there are many more facts that the public is unaware of, beyond Prof Utomi’s television interviews and social media activities which were referred to in the aforementioned news story, it is preposterous to conclude that he’s in breach of the aforementioned Section 1(2) & 14(2)(a) of the Constitution. 

Appearances of Shadow Government 

In the first context, you have a Shadow Government which is a clandestine group, such as a secret cult, populated with members from the different arms of government and all walks of life, and together, the members exercise immense powers over every aspect of government and its policies. This context is not applicable to Prof Utomi’s group, as it’s neither clandestine (some of the names of the members and their designations were published in the aforementioned news story), nor does his group wield any power.

In the second context, a Shadow Government could be an informal group that isn’t publicly accountable, possibly one that comprises of family members, cronies and associates of a political leader/top government official, but is well informed about all the important aspects of governance, even more so than those who may hold office and wields power over government policies, aka ‘Kitchen Cabinet’. We know that this certainly does not and cannot describe Prof Utomi and at least, one of the alleged members of his team, Dele Farotimi, who is a critic of Government. Even as a Politician aspiring to be the APC Delta State Gubernatorial candidate for the 2019 election, sometime in 2018 after the Delta State APC Primaries, a video trended in which Prof Utomi described his fellow APC Members as ‘evil’, because not only was he excluded from the Party Primaries which he was to participate in, the venue of the intra-party event wasn’t even shared with him! Obviously, Prof Utomi, who one can safely conclude has since left APC, is certainly not an inner caucus member of the powers that be, and this context of the definition of Shadow Government is inapplicable to his group, as he is even seen by some as a disgruntled former APC Member who turned sour after failing to achieve his political goal. Prof Utomi wasn’t even given any usual consolation prize appointment, like other party members who don’t get or don’t win their elective positions are usually given.

In the third context, like in the UK, a Shadow Government is simply the strong opposition having its own Shadow Government complete with a Shadow Cabinet who study the policies of the corresponding Cabinet actually in office, criticise them, develop alternative/substitute policies and hold government accountable. For example, the UK Secretary of State for Education is Bridget Phillipson (she had been Shadow Minister with the same portfolio when Labour was the opposition), while the Shadow Minister of Education is now Laura Trott of the Conservative Party. It is in this third context that it makes sense to consider Prof Utomi’s Shadow Group, though they do not appear to have a full Shadow Cabinet, nor can they be said to be a strong opposition, at least, not in the way and manner the Conservative and Labour are to each other. 

In the first context of the clandestine Shadow Government, there should certainly be concern, because no one but the members of their secret group know what their motives and goals are; even the knowledge of the existence such groups or their membership is usually mostly cloudy. In the second and third contexts, the essence of a Shadow Government is obviously not to overthrow the incumbent government. If anything, the second group wants to keep the government in office, so they can continue to wield power, while the third group gains popularity and experience from their shadowing, in preparation for taking up office if their Party wins the next election, as in the case of Bridget Phillipson who took over the substantive Education portfolio she had previously shadowed, when Labour won the election. In short, in the third scenario, such as Prof Utomi’s, unless government is trying to stifle all opposition and in so doing, this may be tantamount to breaching some fundamental rights such as the right to freedom of thought, expression, peaceful assembly, association and freedom from discrimination contrary to Sections 38(1), 39(1), 40 and 42(1)(a) of the Constitution, ordinarily there’s really nothing wrong in having an organised opposition. In Ransome-Kuti & Ors v AGF & Ors (1985) LPELR-2940(SC) per Kayode Eso, JSC, the Supreme Court held inter alia that, fundamental rights stand above the ordinary laws of the land. 

Functions of SSS

The action filed against Prof Utomi, is civil in nature. But, since what the Plaintiff is asking the court for in the case appears to be misconceived, seeing as trying to form a viable opposition is Prof Utomi’s right and cannot by the stretch of a vivid imagination, be said to be him trying to take control of the Government of Nigeria contrary to Section 1(2) of the Constitution, nor can him and his group be said to be trying to wrestle sovereignty from the people of Nigeria whom it belongs to, contrary to Section 14(2)(a) of the Constitution, I decided to examine the action of Prof Utomi through a criminal lens, particularly because the SSS (DSS) exercises criminal jurisdiction. 

The National Security Agencies Act 2006 (NSA Act), the establishment law of Nigeria’s Security Agencies, namely the Defence Intelligence Agency (DIA), National Intelligence Agency (NIA) and State Security Service (SSS) makes no mention of the DSS as one of the three national security agencies (see Section 1 (a)-(c) of the NSA Act), though the claim by the SSS is that DSS is its alter-ego, the same as SSS, or something like that.

The functions of SSS which are not at large, but border on dealing with crimes that affect the internal security of the country, are set out in Section 2(3) of the NSA Act; and we can easily rule out Section 2(3)(b) which deals with non-military classified matters. See Section 9(1) of the Official Secrets Act 1962 on the definition of classified matter. Prof Utomi, who wasn’t informed of the venue of the Party Primaries in which he was to participate in, and was unable to discover the location of the venue through his own investigative efforts, is unlikely to be in possession of any classified information. There’s nothing classified about Government’s public policies, and letting Nigerians know the pitfalls therein, whether better ideas are put forward or not. This is called freedom of expression. It is bad enough that Chapter II of the Constitution, that is, the Fundamental Objectives and Directive Principles of State Policy that makes Government accountable to the people, is not directly justiciable, then to use all kinds of means of stopping people from expressing their opinions/displeasure resembles an autocratic, and not a democratic environment. 

As for Section 2(3)(a) of the NSA Act which provides for the prevention and detection of crimes that affect the internal security of Nigeria, internal security includes things to do with treason, insurgency, terrorism, subversion, spying and sedition. The first three offences have to do with violence, the fourth and fifth, leaking political or official information/secrets to another country and we can rule them all out in Prof Utomi’s case, since the DSS has brought a civil and not criminal against him. The sixth, Sedition, is inter alia, publications or actions which tend to bring the Government, President or Governors into disrepute, or incite hatred and disaffection against them, or promote hostility amongst different sections of Nigerians. See Sections 50 & 51 of the Criminal Code Act (CCA). However, in DPP v Obi (1961) LPELR-24982(SC) per Adetokunbo Adegboyega Ademola, JSC, the Supreme Court, inter alia, enumerated circumstances in which a publication or an action wouldn’t be seditious, such as when it shows that the President or Governor was misled or made a mistake in any measure, or pointing out errors in the measures. It appears that Prof Utomi’s actions fall within this exception, and are also protected by the aforementioned fundamental rights. 

Even Section 2(3)(c) of the NSA Act which endows the National Assembly and the President with powers to assign other responsibilities to the SSS that are deemed necessary, such responsibilities are also not at large - they must be related to Nigeria’s internal security. 

Conclusion 

Is the DSS now trying to insist that everyone must support the Tinubu administration, and those who are not in support are a threat to its existence? With the wave of defections to the ruling APC going on at the moment, Nigerians are asking whether the country is moving towards a one-party State, which could be undemocratic, because one of the drawbacks of a one-Party State is that it promotes less accountability from the ruling party. In a country where the level of accountability on the part of the Federal Government has been rather low, and that of the Governors, even less, it would be like having no opposition and zero accountability in a one-Party State. 

As for the SSS or DSS, they already have their work very well cut out for them with the numerous threats against Nigeria’s internal security, and they should face this squarely without distraction. Insurgency in the North East and Banditry/Farmer-Herder Crisis or whatever it is called in the North Central, seem to be on the rise again. It would be better if the SSS (DSS) concentrates more on these important matters bordering on insecurity, instead of wasting time on absurdities. Have they even watched any of Prof Utomi’s interviews on television? Mostly, only people who have some basic knowledge of economics can relate to his submissions. The average man on the street may not even have a television to watch Prof Utomi, or electricity supply to tune in, let alone understand and be influenced by Prof Utomi’s economic theories. 

The irresistible conclusion about the DSS’s suit against Prof Utomi is, as we say in legal parlance when we want the court to dismiss our opponent’s application, that it is ‘misconceived, frivolous and vexatious’!

His Holiness, Pope Leo XIV—the first American‑born pontiff in the Catholic Church’s 2,000‑year history—was inaugurated on Sunday, 18 May 2025, in St Peter’s Square, the worldwide headquarters of the Church.

In his homily, the 267th pope told the congregation:

“I was chosen, without any merit of my own, and now, with fear and trembling, I come to you as a brother who desires to be the servant of your faith and your joy.”

The remark was striking for its humility, reminiscent of his predecessor, Pope Francis, whose Spartan, down‑to‑earth approach to life and the papacy led him to forgo the traditional papal mansion and the mill­ion‑dollar gold Fisherman’s Ring. Instead, Francis opted for a more modest gold‑plated version.

From Pope Leo XIV’s homily and body language—echoing Francis’s example of washing the feet of society’s least privileged—it is clear that the new pontiff seeks to be servus servorum Dei, “a servant of the servants of God,” and to unify not only Catholics but Christians and humanity at large.

Although he is white, Pope Leo XIV, like Francis, appears determined to embrace every race. His homily, delivered in Italian, was immediately translated into English, Spanish, and Japanese. Diversity was also evident on the altar: many of the celebrating clergy were non‑white—Black and Brown men from every continent.

In my assessment, this reflects the Americanness of the Chicago‑born pope. Following his Augustinian calling, he left the United States for Peru—much less affluent—to become, like Saint Peter, a “fisher of men,” striving to bring lost sheep back to God’s flock.

Later in this essay, I will compare the Catholic Church’s record with its Black members—who comprise roughly 20 percent of all Catholics worldwide—with the United States’ record of welcoming Black Americans into national leadership, even though blacks are a mere 14% of the population.

The Making of Pope Leo XIV

Media interviews with his brothers, John and Louis Prevost, reveal that Leo XIV (born Robert Prevost) had long aspired to the priesthood:

“As a child,” they recall, “he would drape a towel over his shoulders and pretend to preach homilies.”

While serving in Peru he extended his outreach to Africa. As recently as 2024, he presided over the consecration of the chapel at the Augustinian International House of Theology in Nairobi, Kenya. In his invitation to President  Bola Tinubu for the papal inauguration, he wrote:

“Your great nation is particularly dear to me; I served in the Apostolic Nunciature in Lagos during the 1980s.”

On a lighter note, President Tinubu notwithstanding that he is a Muslim by faith, but being liberal-minded, honored the pope’s invitation to the Vatican City. And he was looking dapper in his Savile row suit in Saint Peter’s Square with his son Seyi in tow. I do not know if l am the only one who noticed, but for the first time, l spotted a striking resemblance between father and son to the extent that it could be said that Seyi is a spitting image of his dad. Maybe President Tinubu should adorn himself in suits more often so that he may not be too stereotypical in his dress sense.

Also, the symbolism of President Tinubu meeting in Saint Peter’s Square Mr. Peter Obi, the Labor Party presidential candidate for the first time since their electoral face-off in 2023 is noteworthy. 

It reminds me of how US President Donald Trump met in the same Saint Peter’s Square with Ukrainian president Vldomir Zelensky for the first time after their not-too-friendly encounter in the White House. Equally, US Vice President J. D Vance, who appeared to have been hostile to Zelensky during the referenced Oval Office meeting, as a guest of the pope at the inauguration was also seen in a convivial posture with the embattled Ukrainian president in Saint Peter's Square. 

In light of the above, somehow, the Vatican City is fast acquiring the image of a Haven of Diplomacy and Enclave of Peace without any extraordinary effort of the new Pope Leo XIV to make the catholic church a beacon of peace as he elaborately enunciated in his inauguration speech.

Two Millennia of Continuity—and Calls for Reform

Since Jesus entrusted the Church to Saint Peter, Catholicism has grown to more than 1.4 billion faithful (some estimates say 1.5 billion). Though often called the world’s oldest continuously functioning institution, the Church’s doctrine and leadership structures have seen relatively modest reforms—despite efforts by modernizers such as Pope Francis, who died on Easter Monday.

Leading nearly 18 percent of humanity makes the pope, resident in Vatican City (a sovereign state enclaved within Rome, Italy), a spiritual head of a population larger than that of China (≈1.4 billion) or India (≈1.4 billion). Were all Catholics gathered in one territory, they would form the most populous nation on earth—comparable to the combined total of Africa’s 54 countries which is roughly over l.4 billion people.

The Church’s global scope is captured in the very word catholic, from the Greek katholikós, meaning “universal” or “all‑inclusive.” The term appears in the original Greek New Testament in Acts 5:11 and Acts 9:31, though later translations rendered it simply as “church.”

It is surely within the Greek sense of katholikós—“inclusive” or “universal”—that the reforms begun by Pope Francis, and which Pope Leo XIV seems determined to continue, are being driven. The goal is to make the Church as truly universal as the First Council of Nicaea (AD 325) envisioned—even before the era of Jesus Christ, who was acclaimed as the head of the Church.

The most visible sign of reform is that the papacy is no longer the exclusive preserve of Europeans or South Americans; a North American now leads the Catholic Church. An American from Chicago has become Pope Leo XIV.

Few observers noticed the symbolism when U.S. President Donald Trump released an artificial intelligence image of himself in papal vestments. Some critics claimed he was mocking Catholicism. In truth, Trump—ever leveraging his brinksmanship—was sending a subtle signal that significant change was afoot.

Consider the timeline. After Pope Francis’s funeral on 26 April 2025, 133 cardinals from every continent entered the conclave on 7 May. In just 24 hours—and only two rounds of voting—they elected Robert Prevost of Chicago as Pope Leo XIV. 

Politics, no doubt, had been at play during the funeral period. I have no hard evidence, yet the AI image and the rapid election speak volumes.

Although the world’s four largest Catholic populations are in Brazil, Mexico, the Philippines, and the United States, the Church is growing fastest in Africa and Asia. Roughly 40 million Africans joined the faith between 2022 and 2023. It is plausible—perhaps within our lifetime—that an African or Asian pope will emerge; Pope Leo XIV is still only 69.

Africa already accounts for about 20 percent of Catholics worldwide, led by the Democratic Republic of Congo and Nigeria. Yet the continent has no decisive voice in Church leadership. Cardinal Francis Arinze of Nigeria was a strong contender in 2013, when Pope Francis was chosen; in the latest conclave Cardinals Peter Turkson (Ghana) and Fridolin Ambongo Besungu (DRC) were also front‑runners, but none prevailed.

The College of Cardinals now includes 29 members from 23 African countries; 18 of them are electors, and all but three were appointed by Pope Francis—testimony to his influence, much as a U.S. president shapes the Supreme Court through appointments. Right now, President Donald J. Trump enjoys similar leverage in Washington.

In the United States, where Black people constitute only 14 percent of the population (versus 20 percent of global Catholics who are Black), the majority‑white electorate nonetheless accepted and elected a Black leader. In 2008, Barack Obama—son of a Kenyan father—became America’s 44th president. By contrast, the Catholic Church has yet to elect a Black pope even though Blacks constitute 20% of the 1.4 billion flock worldwide.

The larger point is that politics pervades every human enterprise; as Aristotle observed, we are “political animals.” Africa, lacking both economic and military clout, still holds the short end of the stick. Just unfair trade has relegated the continent to a supplier of raw materials, Africa has remained a victim while more powerful nations—like the United States under President Trump since 20 January 2025—have retaliated and are forcing renegotiation. Lamentably without the US type of financial and military muzzle, Africa cannot compel her exploiters to renegotiate trade with her on equal and fair terms and thus remains vulnerable.

Likewise, Africa still has no permanent seat on the U.N. Security Council, even though 54 of the 193 U.N. member states are African.

With an American, renowned for championing inclusivity and equity as the pope, a Black pope may be in the making in the not-too-distant future.  

On the socioeconomic front, can the African Continental Free Trade Area, AfCFTA help to give the continent better bargaining power? And would the new world trade order being forged by President Trump open the window for Africa to get a seat at the table in the comity of nations?

Those are the pertinent questions that need to be pondered by leaders of Africa and indeed conscientious leaders of the superpower nations of the world. 

That is assuming there is still justice in this world.

Magnus Onyibe—entrepreneur, public‑policy analyst, author, democracy advocate, and development strategist

“This town is located in beautiful natural surroundings, as you can see. But the water is bad, and the land is unproductive.” 2 Kings 2:19

It is time to break everything that has caused barrenness in your life. Barrenness is infertility, unfruitfulness, unproductiveness. While beauty is simply attractiveness, gorgeousness, well arranged, etc. So, when you see a thing looking beautiful and yet not productive, then there is a clear case of disagreement. There is a problem. And this is what some of us are currently going through in life. Your physical looks, your education, location, age, connection and even background are not in agreement with your current level and position in life. You know very well that this is not where you are supposed to be, considering the grace and endowments in your life, but you cannot say exactly what has gone wrong. It’s like something is pulling you back and you don’t know what to do to break out of the invisible barriers.  You helplessly and angrily watch people with less qualification overtake you.

Maybe, it is a family or medical condition that you cannot fully explain the cause. Some live close to the blessing, but unfortunately languish in penury, pain and sorrow. Yet, some do everything that is expected of them, but have their dreams aborted at the point of breakthrough. You experience unidentifiable forces resisting all your efforts to advance into your destiny. You cannot live the life that God wants from you. If you are going through any of these, I would like to tell you that you have come to the point of your deliverance. Today, everything that has held your life in bondage will be broken in the  name of Jesus!

This was exactly what the people of Jericho were going through. Their city was well situated. It was close to the richly-endowed River Jordan. It had streams running through it, and well secured because of its topography. But the land was barren and the water from the streams was bad; causing death, infertility and miscarriages. Terrible! What was the problem? The city was labouring under a heavy curse. Now, you remember what Joshua did after destroying the place during his time? He said that the curse of the LORD will be upon the city; that anybody that will try to rebuild it will lay the foundation with the cost of his firstborn and set up the gates with the life of his youngest child. Now, hundreds of years after, during the ungodly reign of Ahab, in disobedience, a man from Bethel called Hiel rebuilt the city. When he laid the foundation his first son, Abiram, died. And when he had finished and set up the gates, his youngest son, Segub, died. Presumably, his other children had died in between. So, Jericho has been labouring under this terrible curse until this particular encounter with Elisha the prophet. Before we continue, please get my books Breaking Generational Curses: Claiming Your Freedom and Power of Midnight Prayer by Gabriel Agbo now, so that you can fully appreciate what we are discussing here.

The prophet Elisha was just fresh from receiving the anointing from the ‘Prophet of Fire’ Elijah, when the elders of the city, with tears, ran to him seeking for help, “We have a problem, my lord…,’ They told him all they were going through. And prophetically, the man of God ordered them to bring a new bowl with salt. He went to the spring that supplied water to the town and threw the salt saying, “This is what the LORD says: I have made this water wholesome. It will no longer cause death or infertility.” And immediately the water and land were healed from that day. Praise God! Thank God the people and the elders of Jericho recognized that they had a problem and went to the right place.

What is your problem? What is happening in your life? Your relationships, Job and Family? What is happening to your nation? Are they beautifully situated by unproductive?? Are you labouring without a commensurate result? Are you toiling through the night without a catch? I just remembered Peter. He toiled all night without catching any fish. But when Jesus came into the situation, the story changed. Today, I pray that very curse over you be broken in the mighty name of Jesus! God wants you to be fruitful. God said that it is his wish that every part of your life be productive and prosperous. Till next week. God bless!


Grumbling about banks’ profit is a favourite Nigerian pastime that gets louder and louder in the first quarter of the year when their financial performance for the previous year is announced. But lately, the grumblers have shifted attention to bank charges, with some arguing that the lenders are too profitable and should waive these deductions from customers’ accounts. ‘’How do the banks make so much profit while the rest of the economy is collapsing?’’; ‘’Banks are stealing from their customers through dubious charges;’’ and ‘’Let’s boycott Bank XYZ…’’ are some of the commonest protestations.

On Wednesday, May 14, The Guardian published an article with a rather ghoulish title, ‘’The blood profits of Nigerian banks’’, written by Dr. Emmanuel Owhoko, identified as a public policy analyst, author and journalist. The piece drips with obvious irritations about banks’ ‘’growing quest for abnormal profits through use of arbitrary charges, devoid of empathy for emotional state of customers’’. It suggests that bankers are just a lazy bunch that does nothing other than to debit customers’ accounts and convert the proceeds into huge profits. But the essay is based on ignorant assumptions and poor knowledge of the operations of banks. As a former banker, I feel compelled to intervene in a very simple manner.

First, why do banks make so much profit? The reason is simple. Their unique role and peculiar functions confer on them some advantages that other industries don’t have. A typical bank sells a wide range of services to millions of customers every day and night, including weekends and public holidays. Such a business will most likely be profitable unless it is mismanaged. A top tier Nigerian bank has millions of customers (Access Bank has over 60 million, for example) and each of these customers has one thing or the other to buy from their bank. Even if you have a savings account from which you rarely make withdrawals, your bank is making money off you by lending your money at a higher interest rate than it’s paying you. It’s called financial intermediation; and it’s the main reason a bank exists and the core source of its income.

In addition to lending (and there are many types of it), banks also offer a wide range of other services such as financial advisory; wealth management; investment banking; foreign exchange services, etc, to millions of its customers and get paid for them. In some cases, a bank is part of a holding company that offers a lot more varied and diversified services such as insurance; pensions; fintechs and payments. It therefore follows that almost every adult person, including students, is in a regular need of one banking service or the other. Such inevitability offers the industry unique benefits that can only translate onto profits.

Unlike a manufacturing business, a bank does not import raw materials; has no complex machines and conveyor belts that break down; does not pay customs and excise duties for spares and inputs and does not deal with the problems of unsold goods, huge inventory costs and products recall. The peculiarity of banking business and its inherent advantage became clearer last year. While many Nigerian manufacturers with dollar-denominated loans suffered huge losses due to Naira depreciation, banks actually recorded fat gains from their massive dollar holdings.

A bank simply makes the bulk of its revenues from financial intermediation – taking money from the surplus side and giving it the deficit side with a margin. So, consider a bank with a loan book of N500 billion at an average interest rate of 20%. How much interest income is that? There is no business as lucrative as money lending, right from history; and there’s no reason for a bank not be profitable, unless it is mismanaged. But banking is also a very risky business (actually, the technical name for a loan is ‘’risk asset’’) with its own peculiar challenges. Many banks, including some very big ones overseas have failed. Nigeria has also recorded many cases of bank failures. One bad loan can almost sink a bank. This is why it is a highly regulated industry.

Dr. Owhoko writes in his article which I referred to earlier: ‘’Implicitly, these charges constitute huge burden on the average bank customer who contends daily with depletion in his or her account balances. Corporate customers or businesses are also not spared from these questionable charges that have become a drain on the balance sheet of companies’’. A bank is a commercial and profit-oriented business whose services and activities are well regulated. A bank must stay profitable, safe, sound and stable. To that extent, Banks and other Financial Industry Act (BOFIA), the law that guides banking businesses, stipulates that all services provided by a bank must be paid for by the customer. In other words, there’s no free lunch in the banking hall. A customer - whether corporate or individual – should never expect to obtain free services from a bank. The charges that Dr. Owhoko and many others complain so stridently about are just the cost you pay for the services your bank renders to you.

I often wonder why the same people who whine about bank charges are eager to pay various telecommunications charges; cable TV subscription; dry cleaning bills; air tickets; restaurant bills and other sundry obligations without complaints, but are quick to bicker over bank charges. Are banks charity organizations? Don’t they understand the risks involved in keeping trillions of customers’ deposit safe? If you think that bank charges are too high, you may wish to consider keeping your money at home and watch it grow!

A bank provides the safest and most reliable place to keep your financial treasures. But it comes with huge costs to the banks. Charges on customers’ account are therefore meant to help offset these costs so that the banks could continue to operate in a safe, sound and stable manner. The idea that these charges, which are typically in small amounts, are the main sources of banks' profit is erroneous. Banks make the bulk of their income from interest earned on loans, investments and other assets. Minor debits like account maintenance fees and SMS charges constitute a small portion of the bottom line.

Nigerian banks should be commended for their important roles in the economy. They provide funding for big and small businesses like Dangote Industries; the airline industry; manufacturing sector; public sector and even small businesses like schools; restaurants or a corner shop. Instead of bellyaching over minor charges, Nigerians should ask their governments to provide security, stable electricity and adequate infrastructure that banks spend so much to provide.

Etim, a retired banker, is the publisher and editor-in-chief of Policy and Politics

In today’s Nigerian church, particularly within Pentecostal circles, the phrase “Born Again” has been reduced to a tired cliché, frequently declared but deeply misunderstood. For many self-acclaimed ministers of God, being born again is nothing more than quitting smoking, dropping the bottle, and walking away from illicit affairs. They flaunt these changes like badges of spiritual honour, parading them as the ultimate evidence of salvation.

But let us be clear:”Born Againism” is not behaviour modification, it is heart transformation. The idea that one can claim spiritual rebirth just by avoiding a few visible vices is not only misleading, but it also trivializes the profound message of Jesus Christ. The Saviour did not endure Calvary just so men could stop smoking and drinking. He died to radically change the heart of man, not merely his habits.

Too many self-proclaimed ministers preach a gospel of surface-level change. To them, being born again means looking “clean,” praying loudly, dressing modestly, and shouting “Hallelujah” at every opportunity. Their sermons obsess over alcohol, trousers, hairstyles, and nightclubs, while ignoring the weightier matters; pride, corruption, bitterness, tribalism, and greed. These ministers major in the minors and overlook the transformative depth of genuine salvation.

 

Let us not forget the words of Jesus in John 3:3, when He said to Nicodemus: “Except a man be born again, he cannot see the kingdom of God.” That is not a call to switch from cigarettes to chewing gum. It is a divine mandate for spiritual rebirth, one that breaks the old nature and births a new creation entirely. As Paul affirms in 2 Corinthians 5:17: “If any man be in Christ, he is a new creature: old things are passed away; behold, all things are become new.”

The tragedy is that many pastors who shout about abstinence are themselves drowning in spiritual filth, manipulating congregants, hoarding wealth, engaging in tribal politics, and nursing unforgiveness. Some of them would not touch alcohol but would not hesitate to break a home or exploit the vulnerable. What hypocrisy!

Jesus warned about this kind of religious pretense in Matthew 23:25-26: “Woe to you, teachers of the law and Pharisees, you hypocrites! You clean the outside of the cup and dish, but inside they are full of greed and self-indulgence.”

 

That warning might as well be addressed to today’s spiritual showmen, those who abstain from wine but are intoxicated with power, who avoid women but seduce followers with false prophecies and manipulated dreams. They have replaced the authentic gospel with a hollow performance.

Let us face it: even cultists and scammers can quit alcohol and womanizing. Some do it to maintain their edge. But salvation is not about changing habits for convenience; it is about changing allegiance, from self to Christ, from darkness to light.

In Nigeria, the “born again” label has become cosmetic. It is more about how you dress, how you sound when you pray, and whether you attend vigil or not. We now judge spirituality by appearance, not by fruit. Meanwhile, those who carry Bibles to the office still inflate contracts, collect bribes, and treat subordinates with disdain.

 

Some pastors go as far as policing appearances, monitoring skirt lengths and makeup shades, yet remain silent about gossip, unforgiveness, tribal hate, and political compromise within their own ranks. Is this the gospel of Christ or a man-made religion that only targets what the eyes can see?

If being born again does not affect how you treat your spouse, how you handle money, how you conduct business, or how you lead others, then you are not born again, you are just well-behaved.

It is time to confront self-acclaimed ministers of God and call them to accountability. The gospel must not be reduced to a three-point checklist of “I don’t smoke, I don’t drink, and I don’t womanize.” That is religion, not regeneration. That is morality, not spirituality.

 

Born againism must touch every sphere of a person’s life: how you think, how you forgive, how you speak, how you handle authority, and how you respond when no one is watching. It must reflect in your politics, your business, your family, and your daily conduct. Anything less is a poor imitation.

Philippians 2:5 charges believers: “Let this mind be in you, which was also in Christ Jesus.” That is the ultimate benchmark. Not what you quit, but who you have become.

To every pastor and preacher who thinks abstaining from beer and sex makes one born again: you are leading people into deception. Preach Christ, not cosmetics. Teach transformation, not tradition. Point people to the cross, not a code of conduct.

 

Born againism is a divine encounter, not a checklist. It is time to return to the true gospel, deep, sincere, and life-altering.

And to the man or woman who claims to be born again yet is still full of pride, bitterness, and hypocrisy: stop fooling yourself. Real salvation changes the heart, not just the habits. So, let the Church wake up, and let the ministers stop lying to themselves.