…Hints at push for salary review beyond minimum wage age

Today, Nigerian workers join their counterparts worldwide to mark May Day, also known as Workers’ Day.

However, rather than celebrating, workers in Nigeria find little cause for joy. Like many other citizens, the worsening socio-economic situation has further deteriorated their living conditions, leaving many impoverished.

Summing up the plight of Nigerian workers, the Nigeria Labour Congress, NLC, lamented that since the current administration took office, workers have been under severe strain.

According to NLC: “It has been one anti-worker policy after another. From last May Day to today, it has been excruciating and painful.”

Speaking on the situation, NLC President Joe Ajaero stated: “It is unfortunate, but the reality is that within the capitalist system, we are constantly compelled to live in a society divided into two classes: the oppressed and the oppressors; the bosses and the workers; the haves and the have-nots. That situation has only worsened since the last May Day celebration. We have been impoverished and dehumanized.

“The struggles we face as workers and as citizens of Nigeria are immense—from neoliberal economic policies that impoverish workers to relentless attacks on labour rights.

The ruling elite have ganged up against the workers and the masses. They belong to virtually one party and speak with one voice—one that promotes impoverishment, exploitation, and slavish wages.

“Today, the Nigerian worker stands at a crossroads—not just in a national crisis but amidst a global assault on labour. Capitalism, in its insatiable hunger, devours jobs, strips dignity from work, and widens the chasm of inequality. The state, which should be the guardian of justice, seems to have become the enforcer of exploitative and oppressive policies dictated by Bretton Woods institutions.

“Amidst all this, however, our movement remains the strongest and most vibrant on the African continent. We have remained united despite numerous attempts to sow division among us. We worked together to negotiate the National Minimum Wage and have remained steadfast in our engagements with the state.

“Even in this darkness, we find our purpose. The trade union movement was not born from comfort—it was forged in resistance. Our power does not come from the benevolence of the elite but from the unity of the exploited. We must not forget the struggle to compel the state to agree to a N70,000 National Minimum Wage, which is being implemented in breach by many state governments and even the federal government.

“The fight for the full implementation of the National Minimum Wage is ongoing across many states. We must brace ourselves to ensure that all states and the private sector comply with the law, even as we begin to push for a wage review beyond the minimum to address the widespread hardship.

“To those who still doubt: the time for hesitation is over. Every worker must awaken to the truth that our liberation will not be gifted—it must be won. We must act not only for ourselves but for future generations. The ruling class fears only one thing: our collective refusal to remain in servitude. Let us build a movement that does not merely negotiate for crumbs, but demands a fair share of the bread we have baked.”

[Vanguard]

On May 22, 1973, the military government of Yakubu Gowon instituted the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) by Decree No. 22. This took place in the context of the unrest and fragmentation that led up to and was exacerbated by the civil war after which reconciliation and reconstruction were supposedly taking place. The NYSC was created as a vehicle to aid in that reconciliation process, targeting young people, with the ideal outcome being the creation of ties amongst Nigerians such that national unity would be promoted. To do this, the NYSC posts the graduates of tertiary institutions to a state other than that of their state of origin where they are expected to remain for the one-year duration of the programme. During this time, corps members or “corpers” are posted to places of primary assignment (PPAs) and they participate in various avenues of community development under the Community Development Scheme (CDS) of the programme. All of this constitutes their one-year, mandatory service to the nation.

While incredibly idealistic in its outlook, like any Nigerian ventures, the NYSC is not without its issues. In fact, the case can be made that the scheme is riddled with more problems than its total utility to the nation. For many people, the NYSC is just the next thing to tick off the list, a chore to be carried out. After more than five decades of the scheme, there is very little to show in terms of national unity and/or social development in the nation. Today, the NYSC perhaps stands as an example of some sunk cost fallacy, a scheme that probably has no place in its current state in the modern-day nation of Nigeria and there are a few reasons why.

One of the things the NYSC hopes to do is to inculcate patriotism into those who join its ranks. However, everyone with functioning observational skills can see that the nation gives particularly young people reasons to not be so patriotic or at least ambivalent with respect to the topic of loving one’s country. So, what does the NYSC do to remedy this? A North Korea-esque campaign of hammering patriotism into the minds of those who become corps members. At the orientation camps which can perhaps be referred to as benign versions of “re-education camps”, the NYSC ceaselessly spews what can only be described as pro-patriotic propaganda, an attempt at the indoctrination of corps members which requires them to disregard the observation of their eyes and ears and to eschew good judgement and to profess love for the nation above all else.

This is so pervasive in the scheme that it affects the things corps members are allowed to publicly say, with camp officials repeatedly emphasising that corpers must only speak of Nigeria in a good light, never to criticise the nation, never to criticise public officers. In many ways, this messaging and its dictates mirrors the plight of a helpless wife in an abusive marriage who is not allowed to freely speak of her husband’s abuse of her. Contravening the NYSC’s “rules” in the matter of what can and cannot be said, carry steep penalties for the individuals involved. Some of the justifications given as to why corps members must only speak good includes the notion that “even developed countries have slums and they only show us the good parts”, as though most of Nigeria isn’t an eyesore to any person who has had the opportunity to see and/or experience better. The policy of muzzling and/or directing the speech of corps members is rich coming from a scheme that regularly sends young people into literal wildernesses that are barely touched by government benevolence and expecting those individuals to have overwhelmingly positive things to say about the country and its government.

The most recent, widely known example of the NYSC’s speech smothering tactics was the case of Raye, a Lagos state corps member who protested the cost-of-living crisis in Nigeria online and was met with the immediate fury of NYSC authorities. The NYSC constantly admonishes corps members to “not use social media”, or to only “use social media in a way that speaks positively about Nigeria”. No fair criticisms by corps members are tolerated – a corper isn’t even allowed to simply openly acknowledge a bad situation such as the terribly cramped and often inhumane conditions in the orientation camps that one would really only see in refugee camps.

During the first phase of the service year, the orientation program, corpers are mandated to participate in the Skills Acquisition and Entrepreneurship Development program where of different, often informal skills are taught, all within a 2-week window at best. These skills include tailoring, beadmaking, catering, graphics design and so many more. Needless to say, for a person who has never been trained in any one of those skills, 2 weeks is an inadequately short period of time to gain any sort of proficiency that can allow for commercial success. Furthermore, introducing a program like SAED at the NYSC level, illustrates further the depths to which the Nigerian establishment has failed to invest in the future of its youth. How is this the case?

Well, in secondary schools in Nigeria, it is mandated that all students take a trade subject, the rationale being that it would begin the process of cultivating an entrepreneurial mindset in young people and give them something to fall back on should they be unable to proceed to tertiary institutions or to get formal employment. All fair and good in its intentions. However, upon proceeding to tertiary education, entrepreneurship is taught as a course in much of the curriculum in universities. In some cases, students would encounter entrepreneurship as a course more than once during their university education. The rationale again, is to give students the skills to start businesses after their education should they be unable to obtain formal employment. After having done a trade subject in secondary school, taken entrepreneurship courses at least once in tertiary institutions, young Nigerians proceed to the NYSC and there, SAED is waiting to be forced down their throats.

Over the course of the orientation program, NYSC officials make it a point to remind corps members that their degrees and/or diplomas are essentially worthless and that they must take up a skill or two to rescue themselves from economic ruin. Statements like “Bachelors na water”, or “Having a certificate does not guarantee a job” are incredibly common, belittling the years spent struggling through Nigeria’s often dysfunctional education system, telling people that most of that struggle was likely for naught. While there is no issue with acknowledging the dire state of Nigeria’s labour market per se, the continuous parroting of this pro-entrepreneurial propaganda by the NYSC and other levels of Nigeria’s ruling establishment is a tacit admission of the country’s failure to secure the future of its youth and a surreptitious reminder to young people that they are on their own.

Central to the NYSC scheme is the primary assignment, the organisation wherein the corps member will be employed for most of the service year. The NYSC says that they try their best to match places of primary assignment to the disciplines of individual corps members but the reality couldn’t be further from the truth. There are a variety of reasons why including the fact that there just aren’t enough opportunities available to absorb the numbers of people coming out of tertiary institutions every year on the basis of discipline alone. Furthermore, a lot of important facets of Nigerian society are, odd as it may sound, lacking in manpower, chief amongst which is education, especially in the suburbs and in rural areas. These factors make it so that the vast majority of corps members are posted by the NYSC to carry out their primary assignments as teachers in schools across the country.

It also should be noted the ethics of such postings are questionable. The vast majority of graduates did not train to be teachers and the NYSC offers no such training to corps members – how could it? Thus, employing thousands of people to be teachers despite no formal training in that regard is a quite suspect, perhaps dangerous practice. Furthermore, it seems to imply that the position of the NYSC as to the teaching profession is that it is one that requires almost no training and hence is a low skill occupation – just about anyone can do it. This couldn’t be further from the truth, of course, the teaching profession is one that demands a lot of attention and professionalism but the NYSC, the education sector and school owners are perfectly fine with having untrained individuals carry out the job of dispensing education.

The issue with the NYSC and the labour of the people under its employ doesn’t just end at questionable postings, it also can be looked at as a state sanctioned exploitative scheme. Thousands of young people, sent to states where they aren’t resident for one year, while being paid a monthly allowance that’s barely $50 today and only mandating employers of corps members to provide accommodation or an allowance in lieu as well as transportation without requiring them to pay actual salaries for the roles the corps members occupy within those organisations. Even the requirements of employers to provide accommodation or an allowance in lieu is often not adhered to and when it is, the allowances are barely able to cover the purpose for which they are given. But the NYSC is mandatory for all graduates of universities and polytechnics and so, there’s not a lot of ways to wriggle out of it even with the knowledge of these absurd conditions. In other words, the NYSC and its partner organizations are able to extract labour without fair compensation on a nationwide scale which essentially constitutes exploitation.

The goal to encourage intercultural ties and integration amongst Nigeria’s youth is the foremost focus of the NYSC. It has been over 5 decades of the scheme and one cannot necessarily point to its successes on a societal level. It can even be said that many of the suspicions and animosity many Nigerian ethnic groups have towards each other have only deepened in all this time. One can say that Nigeria is not any more integrated and/or united today than it was at the founding of the scheme and that the only thing preventing a large-scale conflict on the level of the Civil War is the inability of aggrieved or agitating groups to organise effectively. Perhaps the percentage of Nigerians who participate in the NYSC is far too little for the effect of integration from the scheme to have any real perceptible effect on the general situation of Nigerian cohesion.

The nation needs to have serious conversations on the scheme and its place in the current day. Perhaps, the NYSC can be reformed, as it should be rather than an outright scrapping. But it is important to evaluate its rather imperceptible successes, if any at all and scrutinize its glaring issues. This is Nigeria, however. Not much is certain to change regardless.

A series of explosions rocked the Giwa army barracks in Maiduguri, causing panic and palpable tension across the Borno state capital city. 

In a statement, Reuben Kovangiya, acting deputy director of army public relations, said the incident was caused by excessive heat amid sweltering temperatures.

He added that collaborative efforts of the Borno state fire service and other security agencies’ fire units curtailed further damage.

Kovangiya advised the public to disregard any rumours of an attack within the Maiduguri metropolitan council and to remain calm.

“The Headquarters Joint Task Force North East Operation HADIN KAI Maiduguri, wishes to inform the general public of an incident involving the explosion of ordnance in one of our ammunition storage facilities located in Giwa Barracks,” the statement reads.

“The explosion was due to the current high temperatures in Maiduguri, which led to the explosion of some munitions.

“The situation has, however, been brought under control with the combined efforts of the Borno State Fire Service Department and other fire trucks from security agencies.

“Troops of Operation HADIN KAI have been deployed to protect the public and prevent miscreants from taking advantage of the situation.”

The police command in Borno said the incident was caused by a fire outbreak.

Nahum Daso, the police spokesperson in Borno, said a fire erupted in the ammunition facility of the barracks, leading to the detonation of some munitions and loud bangs.

Daso said a combined team of security and fire service personnel was quickly deployed to the scene.

He added that preliminary investigations suggest that the high ambient temperatures currently experienced in Maiduguri sparked the fire.

The police urged the public to remain calm and not to panic, adding that the situation is now fully under control.

[TheCable]

In his book, ‘From Opposition to Governing Party: Nigeria’s APC Merger Story’, Dr Ogbonnaya Onu (now of blessed memory) discussed the delicate negotiations that eventually culminated in the registration of the APC. Each of the merging parties and groups came with their own proposals, especially regarding the party’s acronym. “Each emerging partner wanted the new name to be as close as possible to its old name. In accepting the new name, each merging partner became satisfied only when it contributed at least one word. In accepting the name, All Progressives Congress (APC), the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) was satisfied that it contributed ‘Congress’. The All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) was happy that it contributed ‘All’. Even though ‘All’ had only three letters, it was the leading word in the new name. The Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) felt satisfied that it contributed ‘Progressives’. Also, the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) was satisfied that it contributed ‘All Progressives,’” wrote Onu. “The acronym, APC, became acceptable because all merging partners saw a bit of themselves in it. Most of them contributed two of the letters. None contributed more…”

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The foregoing, excerpted from my 2017 book, ‘Against The Run of Play: How an Incumbent President was Defeated in Nigeria’, tells a compelling story about political parties in Nigeria. If the discussions that succeeded in unseating an incumbent president in 2015 were not about issues but rather the party’s acronym, should anybody be surprised about the current situation in the country? The more unfortunate thing is that almost every day, our politicians reinforce the fact that party platforms mean nothing to them. With that, we have ended up with a multiplicity of political parties that are mere aggregations of strange bedfellows, simply for the purpose of securing power. 

On Monday, while defecting from the main opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) under which platform he won the 2023 general election to the ruling APC, Governor Sheriff Oborevwori anchored his decision on the ‘love’ President Bola Tinubu “has shown to us in Delta State”. Aside from the presidential ‘love’ that required reciprocity ahead of 2027, the governor also alluded to the presence of fellow governors at the ceremony to justify his decision. “This is a movement, this is not a defection; we (governors) have agreed we will move together and when we move together, what is at the national we will be able to grab it.”

Nigerian politicians are very good when it comes to ‘grabbing’ all sorts of things! Incidentally, in grabbing the APC platform which he now leads in the state by virtue of the party’s convention, Oborevwori has pushed aside former Deputy Senate President, Ovie Omo-Agege who was the APC flagbearer in the last election. Nobody would be surprised if Omo-Agege also defects to the PDP where he began his political journey and ‘grab’ the party’s ticket in 2027. There is a precedent to that. Godwin Obaseki won the September 2016 gubernatorial election in Edo State on the platform of the APC. He defeated Osagie Ize-Iyamu, then the PDP candidate. Four years later, in 2020, after he was edged out of the APC, Obaseki pushed Ize-Iyamu aside to grab the PDP ticket. Within a matter of days, Ize-Iyamu also grabbed the APC gubernatorial ticket!

Meanwhile, with its power of patronage, APC is only copying what the PDP did in the past. Some of us can remember that in 1999, the PDP won the presidency, 241 of the 360 seats in the House of Representatives, 71 of the 109 senatorial seats, and its members were elected governors in 21 of the 36 states. Four years later, with politicians from other parties trooping in for their slices of the federal pie, PDP won the governorship elections in 28 of the 36 states and 76 senatorial seats. Now the tide has turned. From 11 governors two years ago, PDP has been shrinking. After Delta State, Akwa Ibom may soon follow with Governor Umo Eno speaking in parables about deboarding from ‘a faulty aircraft’ to enter ‘a different plane’ in the coming days. There are reports of others also plotting the same move.

Ordinarily, procedures as to how people should obtain power and how they can be replaced is what distinguishes democracy from other forms of government. Political parties are central to this, with their principal role of aggregating ideas on how to solve the problems of society. But in Nigeria, political parties essentially represent the personal interests of powerful individuals with the primary motivation to ‘grab’ power. Invariably, what should serve as platforms for constructive engagement on how to meet the aspirations of the people have become mere vehicles for trading positions between and among politicians and their cronies/family members.

Even in smaller African countries, political parties are more than mere platforms for winning elections. But in a milieu in which public service has been reduced to ‘eating’, as I wrote last December after Ghana’s presidential election which revealed the strength of their political parties, a Nigerian politician could be a PDP member in the morning, decamp to the LP or SDP in the afternoon and by evening, be attending the APC meeting as the board of trustees’ chairman. “Rarely in Ghana do you see people moving from one party to another with every general election,” the Independent National Electoral (INEC) Chairman, Mahmood Yakubu said while wading in on this same issue last year. “There are people who have supported political parties for many years. So, whether the party is in power or opposition, they stick to the political party.”

For all the noise about recent defections, this has been the pattern of our politics in recent years. As former Delta State Governor and PDP presidential running mate in the 2023 general election, Ifeanyi Okowa reminded former Senate President Bukola Saraki on Tuesday, no Nigerian politician can cast a stone when it comes to jumping from one party to another. Okowa is right. There is hardly any politician in the country today who has been in the same political party since 1999. When it comes to political parties, they have all adopted a nomadic disposition, jumping from one to another based on cold calculations about which would be the easier route to power. That perhaps explains why the primaries to secure the tickets of these parties are no more than bazaars for the highest bidders. But for our democracy to survive and thrive, things must change.

To wean the country of this transactional ethos in politics, we need to have a conversation about the minimal expectation of governance, and the values that should drive public office. And that cannot be done without reforming the political parties.

 Osinachi, Homicide and Matters Arising

The three-year trial in the death of popular gospel singer, Osinachi Nwachukwu, was concluded on Monday with the conviction of her husband, Peter Nwachukwu. While sentencing him to death by hanging, Justice Njideka Nwosu-Iheme of the FCT High Court relied on oral testimonies of 17 witnesses during the trial (among whom were two children of the couple) as well as documentary evidence.

In the homicide charge against Nwachukwu, he was accused of forcefully ejecting the late Osinachi from their home, contrary to the Violence Against Persons, VAP (Prohibition) Act, 2015. He was also accused of pushing the late Osinachi out of a moving vehicle, restraining her movement and locking her up in the house while denying her access to her money for medication and household necessities. He reportedly forced her into begging and borrowing to survive. Nwachukwu was also accused of subjecting his deceased wife to emotional, verbal and psychological abuse, even as he prevented her mother and siblings from visiting their home. Nwachukwu was further charged for cruelly beating his children (two of whom testified against him in court), recording their cry and playing it on his phone. While all this was going on, Nwachukwu was said to have threatened the children from reporting acts of violence against their mother to Dr Paul Enenche, the Senior Pastor of Dunamis International Gospel Centre (where he and late wife worshipped) or any other person.

This is a tragedy that might have been averted. From what transpired after Osinachi’s death on 8th April 2022, many were aware of the violence to which she was subjected by her husband. But apparently because of the patriarchal nature of our society, she had to endure the abuse until she paid the supreme price. With many people putting the blame on churches where forgiveness and reconciliation are often recommended in cases of domestic abuse, Enenche publicly exonerated himself. The General Overseer of the Omega Fire Ministries International, Apostle Johnson Suleman, also waded in by prescribing a novel solution to such challenge. “All those women that their husbands are beating, don’t they have brothers? If they don’t have biological brothers, they have Christian brothers,” Apostle Suleman told his congregation at the time. “If you are in this church and you are beating your wife, stop it. If she reports you to me, we will beat you. I will go to the police station and take permission before I gather brothers in this church to beat you.”     

Following Nwachukwu’s conviction and sentence, some commentators have expressed concerns about the issue of death penalty in Nigeria. But they miss the critical issue – the growing number of lives that have been lost to domestic violence. It is something we must take more seriously. Four years ago, following the reconciliation between a battered wife and her journalist husband at the instance of then Benue State Governor, Sam Ortom, I made my position clear on this issue. The woman had posted her battered and bruised face on social media (X and WhatsApp) before Ortom and members of the Benue State Executive Council intervened to ‘reconcile’ the couple after which a public statement was released. While I had no problem with the reconciliation, I nonetheless raised several pertinent issues in that column, https://www.thisdaylive.com/index.php/2020/12/17/re-ortom-and-the-wife-beater/ which interested readers can access.

The fear of being ostracized and the general lack of sympathy for divorced women have contributed immensely to the growth of domestic violence in Nigerian homes, I wrote in the column which underscored many of the things our mothers endured. Unfortunately, the prevalent culture of stigmatization and cajoling the wife to return to the batterer, without addressing the deep-seated issues that continue to disrupt family life so violently, has only resulted in tragedies like that of the late Osinachi.

We cannot continue to perpetuate the notion that women should assume a preponderance of responsibility for making their marriage work. This absolves husbands of their concomitant duty of love, support and care. In the Osinachi case, the tragedy is compounded by the traumatic experience of the children who saw their mother being violently abused by their father and the role they have now played in bringing him to justice.

For no fault of theirs, the lives of those children have been turned upside down. If care is not taken, they could end up being further victimised by a society where the line between right and wrong has been completely blurred. I hope they have the needed support at this most difficult period in their lives.

If this headline looks strange to you, I borrowed it from my friend and colleague, PUNCH columnist, Lekan Shote. See Lekan’s “This article has no title” of 19 March, 2025! There are occasions one struggles to headline a piece but the right choice of words keeps eluding one. So why not borrow a leaf from Lekan by simply saying, “This article has no title”! Or I can add my own angle, like I have done here, by asking the reader to affix whatever title he deems appropriate!

Published here today is Idowu Ephraim Faleye’s article titled “When your seat becomes the target of your competitors, your performance doesn’t inspire - it infuriates!”. Reading it, I laughed and laughed but it also gave me food for thought. How true! I have experienced it again and again. And only those who don’t mind throwing the baby away with the bathwater will not agree with the points made by Faleye. Excerpts:

“When the seat you occupy is the target of your competitors, there is nothing you can do to please those who are contending for the seat. It doesn’t matter how hard you try or how sincere your intentions are; they will always find a reason to complain. Your good deeds will be questioned, your motives will be misinterpreted, and your achievements will be viewed through the lens of suspicion. This is the bitter reality of political rivalry where ambition clouds appreciation and success becomes a threat.

"Imagine someone eyeing your job at work. No matter how much you excel, they’re not going to clap for you. Instead, your promotion becomes a source of bitterness. That’s exactly how political opponents behave when they want the seat you are occupying. They don’t see your achievements as progress but as obstacles to their (own) ambition. The more you do, the more uncomfortable they become. The more you deliver, the harder they work to discredit you because every milestone you hit weakens their case against you.

"This isn’t unique to Nigeria. Across the world, when leaders occupy powerful positions, their seats attract envy and ambition. The unfortunate truth is that many people don’t want to build; they (only) want to inherit. They don’t want to contribute to solutions; they want to reap the benefits of being in charge. So instead of supporting the incumbent to succeed, they work tirelessly to ensure he fails. That way, they can say, 'We told you he couldn’t do it.'

"What makes this worse is that some members of the public, driven by hardship or misinformation, join the bandwagon. They forget that governing a nation or state is not a magic show. It requires patience, planning, and consistency. When a leader is making tough decisions that may not look glamorous at the moment, it is easy to misunderstand him if you’re not seeing the full picture. And unfortunately, opposition figures capitalize on this. They spread narratives that fit their ambition, not the truth.

"It is not wrong to aspire for leadership, but ambition must be guided by ethics. Politics should be about service, not sabotage. If your only strategy to win is to ensure the current leader fails, then your motive is not leadership—it is conquest. We cannot build a great nation on the back of envy and destruction. We must rise above partisan hatred and see governance as a collective responsibility.

"As we reflect on our roles as citizens, commentators, and stakeholders, let us remember that politics is not war. It is not a game of who can destroy whom. It is a platform for service. When we understand this, we will start to hold our leaders accountable with dignity, not with hatred. We will begin to see that supporting good policies, no matter who introduces them, is not weakness but wisdom.

"Let us rise as a people who can separate ambition from truth. Let us not be pawns in the hands of those who seek power at all costs. And to the leaders under fire today, remember: even when your seat is the target, do not be distracted. Lead with courage. Lead with conscience. Because in the end, it is not the noise of your opponents that will define you, but the testimony of your impact. And that, history never forgets.”

Do you disagree with anything he has said here? I can tell you the only reason some would agree or even took the pains to read this to the very end is because, to make even the jaundiced to read it, I removed the two examples Faleye cited in his beautiful piece: President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Gov. Biodun Abayomi Oyebanji of Ekiti state, whose performance he considers to be so far, so good! Not that I disagree with his judgment, though! Some in position of leadership make no effort to lead at all. Those seen to be making efforts deserve encouragement, which, I think, is what Faleye strove to do here. Not resting on their oars, Tinubu and Oyebanji should continue to strive to do more because it is not yet "uhuru".

FEEDBACK on “Why was everything about Jesus made so controversial”?

Thanks for this brilliant piece. I really enjoyed it. All the areas touched are certainly very interesting, and I agree with your observations. I spent four years in Israel as a diplomat, 1994-1998. I saw the three Abrahamic religions - Judaism, Christianity, and Islam - at close quarters; and the potential of these Abrahamic faiths as a force for good or evil. The story of the historical and mythical Jesus gives room for a lot of controversy. Even the various locations of his birth, crucifixion, and burial are all shrouded in controversy. In the final analysis, it is always a function of just accepting what you are told by the tour guide, stay at that perceived holy ground, and saying your prayers with the belief that God or Jesus has answered.

You will be shocked when you go into a Jewish Yeshiva and see young people studying the Hebrew Bible and the Torah. They tell you they have never heard of Jesus Christ and Christianity because the Hebrew Bible does not have the Synoptic Gospel (Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John), which details the account of the life and times of Jesus Christ. So, the book of Isaiah talking about an Emmanuel that is to come is not Jesus Christ. The Saviour that will redeem the captive Israel is yet to come!

When I asked them why they refused to be Christian and accept Christ as the son of God, they asked me to tell them something about Buddhism, Confucianism and Shintoism (the Japanese religion). I said I knew nothing about them. They then said, "Why do you want us to know anything about Christ and Christianity?" They remind you that Christianity got a political push and the Roman Empire took over their land. Later, the Ottoman Empire did the same and then the British took over.

Through all of these periods, Jews have been killed and persecuted by powers for millennia (remember the Crusaders) on account of the accusation that it was the Jews that killed and crucified Jesus. They said that all they want now is that they should be left alone to practice their faith and live their life! And I agree with them to some extent, so long as they remain as the State of Israel composed of Jews, Moslems, Christians etc; not the Jewish State of Israel which is driving the current genocide in Gaza by the State of Israel and the Netanyahu government.

Overall, faith is a personal thing. Each of us had our Epiphany at one time in our history as we grew up old enough to select our path and make our spiritual choices. It is sad what organized religion has become in our country, and that is why I truly agree with Karl Marx that religion is the opium of our people, at least we can say that for our country. We have unfortunately lost the road to salvation with the way our leaders in the Christian and Moslem communities - and even traditional religious leaders - are carrying on! - Ayo Olukanni.

“All that you have is your soul”. This thought hit home when I watched that short film: The pale blue dot! - Ezekiel Odeyemi.

NB: Thank you, Sir, for sharing the film by Carl Sagan (1990). I enjoin everyone to search for the film and give their soul good, quality food.

Thank you for the boldness to raise vital questions about Christianity, unlike the preaching that "faith believes and questions not how". A Revd Vicar once told me my faith was not strong enough because questions I raised portrayed me more as a philosopher than a Christian! Please pray for me, a poor sinner! - Gboyega Amobonye.

Going through this particular piece and reflecting back on others, I can't but imagine how much academics is missing in people like you! Just fancy the depth of your argument, your objectivity, the allusions, the conclusion, in fact, all! I am aware that varsities in the US and perhaps other climes have provision for what is called Professor of Practice whereby people who have made an impressive mark in the professions are co-opted into the academics to impart their skills, knowledge, and experience in students, which perfectly blends the theoretical with the practical. With that in mind, the (relevant departments in our universities) would be so blessed to have your type on board teaching creative writing and other related courses to their students. It is one innovation that I would wish the likes of Prof. Ṣiyan Oyewẹsọ can push through and get the managers of our educational system to adopt. - Abiodun Adefioye.

In a country where access to electricity is more a privilege than a right, solar energy has become the last hope of the common man. From small barbershops and tailoring sheds to community health centers and low-income homes, solar panels now dot the rooftops of the forgotten corners of Nigeria, silently powering lives the national grid has long abandoned.

So, when the federal government, through the Minister of Innovation, Science and Technology, Chief Uche Nnaji, recently announced plans to ban the importation of solar panels, citing the need to promote local production, it sent shockwaves through the renewable energy sector. And rightly so.

The Renewable Energy Association of Nigeria (REAN) has since rejected the move, warning that the decision, if implemented in haste, would be catastrophic. Their warning is not rooted in opposition to local industry development. On the contrary, REAN supports local manufacturing. But they understand a fundamental truth that seems to have eluded the corridors of power: you do not cripple a lifeline before building an alternative.

At the heart of this policy debate lies a harsh, glaring reality, millions of Nigerians are living off-grid. These are people who have given up on the promises of the national power sector. With over 85 million Nigerians lacking access to grid electricity according to the World Bank, solar energy has grown into a people-powered solution. It is not just an energy alternative; it is a survival mechanism.

In urban slums and rural villages, solar panels power water pumps, charge phones, light up homes, run refrigerators for drug storage, and keep small businesses afloat. To abruptly ban solar panel imports is to literally switch off that light.

Let us be clear: promoting local manufacturing is a noble and commendable goal. But doing so by slamming the doors on imports overnight is an economic and social miscalculation.

The government’s logic, anchored on Executive Order No. 5 and a belief that local entities like NASENI (National Agency for Science and Engineering Infrastructure) can meet the country’s solar demand, is optimistic at best and misleading at worst. Even if NASENI has commenced production, the reality is that local capacity is grossly insufficient to meet the surging demand. Most of the private sector players are still at infancy or pilot stages. To throw the entire burden of supply on them would be suicidal, for the industry and for consumers.

Besides, local production is not built in a vacuum. It needs time, investment, skilled labor, technology transfer, infrastructure, and financing, all of which are still lacking or underdeveloped in the current Nigerian context. Cutting off imports before strengthening these pillars is akin to pulling the ladder while asking people to climb.

Given the foregoing, it is germane to ask, “Who Bears the Brunt?” The answer to the foregoing question cannot be farfetched as it is not the policymakers in Abuja or the well-connected contractors that will feel the heat. It is the poor. The market woman who needs her solar lantern to sell tomatoes after sunset, the schoolchildren who use solar-powered lamps to study, the hospital in a remote area relying on solar power to store vaccines, the barber whose entire business model rests on uninterrupted energy, these are the ones who will pay the price.

In fact, banning solar imports without affordable alternatives in place will cause a price surge. Local producers, without economies of scale, will initially charge higher prices. Imported panels, even with shipping and duties, are currently cheaper and more accessible for many Nigerians. If only locally produced panels are allowed, supply shortages and inflated prices are inevitable.

And let us not forget that this planned abrupt ban could deter investors. The renewable energy sector has been one of the few bright spots in Nigeria’s gloomy economic landscape. It has attracted innovation, foreign partnerships, and youth employment. A hasty, poorly coordinated import ban signals policy instability, a red flag for investors.

There is a smarter, more sustainable way to achieve the same end goal without burning the bridge Nigerians are currently walking on. The government must gradually phase out solar panel imports, not slam the door shut. This can be done through import quotas that shrink annually, giving local producers time to scale, tax incentives, grants, and subsidies for local solar panel manufacturer and, encouraging joint ventures between foreign solar firms and local producers to facilitate technology transfer and training.

Other ways of phasing out solar panel imports include, Investments in research, development, and infrastructure to support scalable and competitive manufacturing as well as a transparent timeline and stakeholder consultation, to allow for industry preparation and adjustment.

This dual-track approach, supporting local growth while keeping the market open, will help Nigeria transition into self-sufficiency without sacrificing the immediate needs of the people.

It is tempting for leaders to chase the optics of nationalism: “Made in Nigeria”, “Buy Naija to grow the Naira”, and the like. But policies must be anchored on the realities of the moment, not aspirations alone. There is a difference between wishful policymaking and strategic planning. Nigeria is in an energy emergency, and solar has become the people’s fallback. This is not the time to impose restrictions without safeguards.

In truth, the conversation should not be about banning imports but about reducing dependence gradually while strengthening local capacity. That cannot happen overnight. To pretend otherwise is to gamble with the energy security of millions.

The poor cannot afford policy experiments. They are not in boardrooms; they are on the margins, hustling to survive each day. Solar energy has been their silent partner in that struggle. To threaten it with a sudden ban is to betray the very people the government claims to serve.

Yes, we must grow our local industries. But we must do so without crushing the poor under the weight of bad timing. A well-planned transition is possible. But only if the government listens, reflects, and acts with empathy.

Because if we get it wrong, the lights would not just go out, they may not come back on.

A heartwarming video capturing a surprise encounter between Afrobeats superstar Davido and gospel singer Moses Bliss at the airport has stirred reactions across social media.

The unexpected meeting took place as Moses Bliss along with his mother were on their way to London to visit his wife and newborn.

The trip also fulfilled a long-standing promise he had made to his mother years ago — to take her on a visit to London.

While heading to board their flight, Davido, a Grammy-nominated artist, spotted Bliss and walked over excitedly to greet him.

The moment was full of warmth as the two musicians hugged and exchanged pleasantries.

Davido then expressed deep admiration for Moses Bliss’ music, calling his songs “healing.”

The compliment visibly touched the gospel artiste, who later shared the video clip on his social media page.

Fans were pleasantly surprised to see Davido not only recognize but also praise a gospel singer — revealing a different, more spiritual side to the Afrobeats star.

The video has since gone viral, spreading joy among fans who flooded the comment section with praise and admiration for both artists.

Many expressed how beautiful it was to witness such genuine appreciation across musical genres.

[Opinion Nigeria]

When Justice Nwosu-Iheme of the FCT High Court in Abuja sentenced Peter Nwachukwu, husband of late gospel music star, Osinachi Nwachukwu, to death by hanging, the courtroom was not just delivering a verdict. It was sending an unmistakable message across the length and breadth of Nigeria: domestic violence has consequences, and the law is ready to bite.

The ruling, based on 23-count charges ranging from culpable homicide to spousal battery, has reverberated through Nigerian society, touching on everything from marital dynamics to the need for real enforcement of laws protecting women. For too long, many Nigerian wives have suffered in silence behind the high walls of “marital privacy.” Today, those walls have been shattered.

At this juncture, it is germane to recall that when Osinachi Nwachukwu’s death made headlines in April 2022, the public was initially fed half-truths. It was rumored that she died of throat cancer, a narrative peddled perhaps to shield the husband’s guilt. However, when insiders, friends, and eventually her own children began to talk, the monstrous reality emerged: Osinachi was a long-time victim of domestic violence.

The talented songstress, who blessed millions with her soul-stirring voice, particularly through her hit song “Ekwueme”, lived a tormented life at home. According to testimonies in court, Peter Nwachukwu subjected his wife to repeated physical abuse, threats, emotional manipulation, and terror.

It was not just hearsay. Seventeen witnesses, including two of their children, gave harrowing accounts of how Peter beat, strangled, and tormented his wife behind closed doors. They described a man who wielded fear as a weapon, using violence as his twisted way of control. Exhibits, medical reports, and credible witness statements combined to form an ironclad case against him.

Justice Nwosu-Iheme’s judgment was not rushed. It came after careful consideration of evidence and painstaking legal proceedings. And when the gavel finally fell, sentencing Peter to death by hanging for culpable homicide, the court was not merely punishing one man, it was warning every potential wife-beater across Nigeria: Your days of impunity are over.

In a country where many domestic violence cases are either swept under the rug or handled through family meetings and religious interventions, the sentencing marks a turning point. Nigerian society often glorifies the suffering of women in marriage, urging them to “endure” for the sake of children, church image, or family honor. Osinachi endured. And she paid the ultimate price.

Peter Nwachukwu’s death sentence reminds the public that the law, not family sentiments, governs life and death. It says clearly that no one has the right to brutalize their spouse, not under cultural excuses, not under religious pretexts, and certainly not under the guise of male authority.

The court’s decision should serve as a huge wake-up call. It underscores the urgent need to deconstruct the toxic narrative that a woman must suffer to be considered a “good wife.” Endurance in marriage should never be synonymous with accepting abuse.

Osinachi’s case is not an isolated incident. In fact, statistics reveal a frightening pattern. According to a 2021 report by the National Demographic and Health Survey (NDHS), approximately 31% of Nigerian women aged 15–49 have experienced physical violence at least once since the age of 15. Most cases are perpetrated by intimate partners.

Unfortunately, cultural norms often discourage women from speaking out. Many victims are gaslighted into believing that reporting abuse is a betrayal of their family or faith. Churches preach forgiveness without addressing accountability. Families advise patience, and communities look the other way.

It is not surprising that when Osinachi’s death first surfaced, some fans quickly blamed her for “not speaking up early enough.” But the reality is more complex. Victims of domestic violence often live in fear, fear for their lives, fear of stigmatization, and fear of being blamed.

Justice Nwosu-Iheme’s bold judgment is a breath of fresh air in a system often accused of dragging its feet on gender-based violence. It shows that the judiciary can indeed be a defender of human rights when it has the courage to prioritize justice over societal pressure.

The 23-count charge on which Peter Nwachukwu was arraigned shows the severity with which prosecutors treated the case. From spousal battery to criminal intimidation, every aspect of his cruel behavior was dissected and laid bare. In sentencing him, the court did not merely focus on the ultimate result, Osinachi’s death, but also on the pattern of abuse that led up to it.

This is how cases of domestic violence should be treated: comprehensively and firmly. A slap today can lead to a funeral tomorrow. The law must recognize the pattern early and intervene decisively.

While Peter Nwachukwu’s death sentence represents a victory for justice, it is a bittersweet one. Nothing will bring Osinachi back. Her children will grow up without both parents. Her golden voice has been silenced forever.

It is tragic that it took the death of such a promising woman to awaken society to the horrors hidden behind closed doors. But if there is a silver lining, it is that Osinachi’s death and Peter’s conviction might save countless others.

If even a few men now think twice before raising their hands against their wives, if even a few women feel emboldened to speak out early, then Osinachi’s tragic story will not have been in vain.

This case must go beyond Peter Nwachukwu and Osinachi. Nigerian society as a whole must introspect. Churches, mosques, traditional leaders, and families must take stronger stances against domestic violence. Marriage counselors must learn to detect signs of abuse and act accordingly, rather than blindly preaching endurance.

Schools should educate both boys and girls about healthy relationships. Government agencies must increase public sensitization and ensure that women’s shelters, hotlines, and legal aid are readily available.

Importantly, the government should also enforce the Violence Against Persons (Prohibition) Act (VAPP Act) nationwide. Too many states have yet to domesticate or properly implement it.

Peter Nwachukwu’s death sentence is a hard but necessary lesson: no more martyrs in the name of marriage.

No woman should have to die to prove her loyalty. No family should have to bury their daughter because society failed to protect her.

Justice Nwosu-Iheme has drawn a line in the sand. From here onward, every slap, every punch, every act of marital cruelty must be seen for what it truly is, a crime.

Osinachi Nwachukwu sang praises to God with a golden voice. In death, her life has become a powerful hymn of justice. It is now left for the rest of society to sing along, not with tears, but with action.

In a chartered room on the 14th floor of the NASDAQ Building in Times Square, New York, sat a high-powered mix of global finance heavyweights, investors from JP Morgan, Standard Chartered, and other top institutions.

Beside them were influential members of the Nigerian diaspora, senior executives from the Central Bank of Nigeria, led by Governor Olayemi Cardoso, the CEO of the Nigerian Exchange (NGX), Temi Popoola and the CEO of the Central Securities Clearing System (CSCS), Haruna Jalo Waziri.

They weren’t there by chance. The mission was clear: Nigeria is open for business, and it wants the world to know.

This was one of several side events at the IMF and World Bank Spring Meetings, part of a broader campaign to woo foreign investment and change the narrative around Nigeria’s economic prospects.

But while the message from the Nigerian delegation was one of progress and reform, the response from investors revealed a more complicated reality, one filled with hope, hesitation, and hard questions.

On paper, this was Nigeria’s moment to shine. And in many ways, it did. 

The tone was set by the Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, who spoke with clarity and conviction. He defended the bank’s recent policy choices, aggressive interest rate hikes, exchange rate liberalization, and the cleaning up of the FX backlog.

He reminded the audience just how bad things were before he took over and how far we had come since. There was no pretension; this was a man laying bare the facts and standing firmly behind his playbook.

To my surprise, foreign investors listened not with skepticism but with respect. Many were, in their own words, “impressed.” They applauded the policies. They admired the pace of implementation. Some even confessed they hadn’t expected this level of discipline. But as the conversations deepened, so did the concerns.

One word kept surfacing: uncertainty 

Investors were not just worried about Nigeria. They were anxious about the world. Trump’s return to the political stage and his tariff talk were casting long shadows on emerging markets like ours. Many feared what a new wave of U.S. protectionism would do to oil prices and, by extension, to Nigeria’s fragile fiscal plan. Oil remains our lifeline, and everyone in the room knew it.

And yet, there was more. Investors kept circling back to a sobering question: How are ordinary Nigerians coping with all of this?

They were concerned not just with inflation or the exchange rate but with the very real pain being felt on the streets of Lagos, Kano, and Port Harcourt. The palliatives were not enough, they said. The social safety nets were too shallow. They wondered aloud how long Nigerians could endure this level of economic adjustment without political backlash or social unrest.

It wasn’t just investors raising these concerns. The IMF echoed them too. In their briefings, Nigeria’s policy reforms were described as bold and necessary. But they also forecasted weaker GDP growth than what the Nigerian government had projected. Inflation was still too high and was projected to go even higher. Poverty was still climbing. Growth, they warned, could be jobless and exclusive unless social support systems were urgently strengthened. They also warned of inefficient spending amidst growing fiscal deficits.

At another session hosted by the Federal Ministry of Finance and the CBN, we saw an even larger gathering of international investors. The government presented more data, laid out its fiscal strategies, and opened the floor for questions. One investor stood up and asked a tough one: Have you factored in falling oil prices in your 2025 budget projections?

The Minister of Finance gave a diplomatic response. He acknowledged the concerns and said scenarios were being considered. He mentioned a task team working on alternative revenue sources and hinted at plans to ramp up crude oil output through a newly energized NNPC. But the room could sense the struggle—oil still dominates our revenue, and the urgency to diversify remains more a goal than a reality.

Other issues came up, like Nigeria’s absence from the JP Morgan bond index. For many foreign portfolio managers, this exclusion is a deal-breaker. It limits their ability to invest in Nigerian assets, no matter how attractive the returns look. The DG of the Debt Management Office confirmed that Nigeria had met all the criteria, but the inclusion process was still ongoing. No timeline was given.

Then there was the matter of data. Investors trust what they can measure. While they praised the CBN for its data transparency, they expressed frustration with the Ministry of Finance. The availability, consistency, and quality of fiscal data are still major stumbling blocks. The Nigerian delegation assured them that reforms were underway. But again—no timelines, no specifics.

And yet, despite all of this, I felt a shift. 

Unlike previous years, where Nigerian officials were met with cold doubt or outright disapproval, this time was different. Investors and institutions alike acknowledged that progress had been made. They just weren’t sure how durable it was or how insulated it was from political shocks, both domestic and global.

We’ve done the hard part, policy reforms that many countries avoid. Now, we are entering the hardest part: waiting. Waiting for oil prices to rise. Waiting for the tariffs and trade wars to settle. Waiting for the rating agencies to catch up. Fitch recently upgraded Nigeria’s credit rating, but others like Moody’s and S&P are yet to budge.

In truth, many of the risks that still hang over Nigeria are beyond our control. That’s the painful irony. We’ve started the engine, but the road is still bumpy and the weather is getting worse. The Trump tariff fears are real. Global growth is slowing. And we are still the poverty capital of the world, according to the World Bank.

A foreign investor summed it up for us after one session: “You’ve fixed many of the issues that made us walk away. Now we just need to see stability. If that happens, billions of dollars will come rolling in.” 

Let’s hope we’re not just running a good race but one we can finish.

Former Deputy National Publicity Secretary of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Timi Frank, has asserted that the betrayal of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) by the former Governor of Delta State, Ifeanyi Okowa, is not his first attempt.

Naija News reports that Frank stated this in a statement on Wednesday while reacting to Okowa’s remark that he regrets accepting to be running mate to former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar, in the 2023 election.

However, Frank said Okowa begged, fought, and lobbied to be the presidential running mate of Atiku.

According to him, Okowa’s defection is an attempt to evade prosecution by the Economic Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).

He also alleged that Okowa stabbed the former Governor of Delta State and his political godfather, James Ibori, in the back due to power.

The statement reads, “It is understandable that Okowa is fighting the battle of his life to evade prosecution by the EFCC over corruption allegations against him but to make Nigerians believe that he now “regrets” taking up the position of vice Presidential candidate of the PDP in 2023 is not only an afterthought but cowardice in full bloom.

“We know how Okowa begged, fought and lobbied to get the position.

“This is not Okowa’s first attempt at a high-level betrayal. The tale of how he stabbed ex-Governor James Ibori, his erstwhile godfather, in the back because of power is still fresh in our memory.

“Many of us know how Okowa emerged as Vice Presidential candidate, which he was not meant to be because few of us ever wanted him, we believed he did not have the capacity and experience to become vice president.

“Therefore, Okowa lacks the rectitude to play the victim or feign regret over a job and position he desperately wanted.

“We are still of the opinion that if Wike had emerged in place of Okowa in 2023 as running mate to Atiku, perhaps PDP would be in government at the national level today but we lost out apparently because of the choice of this ungrateful Okowa who never brought real value or political capital to the table.”

[NaijaNews]