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The once-tight relationship between President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu of Lagos State is reportedly under severe strain, as mounting evidence suggests a widening political rift with far-reaching implications for the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) ahead of 2027.

Although both men have refrained from making public statements on the matter, top APC insiders at the state, zonal, and national levels confirm that a subtle but significant breakdown has occurred in the once-formidable alliance.

President Tinubu’s recent visit to Lagos further exposed the fractured ties. On arrival at the Murtala Muhammed Airport, eyewitnesses told The Guardian that the president bypassed a handshake with Governor Sanwo-Olu, greeting Deputy Governor Obafemi Hamzat instead—a move many described as deliberate.

Sources say the president’s media aides were instructed to edit footage of the arrival, particularly scenes that could stoke speculation about the fallout.

In a further departure from protocol, Sanwo-Olu was allegedly excluded from escorting the president to his Ikoyi residence, a role traditionally reserved for the state governor. That responsibility reportedly fell to Hamzat.

Missing in Action: Sanwo-Olu’s Absence Raises Eyebrows

The Lagos governor’s absence from several key events during the president’s stay—especially the 50th anniversary of ECOWAS held at the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs—has deepened concerns.

Traditionally, the state governor is expected to deliver a goodwill message at such events, especially when held in Victoria Island, where ECOWAS was founded. When contacted, a member of the governor’s media team said he had “an important engagement elsewhere,” a response many observers dismissed as evasive.

Fallout Traced to Attempted Ouster of Lagos Assembly Speaker

According to multiple sources, the fallout may have been triggered by an alleged attempt by Sanwo-Olu to unseat the Speaker of the Lagos State House of Assembly, Mudashiru Obasa.

Reports indicate that 32 of the 40 lawmakers had signed a resolution for Obasa’s removal, allegedly backed by Sanwo-Olu, with plans to replace him with Mojisola Meranda. However, President Tinubu reportedly intervened, halting the plot and reinstating Obasa—an action interpreted as a stern warning to Sanwo-Olu.

A senior Lagos politician said, “That attempt was seen as a betrayal of Tinubu’s political structure. In Lagos politics, that’s not something you recover from easily.”

Sanwo-Olu Sidelined in APC Primaries

The ripple effects were evident during the APC local government primaries ahead of the July 12, 2025 council elections. Unlike in previous years, Sanwo-Olu had little say in selecting chairmanship candidates across Lagos’ 57 LGAs and LCDAs.

In a break from tradition, none of the shortlisted candidates was directly affiliated with the governor’s camp. The once-powerful Governance Advisory Council (GAC), often aligned with the governor’s agenda, was also stripped of its influence, following what insiders describe as a directive from the presidency to reduce patronage and reclaim control of the grassroots base.

Absence from APC National Events Deepens Isolation

Sanwo-Olu’s absence from the APC National Policy and Performance Review Summit in Abuja—where Tinubu was formally endorsed for a second term—was seen by many as the clearest indication of his isolation.

Speculation is rife that the governor may have been barred from the Presidential Villa, following the assembly rebellion and other perceived acts of disloyalty.

Achimugu Controversy Adds Fuel

Adding to the tension is the controversy surrounding Ms. Aisha Achimugu, a businesswoman facing EFCC investigations over alleged financial misconduct.

Though the anti-graft agency has denied any political link between her probe and the governor, insiders suggest rivals within Lagos APC used the scandal to further erode Sanwo-Olu’s credibility.

Echoes of Tinubu’s Past Fallouts with Protégés

Political observers note a pattern in Tinubu’s political career: protégés who rise through his influence eventually fall out of favour when they begin asserting independence.

Former governors Babatunde Fashola and Akinwunmi Ambode faced similar treatment. Fashola was nearly denied a second term in 2011, while Ambode was ousted after one term in 2019—paving the way for Sanwo-Olu, who was perceived then as more loyal.

Now, it appears Sanwo-Olu is walking the same path, with diminishing influence and increasing marginalisation.

Critics say this cycle of loyalty-based politics has disrupted governance in Lagos. Fashola’s urban renewal projects were shelved by Ambode, who in turn saw his major transport initiatives abandoned by Sanwo-Olu.

“Each time a fallout happens, critical projects are discarded to make room for new political interests,” a political analyst told The Guardian.

The biggest losers are Lagosians who are caught in this revolving door of unfinished development.”

 [NaijaNews]
 

The senator representing Abia North, Orji Kalu, has urged President Bola Tinubu to sack some of his minsters and service chiefs.

Kalu, who is a member of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), stated this during an interview on Channels TV’s Politics Today on Monday.

 
 

The former Governor of Abia State said President Bola Ahmed Tinubu should take bold decisions for his government to succeed.

He said, “Some people working with President Tinubu should be relieved of their duties. Some of them should go — both from the security sector and among the ministers.

“President Tinubu must be courageous enough to sack some of these ministers. If he takes my advice, most of these ministers, I’ve appraised them and talked to him privately, most of them should go, and that is the truth.

“If he takes my advice, some of the security chiefs will also go. There is no sentiment about redeeming Nigeria if we really want to relieve Nigeria.”

However, Kalu said that Tinubu needs two more years for the economy to trickle down to ordinary Nigerians, saying ordinary Nigerians and manufacturers are bearing the brunt of the economic hardship.

He said, “The macro side is coming, but the other downsides are not coming very well. Nigerians in the lower area are still suffering. They have not started having the benefit of the changes President Tinubu is making.

“The changes are trickling down; it’s going to take another one to two years for the changes to come. And what is causing it is because insurgencies and the problems all over Nigeria are still making people not go to the farm. Some people working with Tinubu should be relieved of their duties.”

[DailyTrust]

There is looming fuel scarcity as the deadliest flood killed hundreds of persons and brought down the bridge in Mokwa, Niger State, connecting Northern Nigeria with the southwestern part of the country.

The bridge that collapsed last Wednesday has disrupted human and vehicular movements around the Mokwa Bridge, with petroleum product trucks not left out.

Although the death toll from the Mokwa, Niger, flood remained controversial, the Niger State Emergency Management Agency and the National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA) reported 153, but community members had suggested a higher death toll.

 

Speaking on the effect of the bridge collapse, senior officials at MRS and Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited filling stations in Abuja hinted that the collapsed Mokwa Bridge may result in petroleum product scarcity during the 2025 Eid al-Adha (Sallah) celebration and holidays slated for June 6th and 9th.

An MRS official, who preferred anonymity, told DAILY POST that the development may disrupt distribution.

He, however, ensured that the petrol price would remain at N895 per litre during the Sallah break.

“Most of the petrol trucks are stranded due to the Mokwa Niger State bridge collapse.

“Honestly, I foresee fuel scarcity in Abuja and some parts of Northern Nigeria.

“I hope the government fixes the bridge on time, as our trucks had already made a u-turn, which is more expensive and time-consuming,” he told DAILY POST.

Another source at NNPCL agreed with the official at MRS, noting that the development may lead to fuel scarcity if adequate supply does not come from other routes such as Port Harcourt and Warri.

DAILY POST reports that Dangote Refinery, Nigeria’s only domestic producer of petroleum, is located in Lekki, Lagos State. Mokwa Bridge is the easiest route to Abuja and Northern Nigeria.

Reacting to the development, the National President of the Petroleum Products Retail Outlet Owners Association, Billy Gillis-Harry, and the National Secretary of the Independent Petroleum Marketers Association of Nigeria, James Tor, gave DAILY POST a very different perspective.

On his part, Gillis-Harry assured that its members would ensure an adequate supply of petrol from alternative sources and routes in Port Harcourt, Rivers, and Delta States to Abuja and across Nigeria.

According to him, there would be an adequate petrol supply throughout this year’s Eid al-Adha.

“One or two companies’ experiences in Abuja will not bring scarcity of petrol supply in Abuja and Nigeria.

“Our members will work with 11 PLC and Matrix to get supply from Port Harcout, Rivers and Delta states.

“The only thing is the transportation turnaround time.

“Our members will do their best to make sure fuel supply is available across the country during the Sallah.

“There should not be scarcity because we have alternatives,” he told DAILY POST.

However, Tor said the Mokwa Bridge collapse may lead to fuel supply shortages in Abuja and northern states.

He urged the federal government to quickly fix the collapsed bridge or resuscitate an alternative route to avert a possible looming fuel scarcity during the Eid al-Adha.

“The federal government needs to be proactive so that the other route is put into use for free vehicular and human movement across the regions.

“The Mokwa Bridge collapse will affect the free flow of supply.

“This will cause shortages. The unfortunate thing is that Salah is around the corner,” he told DAILY POST.

DAILY POST reports that the development comes as NNPCL, Dangote Refinery, and partners recently announced the latest reduction in the price of petrol to between N875 per litre and N910 per litre in Lagos and Abuja.

On Monday, the Nigerian government declared Friday, June 6, and Monday, June 9, as public holidays to mark this year’s Eid al-Adha.

[DailyPost]

The Federal Government must spend about N880bn annually for the maintenance of the federal road network nationwide, the Minister of State for Works, Mohammed Goroyo, declared on Monday.

This came as the Managing Director of the Federal Road Maintenance Agency, Chukwuemeka Abbasi, disclosed that the template for deducting the road user charge from the prices of petrol and diesel was never implemented by the defunct Petroleum Product Pricing Regulatory Authority, now the Nigeria Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority.

The two government officials spoke in Abuja at an investigative hearing of the House of Representatives Ad-Hoc Committee. The committee is investigating the implementation and remittances of the five per cent user charge for road maintenance under the Federal Road Maintenance Agency.

Speaking at the event, Goroyo said, “FERMA requires an estimated N880bn annually for optimal road conditions. Budgetary allocations have consistently fallen short—N76.3bn in 2023, N103.3bn in 2024, while N168.9bn was budgeted for 2025.

 

“Though these figures show gradual increases, they remain far below the necessary threshold for sustainable road maintenance. This persistent funding gap has forced FERMA into a reactive mode of maintenance rather than a preventive approach.

“The consequences of this are glaring-deteriorating road conditions, increased repair costs, and prolonged disruptions for commuters and businesses alike.

A proactive strategy, backed by adequate funding, is essential to ensure smooth, safe, and efficient roadways nationwide.

“Thus, the diligent implementation and timely remittance of the five per cent user charge are paramount. This dedicated funding stream offers a viable solution to bridge the financial gap, providing consistent resources to address Nigeria’s infrastructure needs without over-reliance on annual budget appropriations.”

 

He added that inadequate funding has been the major bane of the nation’s road infrastructure, stressing that even though the user charge was supposed to address the gap, the agency and the Ministry have not been able to access it.

On his part, the FERMA boss said, “Under the visionary leadership of President Bola Tinubu, the Federal Ministry of Works remains steadfast in the Renewed Hope Agenda, an agenda dedicated to delivering world-class infrastructure that fosters economic growth, strengthens connectivity, and enhances the daily lives of our citizens.

“Our roads are the lifelines of commerce and social integration, and their maintenance is not merely a policy directive but a national imperative. The five per cent user charge, as enshrined in the FERMA Act, was designed to serve as a sustainable funding mechanism for road maintenance and rehabilitation. However, for years, FERMA has grappled with severe funding inadequacies, hampering its ability to maintain our vast road network effectively.”

Declaring the event open, Speaker of the House of Representatives, Tajudeen Abbas, recalled that the House had on 19th March considered a motion at plenary revealing the non-implementation of remittance of the five per cent user charge on petroleum products meant for road maintenance under the FERMA Amendment Act, 2007.

He said, “We owe Nigerians the obligation by sections 88 and 89 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended) to conduct a comprehensive investigation into the status of the five per cent user charge to determine the extent of the violation of the law and the amount of money unremitted and those responsible for the non-implementation.”

He stressed that the investigative hearing should also be able to make strong recommendations on how to forestall further abuse of the law and streamline the remittance processes for ease of access to the funds by the relevant government agencies.

The Chairman of the Committee, who doubles as the Chairman, House Committee on Rules and Business, Francis Waive, said the user charge is not an attempt to increase the prices of petroleum products or to amend the law since it has been part of the law since 2007.

He added that the purpose of the investigation is to address the anomalies existing through disobedience to existing laws, adding that the House will ensure that every law passed by the parliament is complied with both by individuals and agencies of government.

[Punch]

 “Trouble will come, but you do not have to give it a chair to sit on.”- African proverb

Sadly the nation is being forced to watch a fierce and diversionary quarrel over the 2027 elections with just a little under two years to get there. Just see how the Tinubu administration is scraping the shallow bottom of a dented bottom to fish out palliatives and promises and attempting to sell them as achievements in two years. The main opposition is going crazy over what it claims is an engineered exodus. Other politicians are attempting to cobble together another vessel of egos and  personal ambitions. The nation watches a desperate frenzy over its troubled future. A people watch, with dejection and anger, as politicians expose the lie that Nigerian democracy is about the people.

 With two years to go, the general game plan, if indeed there is one, appears to be to defeat the opposition before the contest commences. APC has turned transactional politics into a grand strategy with a limited goal of mopping up all opportunists. It is the favourite destination for all comers, and those who migrate with a few PDP and LP skulls get choice places, at least for now. PDP screams victimization, hoping the nation will ignore its record in serial self-mutilation. There is nothing of substance in the firmaments, except political skeletons speaking volumes of politicians in a country where power is most addictive. This current picture will change and mutate as politicians play their games and Nigerian voters make up their minds. The journey to 2027 will be eventful and challenging for Nigerians.

 
 

 The APC appears bent on boosting its appearance only with booty from an anaemic opposition. It has been stampeded into a battle it has no business fighting, with two years of tough governance to go. It has sole responsibility for showing an impressive scorecard while fighting off an opposition sharpening its knives daily with a litany of governance failures. It is making elementary mistakes, including a seeming arrogance over its records; sustaining persistently poor engagement processes; faulty assumptions that feeding on the opposition alone will give it the strength to fight and win the election; creating the most personalized presidency which has every circle of power trembling, and ignoring the widespread perception that it is elevating transactional politics into the highest art form. Its biggest liability is a President who has very poor rating in most parts of the country.

 The ruling party could boost its chances if it does not field President Tinubu in 2027, choosing instead to field a younger, healthier and more ambitious politician with fairly clean personal records. This seems very unlikely, such is the larger-than-life presence of President Tinubu in the party. The President himself may not give the idea of grooming a successor and giving his party a new lease of life a favourable thought. If PBAT will be its candidate, the APC has to improve its understanding and exploitation of fault lines into which it will need to pour unheard-of fortunes to buy votes and voters. Ditching northern Muslims for northern Christians will be a risky strategy, but quite possibly the only option in the North. The party is also a poor student in reading the dynamics of opportunistic and transactional politics. Its bursting haul of politicians will be a major threat to its ambition if it fails to appreciate the complexities of managing ambitions and sharing largesse among politicians solely motivated by personal interests. Its assets could become its liabilities at precisely the point where neither transaction nor threat will work.

 The North will have a major influence in the outcome of the elections. It is the region that is most vulnerable to exploitation of fault lines and its poverty which trails it all the way to polling booths. The party must work hard to avoid a repeat of 2015 when the ruling party confronted an entire region massed against it. The South West will rally around him marginally if the main opposition fields a Northerner against him, but the ambivalence of this region should cause sleepless nights. The influence of Chief Spoiler Wike will weaken or grow, depending on the opposition’s response to the disarray in the South-South which will likely stabilize around its basic interests, not of an affluent appendage. LP will be decimated without Obi, and squeezed even further with him as its candidate. Obi’s ambition is now bigger than the LP, but he risks serious reduction as a politician if he takes decisions that alienate his followers. Of all the major politicians, none is more a captive of his core constituency than Obi. The South East is eager to recover from its multi-dimensional personality and assume a position in national leadership which reflects its passion for equity. It is likely to be available for a deal which gives it real power, and puts an end to a perennial sulking region on the margins.

 Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar seems to have the biggest dilemma. He is too weak to take on Tinubu’s second term ambitions, and too big to fit into schemes of other politicians angling for platforms that will actualize their personal ambitions. To leave the PDP (again) and seek a platform elsewhere will involve massive expenditure in energy and resources, assets that will be possessed in greater abundance in camps of those who will resist him as candidate. He could renounce the ambition to run (again) and engineer a reverse stampede into the PDP, as well as spearhead a Nigerian political re-engineering process. Politicians in the mold of the Waziri are very difficult to convince that there are edifying options to aspiring to be President in a country stuck with recycling its politicians.

The PDP is bleeding from massive onslaught of the governing party. Its biggest asset is Atiku, but he is also its biggest liability. His pre-eminent position in the party provides a reason for many real and contrived grievances. It is unlikely that PDP, with Atiku at the helm, will enter into an arrangement that gives it a role as second fiddle. Other parties could join PDP in a coalition of sorts, but some of them could ask for his ambition as a price. If the PDP could fix itself and take on the APC, it would not have bothered  with pandering to interests that are at worst dubious, and at best delusional. This party that once bestrode the nation is at risk of history recording it as the largest contributor to APC’s success in 2027.

 There are, of course, many other factors that will determine the outcome of the 2027 elections. The terrain is also liable to change dramatically when other key factors enter the fray, and calculations fail to provide the correct outcomes. A few of the factors that will sustain their value, however, will remain significant. First, the perceptions of the record of the APC administration, which still has almost two years to go will be a critical factor. Second, the nature and resilience of the opposition will be decisive. Third, geo-politics and identity politics will still be strong. Four, integrity of the elections is central. The disturbing encroachment of the executive arm of government’s influence into all in arms and institutions of governance must be curtailed if democracy is to survive in Nigeria. At all cost, the 2027 elections must be credible.

The pronouncement by the Minister of Education, Dr Tunji Alausa, that the conduct of the Senior Secondary School Examinations by the West African Examinations Council, WAEC and the National Examinations Council, NECO, will now be computer-based as from next year, may have to be reviewed, going by opinions by critical stakeholders regarding the readiness of the country for such an exercise.

While the leadership of WAEC and NECO claims their agencies are ready to take on the new challenge, the availability of the necessary facilities in the country could pose a significant hindrance to achieving it.

The Head of National Office, HNO, of WAEC, Dr Amos Dangut, and the Registrar of NECO, Prof. Dantani Wushishi, who spoke during a Zoom meeting organised by the Education Writers Association of Nigeria, EWAN, titled “CBT for SSCE: Is Nigeria ready?”, said their agencies had started conducting some aspects of their examinations using CBT, adding that they would only need to put in more efforts.

However, critical stakeholders, such as parents, students, university lecturers and education experts, faulted the claim, saying the level of infrastructure in the country was far below what was needed to realise the government’s objective.

Changing SSCE to CBT mode call

In April, while this year’s Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination, UTME, was ongoing, the minister went round to inspect some of the centres where the exam was held.

It was in the course of the inspection that he said starting from November/December, this year, WAEC and NECO would conduct their external examinations using the CBT mode. The exam is not school-based, it is for external candidates.

He added that from May/June 2026, when the exams would be school-based, the examination bodies would conduct them fully in CBT mode.

The pronouncement has since been generating reactions.

History of CBT exam in Nigeria

It was the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board JAMB that started the conduct of CBT examination in the country in 2013. Though opposition trailed the decision then, it has come to stay. Currently, the Board makes use of 887 centres across the country for its exam, with universities, schools and private interests providing the facilities and been paid commission by the Board for the use of their facilities.

The National Open University of Nigeria, NOUN, has 114 study centres and does not provide a specific number of CBT centres, according to their website nou.edu.ng and Wikipedia.

These study centres offer services, including CBT for examinations, although they may not all have dedicated CBT facilities. The 114 study centres are distributed across the six geopolitical zones of Nigeria.

CBT will save us from logistics issues -WAEC HNO

Still trying to get over the shock it received over the late administration of one of its important papers a few days ago, the HNO of WAEC, Dr Amos Dangut, said adopting CBT would save examination bodies some logistics problems.
The exam body came under fire last week when some candidates stayed up to 12 midnight before writing their English Language paper.

“It will save logistics issues. It will be a matter of touching the keyboard. We started the computer-based test over a year ago. The plus is greater than the minus. For us in WAEC, we are good to go. We have started and we are consolidating,” he said.

We can make use of other agencies’ facilities — NECO boss

In his opinion, Prof. Dantani Wushishi noted that CBT facilities currently used by the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board, JAMB, and the National Open University of Nigeria, NOUN, could be used to support the conduct of their examinations.

“Are we ready? you asked. Ready means fully prepared, but in real life, you cannot be fully prepared but you continue to innovate and keep improving on what you are doing. We have introduced a lot of ICT innovations into what we are doing.

The directive is presidential. The minister’s pronouncements were anchored on some critical issues. We have 76 subject areas we handle and 120 papers in 26,000 centres / schools.

“Education is on the concurrent list in the constitution and states are to be part of it. How many schools have CBT centres? It will require a lot of funds. JAMB has over 800 CBT centres and National Open University of Nigeria has across the country. Those are useful too. We use CBT in the conduct of November/December examination but is it not school based exam?”

On the level of computer literacy in the country, he added: “When we met with the minister, he agreed that there should be awareness and we are talking with stakeholders for each to know the roles they would play.

‘’We are already mapping our physical and CBT centres. We only need some modifications. Those doing CBT exams took some years to arrive at where we are starting from. It is about technological adoption.

It will reduce exam malpractice – Education Ministry

The Director of Senior Secondary Education, Federal Ministry of Education, FME, Hajia Binta Abdulkadir, said changing the exam mode to CBT would reduce malpractice in the conduct of the examinations.

“Examinations are fundamental to education globally. They are means of assessment. We will look inward to make use of available facilities. If we don’t, we won’t start at all. CBT exams record low malpractice than paper exams. There is need to punish exam saboteurs. Dual education system is good. You don’t de-emphasise certificate.”

Our exam mode is not adaptable to CBT — Rabana

However, an education advocate, Rasheed Rabana, said the mode of examinations in Nigeria was not adaptable to the use of CBT.

“What we have been doing in the past is not really CBT in the real sense of it. WAEC and NECO mode of examination is not adaptable to CBT. Harvard University in the United States is one of the pioneers of computer use and CBT, but they still conduct paper exams.

‘’It is only multiple choice exam that is adaptable to CBT. We are destroying our exams. Let us just set the issue of infrastructure aside, that is the least of our problem, the mode of our exams is unadaptable to CBT.

It could lead to exclusion of some students — CONUA

On his part, the National President of the Congress of University Academics, CONUA, Dr Niyi Sunmonu, opined: “On the directive to migrate all examinations to Computer-Based Testing, CBT, by next year, I believe the intention is commendable.

‘’It is aiming to modernise assessment, improve efficiency, and reduce malpractice. However, the feasibility raises a number of serious concerns that must be carefully considered:

“Access and equity for candidates in remote areas: Many candidates from underserved or remote areas may not have regular access to computers and/or stable internet connectivity. More importantly, they may lack the digital literacy required to confidently navigate a CBT interface.

‘’Rolling out a nationwide policy without addressing these disparities could result in the exclusion or unfair disadvantage of a large segment of the student population.

“Nature and Pattern of Examination: While CBT works well for objective, multiple-choice-type assessments, many disciplines require more complex forms of evaluation, including essays, problem-solving, diagrams, or technical drawings.

‘’These forms are not easily adapted to standard CBT platforms. A blanket implementation risks oversimplifying assessment and undermining the depth and rigour required in many fields.

“Infrastructure and technical reliability: The current state of digital infrastructure in many schools and centres is not yet robust enough to support large-scale, glitch-free CBT deployment. Issues like power outages, insufficient computer terminals, network (internet) failures, and software glitches could severely disrupt the examination process and compromise its credibility.

“In essence, while transitioning to CBT could be a step in the right direction, it must be done gradually, inclusively, and with a clear-eyed view of the challenges ahead. The focus should be on capacity building, infrastructural development, and piloting CBT across suitable exam types before a full-scale implementation is adopted.”

It is not possible now – NAPTAN

Also reviewing the situation, the National President of the National Parent Teacher Association of Nigeria, NAPTAN, Alhaji Haruna Danjuma, opined that with the current level of infrastructure in the country, such a step would not work as effectively as envisaged.

“It is not possible. Will all the schools be fixed with computers? In my state, we have over 500 basic education schools, in my local government, we have over 200 primary schools, then we should install ICT facilities in all the schools.

‘’What about the electricity to power the facilities assuming we have them in place. How many computer instructors do we have to take care of the children? We are sitting on a time bomb.”

Let us not rush into it — ASUU

On his take, the chairman of Lagos Zone of the Academic Staff Union of Universities, ASUU, Prof. Nassir Adesola, said the country should not just jump into adopting any policy without seriously interrogating same for its workability.
“Nothing is wrong with CBT actually but we need to interrogate the motivation for adopting its use. We need to be fully aware of the possible low points and the implication on the sanctity of our examinations.

‘’The modalities for its use, i.e. multiple choice, written, hybrid, and the opportunity for students to fully express themselves. This is more appreciated when grading is done manually, compared to some keywords driven programmed grading.
“A pilot use to identify challenges and smoothen rough edges would be better before plunging into it. We need to really expand our technology all round, from hardwares to softwares, electricity, logistic matters for remote locations, etc. The human factor too.

“Compared to UTME, the population of students that would be involved would be much larger. Nonetheless, the matter would continue to be a subject of discussion by stakeholders in education, including ASUU, so that government can be well advised on the matter.”

Let us use JAMB’s UTME as litmus test — NANS

The National Public Relations Officer of the National Association of Nigerian Student, NANS, Comrade Adeyemi Samson Ajasa, called for using JAMB’s UTME as a litmus test before jumping into using CBT for other exams.

“Let us use JAMB’s UTME as a litmus test. How has it fared? Meanwhile, remember that UTME is a day exam and SSCE runs for a little over a month. Are the facilities in place? Do we have CBT centres across the 774 local governments in the country. Let us assume that we do, remember that most of the LGs are made up of more than one community. Who is going to be responsible for the cost of logistics of candidates who want to write the exam? Is it the already pressed and hapless parents?

“Even if WAEC and NECO are going to make use of the facilities that JAMB is using now and others, they cannot be enough. We have not mentioned the issue of network, power supply, security concerns and others. The government should call a meeting of stakeholders including students, parents, experts etc to discuss the proposal. We need to make haste slowly.”

It will negatively affect students’ writing skills — Don

A former lecturer at the University of Abuja who now teaches in a university in Rwanda, Dr Isaac Areo, said it would badly affect the writing skills of students.

“At the University of Abuja, I was the Examination Officer for about 10 years. From the experience I have gathered over the years, my main worry is that CBT will negatively affect the writing skills of our students.

‘’Just relate with some of our students, you will notice that they mostly speak better than they write. I doubt if all schools, whether private or public, can be provided with the facilities that can take all the students writing the exam in their own premises. That would mean some students would be taken to centres probably far away from their schools, then who is going to be responsible for the logistics?

“There is also the issue of computer fright. Not everybody can feel comfortable in front of the computer. Let us take it gradually. Objective questions can be CBT and then others still paper exam. The UTME conducted by JAMB is one thing and the SSCE is a different ball game.”

It should not be a policy executed by fiat — Educationists

Making know their feelings about the proposed policy, two educationists, Beatrice Aketuamhen and Ariyo Ismail, said UTME and SSCE were not in the same category.

“UTME is just a day exam and SSCE is about a month or even more than a month. What about security concerns, logistics, and even electricity to power the computers? We all know the cost of energy now in the country. It is a long time thing, not something that can be done by fiat,” said Aketuamhen.

Ismail said it was not only Lagos and Abuja that made up Nigeria, adding that many areas lacked basic amenities.

“Lagos and Abuja are not Nigeria as a whole. We like to copy and paste. We tend to pretend. Does every community have the expected facilities for such an exercise? The problem in the education sector is bigger than the issue of CBT,” Ismail said.

We’re going to kill practicals

Relatedly, a member of the House of Representatives, representing Ikwo/Ezza South federal Cconstituency, Ebonyi State, Chinedu Ogah, appealed to the federal government to discontinue the plan to conduct SSCE in CBT mode.

He said: “The issue about our education is that the system has simply collapsed. We are rushing things by talking about CBT when we have no network in the hinterlands.

“When it came up in the National Assembly, I told them that if we want to do the right thing, let us urge the federal government to deploy ICT to all primary and secondary schools.

“By then, it becomes a course to study in all our schools. They will get acquainted with ICT. Then gradually, they will upgrade. By then, there must have been network services in all the local governments, wards. And that is when you can talk of going into CBT mode.

“Talking about WAEC adopting use of CBT, I am a science student. How will you now combine titration when you are mixing carbon dioxide with CO2 to get a result?

‘’If you have an equilibrium when you are now doing a thesis and you bring what is called load, fulcrum and force, how do you measure it by bringing the equation?

“In Mathematics, when you have a quadratic equation, quadratic elimination by permutation method, how do you do that with ICT? I said in this way, we talk what cannot work. We are killing our education. We are killing our science.

“Science is purely practical. Our students need to know what practical is all about. And that is the only thing we have in this country. We believe everything is fake and they cannot lead us anywhere”, he said.

[Vanguard]

 

 

Vice-President Kashim Shettima says Nigeria is actively seeking $25 billion investment to supply gas to Europe via the Nigeria-Morocco gas pipeline project.

Speaking on Monday at the presidential villa during a meeting with a Vitol Group delegation, an independent commodity trader, Shettima said the project is an expensive venture requiring about the aforementioned amount.

He said the country needs Vitol’s technical expertise to successfully finalise the project.

“We need you more for your technical expertise than for your money. Gas supply stability counts, that is why we are exploring the option of an undersea gas pipeline,” the vice-president said.

 

Shettima said “it will be a completely transparent management structure”, urging Vitol to “come on board with this project”.

He described Nigeria’s gas sector as a beacon of stability and transparency amid global uncertainty.

“I will urge you to key into our nation’s energy transition programme. I want you to utilise your dominance in the Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) and Associated Petroleum Gas (APG) sub-sectors,” he said.

 

The vice-president said the world is changing and “ours is actually a gas and not an oil economy”.

“We have the eighth-largest gas reserve in the world. We really want to harness the potential in the gas sector fundamentally because of the stability and transparency in that arena,” he said.

“The Nigeria Liquefied Natural Gas Limited (NLNG) has been largely insulated from government interference.

“What we are getting from the NLNG is so predictable. This is why we are seriously exploring the option of taking our gas to Europe.”

 

The vice-president said President Bola Tinubu’s bold economic reforms have positioned Nigeria as a leading destination for investment, particularly in the energy sector.

Shettima said Nigeria’s leadership transformation under Tinubu presents a unique and unparalleled opportunity for international investors.

“Most importantly is the leadership. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu grew up in that ecosystem — energy and finance,” he said.

“In the past 25 years, we have not had a leader who has the courage to take far-reaching decisions as he has taken — the removal of fuel subsidy, the unification of the multiple exchange rates, and the tax reforms.”

 

Shettima appealed to global investors, saying Tinubu is putting Nigeria on a new trajectory.

“This is where the action is, invest in Nigeria,” he said.

 

‘VITOL GROUP HAS LONG-TERM COMMITMENT TO NIGERIA’

On his part, Jeffrey Dellapina, chief financial officer of Vitol Group, said the company has a long-term commitment to Nigeria.

 

“This has been an incredibly close and important country for Vitol for a very long time. We have participated in a lot of things from the downstream, financing, trading and government support when needed,” he said.

“We do want to maintain an understanding that Vitol is committed, and we are always available to deploy capital when needed.

 

“We want to stay in this country and evolve with you.”

Also speaking, Murtala Baloni, Vitol Group’s head of public affairs, said the company is benefiting from a strong and positive business relationship with Nigerian companies and the government.

“We support the business of the government in ways that we can in the deployment of capital,” he said.

Baloni said the company was one of the major funders of Project Gazelle, a crude oil-backed forward-sale finance facility by the Nigerian National Petroleum Company (NNPC) Limited, “where we put in $300 million during the COVID-19 period”.

[TheCable]

As President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration approached its second anniversary, the atmosphere was charged with political activity. Officials from his administration made efforts to account for their performance, but these efforts were overshadowed by a loud call for the President’s second term. Supporters, high-ranking party officials, even the All Progressives Congress governors and federal government officials were preponderantly focused on capturing more states and diminishing opposition parties than in showcasing their achievements. 

If Tinubu opposed this distraction, he did not make it known. He prominently welcomed defectors into the APC and, during a recent caucus meeting he hosted at the seat of government, he vigorously addressed concerns that Nigeria was becoming a one-party state under his leadership. Instead of reassuring citizens about the state of democracy, his comments fell short of providing comfort.

He eventually celebrated the second anniversary of his administration which featured a speech that received more criticism than praise. In his address, the President highlighted the achievements of his administration’s Renewed Hope Agenda and reiterated his commitment to tackling economic instability, improving nationwide security, reducing corruption, reforming governance, and lifting Nigerians out of poverty.

Tinubu claimed that the economic and overall situation he inherited demanded a redirection of the country’s affairs. He cited the removal of fuel subsidies and the establishment of multiple foreign exchange windows as key initiatives. Halfway through his first term, Tinubu reflected on these controversial reforms and asserted that they were revitalizing the national economy and strengthening the social fabric of the country.

However, many Nigerians do not share his optimistic view. A significant portion of the population remains skeptical that these reforms will lead to the prosperity promised during the campaign period and which his officials have consistently repeated, especially as the country continues to fall deeper into debt. One notable critic, Atiku Abubakar, the presidential candidate from the rival Peoples Democratic Party in the 2023 election, dismissed the reforms as ineffective and misguided. In a statement released on the anniversary, Atiku described Tinubu’s two years in office as marked by “misrule, economic hardship, and authoritarian tendencies,” asserting that the administration has worsened poverty, favored elites, and driven the nation into an unsustainable debt crisis.

Atiku pointed out that no government in Nigeria’s democratic history has imposed such severe hardship on the populace, and criticized some of the administration’s policies, stating they “disproportionately hurt the poor while rewarding the wealthy.”

While Atiku’s criticism may be regarded as part of his political posturing as an opposition figure, the claims largely reflect the sentiments of most Nigerians who doubt whether the reforms are yielding or will ever yield positive results.

It is worth noting that Tinubu’s twin policy of fuel subsidy removal and floating of the naira have sent the economy into an unprecedented tailspin with many Nigerians grappling with unimaginable hardship, high inflation and higher living costs. The people need more than those flowery words in the President’s anniversary speech to cushion the grinding effect of those policies.

To start a re-election rhetoric that early, rather than deal with the demons, amounts to adding insult to the economic injury. It means the president and his team are more interested in political survival than national progress. It is a sign of insecurity, a focus on entrenching power rather than winning public trust through results. When you add the growing concerns that Nigeria may be heading toward a one-party state under the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), the optics get even worse. 

That narrative is fueled by the President’s overt support for widespread political cross-carpeting as many elected officials from opposition parties—especially from the PDP and smaller parties—have defected to the APC, often under pressure or in pursuit of political survival. Or still, for rewards, as defectors into the APC are routinely rewarded with positions or other forms of patronage.

At the same time the President was preparing his anniversary speech, he sent a letter to the National Assembly requesting approval to borrow an astonishing $21.5 billion. This new borrowing raises serious doubts about the promises made during his anniversary address. How can citizens be encouraged to feel hopeful when the government is burdening the people with such immense debt?

If the past two years are any indicator of the future, many believe it looks grim. The rising debt linked to questionable projects does little to reassure the public that progress is being made. To make matter worse, many sections of the country have been left out in the projects he intends to apply the borrowed monies to. The South-East, for instance, has been persistent in voicing concerns of marginalization with regards to the federal governments infrastructural development, especially the rail masterplan and the Lagos-Calabar superhighway.

Instead of fixating on the chants for a second term—particularly when he has yet to deliver convincingly on his first—Tinubu should redirect his administration’s focus away from political flattery and toward fulfilling his many promises. Rather than acts that seek consolidation of power, weakening of opposition and eroding democratic pluralism, Tinubu should rather open the space wider for political competition, dissent, and institutional independence—features that are visibly under strain bin today’s Nigeria.

The detrimental impact of his policies is so severe that these distractions are insulting to struggling Nigerians. While it is definitely premature to ramp up political activities for the next election, the average citizen expects more efforts aimed at alleviating their current hardships. It is only in so doing that the reforms – whatever reforms – will resonate with the generality of Nigerians.

Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Minister Nyesom Wike yesterday made his position known on many national issues, such as the crisis in the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), the 2027 presidential election and the crisis between him and suspended Rivers State Governor Siminalayi Fubara.

Fielding questions from a group of journalists on a special television programme in Abuja, Wike pledged to lead President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s 2027 reelection campaign in Rivers State.

He reacted to the “I am hungry” comment by his predecessor and immediate past Minister of Transportation, Rotimi Chibuike Amaechi.

Amaechi made the remark last week during his 60th birthday celebration.

On the 2027 election, Wike said: “I am not a liability. I am an asset, whether you agree or not. I will ensure that President Tinubu wins a second term, and I will lead the campaign in Rivers.” 

The minister offered a challenge to the coalition forces, saying: “Let them form their coalition and start from Rivers. We’ll be waiting.”

He recalled that he was instrumental in making the PDP a dominant political force in the country, adding that he has the right to support any candidate of his choice.

Wike rejected the allegations of anti-party activities by PDP Board of Trustees (BoT) member Chief Bode George and Amaechi, saying he remains a political “asset,” and not a liability.

He stressed:  “I built PDP into a political force. I did not play anti-party politics in 2023.”

Wike defended his legacy in the PDP, arguing that his efforts in Rivers and across the country made the party gain national relevance.

He said: “Bode George said PDP gave me a national profile, and I agree. But the party doesn’t make you win elections; it is your commitment that does.

“Ask Bode George what PDP has achieved in Lagos since 1999.

“I have campaigned, built, and defended the party to make it a strong political force.”

Wike dismissed George’s remarks about the recent sealing of the PDP’s national secretariat by the FCT authorities due to unpaid ground rent.

He said: “If an elderly man has no job, he should sit at home and read his newspapers.”

The minister also rejected George’s advice that he should pay the rent as a PDP chieftain, stressing that neither he nor the PDP could pay it because the building was not registered in their names.

He stressed: “I cannot pay because it is not in my name. They cannot pay because it is not in their name.”

Wike said his support for President Tinubu in 2023 was based on principles of equity, justice, and fairness.

He insisted that the PDP leadership violated the internal agreement to support a Southern presidential candidate.

Wike said: “In 2023, I said I wouldn’t support Atiku Abubakar because it was wrong to have both the presidential candidate and the national chairman come from the North. I stood on that principle.

“If I were playing anti-party, how come Rivers State delivered the PDP governorship, Senate, and House of Representatives seats 100 per cent?”

Wike said other PDP leaders, including George, quietly supported the Labour Party (LP), wondering why he had remained the target of criticism.

Recalling his warning to George about his support for the LP candidate, he said: “I told George, Obi couldn’t win, and I was right.”

‘Amaechi hungry for power’

Wike took a swipe at Amaechi over his comment that he became hungry due to the worsening economic conditions.

Amaechi had said: “We’re all hungry, all of us are. If you’re not hungry, I am. For us, the opposition, if you want us to remove the man in power, we can remove him from this power.”

However, the FCT minister said Amaechi is claiming to be hungry because he is no more in power.

He said: “Amaechi is not hungry for food; he is hungry for power. He was Speaker from 1999 to 2007, governor from 2007 to 2015, and minister from 2015 to 2023. He never talked about hunger until now.”

Wike accused Amaechi of attempting to manipulate public sentiment, saying: “From 1999 to 2023, he was in power. He is only angry because he can’t stay out of power. He trivialises national hardship and makes it about himself.”

The minister also chided Amaechi over his call for the removal of the President, saying that such language is reminiscent of a dictatorship and akin to a military coup.

Wike said: “I don’t know how a man will choose his 60th birthday to tell lies. It’s unfortunate. Of all time, it’s your 60th birthday, when people are celebrating you, that you chose to tell lies to Nigerians. You are hungry.

“Let us tell ourselves this. He was Speaker from 1999 to 2007, and if anybody knows, he was the most pompous Speaker. Then, he was reading law in London as a Speaker from 1999 to 2007. He became a governor – 2007 to 2015;  he was still reading law in London. Eight years as Speaker of the Rivers State Assembly, eight years as governor – he never talked about hunger.

“He became a minister from 2015 to 2023, eight years, super minister of transportation, where you are borrowing money for Afreximbank, he didn’t talk about hunger.

“Two years, you have left office – ‘I’m in coalition because I’m hungry’. You’re only hungry for power. And that shows failure on his part. How do you look at this? How do you insult Nigerians?

“How do you trivialise the issue of hunger or poverty? Why do you do that? You’re insulting Nigerians. You join Atiku, you join El-Rufai because you are hungry. Have you not insulted Nigerians? It’s just that you can’t stay out of power. That’s hunger. You can’t stay out of power. How would a man who served from 1999 to 2023 stand before Nigerians, who presided over billions of naira…

“This was the same man who, on national television, told Nigerians he doesn’t like money. Meanwhile, the dollar was showing…; you are carrying dollars, and you are telling Nigerians you don’t like money. What kind of country is this? And we are listening to that.

 

“And you said, he is influential? What is influence? You know, we overrate people. When he was governor in 2015, he couldn’t produce a successor.

“He couldn’t give his candidate, Muhammadu Buhari, a common 25 per cent. He was a sitting minister in 2019 – no president had ever moved with soldiers the way he came with soldiers. He said he produced the governor. He couldn’t produce a candidate.

“Again, in 2023, he came, okay, this time around, I’m going to support Atiku in the PDP. Thank God, we did not support the PDP. If I supported PDP and they won, you would have taken the glory, but we say, okay, we will not support PDP. They failed. They didn’t even get 10 per cent. So, what is his influence?

“Look, I thank God he is in a coalition. I’ve told Nigerians. I don’t like this talking, talking, talking. Let this coalition form a team.

“When you say you will remove, they should start from their home to remove him by making sure the President loses the election.

“How could somebody come out on national television and tell Nigerians: ‘If we want to remove the President, we can.’ Is it a military coup? The word removal means dictatorship in the military.

“You only use the word ‘remove’ when there’s a coup. I would have thought he would say: ‘We will vote him out.’

“Let’s see how he plans to remove the president. Is it through election or some other means?”

Wike clarified his earlier position on backing out of the PDP agreement, saying that he never accused Oyo State Governor Seyi Makinde of wrongdoing.

He said: “I never accused Makinde of breaking promises. I only said agreements reached by the G5 were broken.”

The minister recently vacated about 5,000 land titles in Abuja for unpaid fees, of which one of these plots belongs to George.

He said: “Bode George is number 3092 on the list. His land was listed for not paying fees for 10 years. At his level? At his level?”

‘I weep over betrayal by Fubara’

Wike said he is moved to tears whenever he reflects on the “betrayal” by suspended Governor Siminalayi Fubara.

The minister said Fubara offered himself as a “tool” for those who wanted to fight him when they could not do so directly.

He said although he played a major role in his emergence as governor, Fubara “betrayed” him by working with those who wanted his downfall.

Wike likened the situation to a son who connived with armed robbers to rob his father.

He said the resolution of the Rivers crisis rests with Fubara, adding that he is ready for reconciliation if the suspended governor wants “genuine peace”.

Wike said: “He (Fubara) gave himself as a tool for those who could not fight me directly. Sometimes, when I go back in my quiet moment, I play the video of the speeches of the governor — what he said and did to me, I weep. Was it necessary?

“This is somebody who brought you, gave you food and everything. Then, you became a tool for his enemies to fight him. We are all humans. When people say there should be peace… Nobody said there should not be peace.

[TheNation]

 

“How will you feel? You know what you passed through by sending your son to school and making him a human being.

“All of a sudden, your son came in with other people, armed with a gun to shoot you. Is it something that you will just forget?

“I have told people who do not understand what betrayal means that they may be betrayed 10 times more than this. That is my prayer.

 

“I have said I want peace, but you must show that the peace you want is genuine, and you must have taken steps.”

Wike said he was at a loss as to why Fubara was talking about an ongoing peace process in Rivers.

He said Fubara came to him with Governors Dapo Abiodun (Ogun) and Francis Nwifuru (Ebonyi) and an elder of the APC to discuss peace.

 

He said since then, he has not seen the suspended governor and he is not aware that he is meeting with the elders in the state and lawmakers.

‘I derive joy stepping on toes of big men’

Wike said he derives joy from stepping on the toes of ‘big men,’ warning that property owners in Abuja who are yet to pay their ground rent must do so or face the music.

He insisted that the PDP must pay the ground rent for its secretariat in the FCT.

 

The FCT authorities had published the details of 9,000 debtors in newspapers, asking them to pay their ground rents to avoid the risk of forfeiture.

The administration subsequently announced on May 23 that it would take possession of about 5,000 affected properties owing ground rents between 10 and 43 years.

Wike said his predecessors in the FCT, including Bauchi State Governor Bala Mohammed, lacked the courage to compel political bigwigs who own structures in the nation’s capital to pay their annual ground rent.

 

He said: “Look at what we are doing differently. People have said that FCT was not working. Now, it is working, which means I’m doing things that they refused to do.

“I found out that most of them didn’t have the courage to annoy people, to step on toes, but I take joy when I step on the toes of big men; those who say nothing will happen, but I say something will happen. It makes me happy.

“All they want me to do is to make decisions against only poor people, saying nothing will happen to them (powerful people).

 

“But I say something will happen. That is why we are making results. If you don’t do the right thing, too bad. I don’t care.”

 

The Niger Delta is often seen as a reflection of Nigeria in miniature—especially Delta State, where a rich tapestry of ethnic groups, each with its own dialect and cultural identity, mirrors the nation’s diversity.

The region comprises nine states: Abia, Akwa Ibom, Bayelsa, Cross River, Delta, Edo, Imo, Rivers, and Ondo. Among the current governors, only Alex Otti of Abia State, representing the Labour Party (LP), came into office without any prior experience in government. A seasoned banker, Otti entered the political arena as a newcomer to public administration.

In contrast, the other eight governors had already held significant public offices before their current roles. For example, Douye Diri (Bayelsa), Hope Uzodinma (Imo), Monday Okpebholo (Edo), and Bassey Otu (Cross River) all previously served as senators before transitioning to executive leadership in their respective states. Similarly, Lucky Aiyedatiwa rose from deputy governor to governor in Ondo, while Sheriff Oborevwori, former Speaker of the Delta State House of Assembly, moved from a legislative role to become the state’s chief executive.

Siminalayi Fubara of Rivers State, who served as the state’s Accountant General under the previous administration, also brought with him deep familiarity with the government machinery. However, his tenure is currently on hold, following a six-month state of emergency declared by the federal government. Meanwhile, Umo Eno, the governor of Akwa Ibom, previously held the position of Commissioner for Works before ascending to the governorship.

With this wealth of prior experience, it was widely expected that these governors would not need much time to adjust to their roles. The prevailing assumption was that they would be ready to deliver from day one—mobilizing both human and financial resources to fulfill the lofty promises made during their campaigns.

As we move further into this analysis, we will evaluate how effectively these nine governors have lived up to expectations and whether they’ve delivered the much-anticipated dividends of democracy to the resilient people of the Niger Delta.

To borrow a phrase often attributed to former New York Governor Mario Cuomo, “You campaign in poetry but govern in prose.” In other words, while election campaigns are filled with passion, inspiration, and grand ideals—governance demands pragmatism, clarity, and results.

Which Niger Delta Governors Are Truly Governing in Prose?

Building on the earlier analysis, a crucial question arises: Which of the nine Niger Delta governors have transitioned from campaign poetry to the prose of governance, as famously framed by former New York Governor Mario Cuomo?

This article seeks to answer that by evaluating the performance of the region’s governors over the last two years—marking the halfway point in their four-year constitutional terms.

An exception must be made for Governor Monday Okpebholo of Edo State, who only took office in November due to the state’s off-cycle election. With just six months in office, it would be too early—and unfair—to judge the effectiveness of his administration at this stage.

To conduct a fair assessment of the governors’ performance, it’s important first to define what “good governance” means within the Nigerian context.

What Defines Good Governance in Nigeria?

In Nigeria, good governance is evaluated through several key areas of impact:

 1. Business Climate Improvement

Creating a more competitive, transparent, and investor-friendly environment is essential. This includes strengthening corporate governance and promoting economic sustainability to attract both local and international investment.

 2. Reforming the Oil, Power, and Extractive Industries

Given the Niger Delta’s role as Nigeria’s energy hub, reforms in these sectors are crucial. Priorities include promoting transparency, accountability, and shifting from a “gas-for-export” model to a “gas-to-power” strategy that improves electricity access.

 3. Innovation and Sustainable Development

Supporting governance innovations—especially those that emerge from local communities—is vital. These may include homegrown accountability mechanisms that ensure inclusive and transparent public administration.

 4. Youth, Gender, and Social Inclusion

Effective governance must actively empower youth and women through education, entrepreneurship, and social protection programs.

 5. Climate Resilience and Environmental Innovation

States are expected to implement climate-smart policies that promote environmental sustainability and protect communities from the growing threats of climate change.

 6. Agricultural Transformation

With food security under pressure, improving agricultural governance through innovation, investment, and infrastructure is another vital benchmark of effective leadership.

Core Pillars Supporting Good Governance

In addition to sectoral initiatives, good governance in Nigeria rests on several foundational elements:

 • Policy Engagement: Working with stakeholders and lawmakers to craft impactful, evidence-based reforms.

 • Data-Driven Decision-Making: Utilizing research and analytics to inform policies and measure results.

 • Institutional Capacity Building: Strengthening the ability of government bodies and personnel to deliver services effectively.

 • Transparency and Accountability: Upholding openness and ethical stewardship of public resources.

As we continue this midterm review of Niger Delta leadership, these criteria will serve as the lens through which we measure whether the governors are living up to their campaign promises—and delivering real progress in the daily lives of their constituents.

Core Principles of Good Governance

Globally, good governance is rooted in universal principles that cut across borders and systems. These include:

 • Responsibility: Diligent and consistent oversight of financial systems, legal compliance, and risk management.

 • Transparency and Communication: Clear, inclusive dialogue between governments and their citizens, encouraging participation and trust.

 • Equity and Justice: Ensuring fair treatment and equal opportunities for all members of society.

Integral to these principles is the protection of human rights, which is reinforced through:

 • Democratic Institutions: Structures that facilitate active citizen involvement in policy decisions.

 • Efficient Service Delivery: Governments must effectively provide essential services such as healthcare, education, and infrastructure.

 • Rule of Law: Legal systems must be reformed to guarantee fairness, security, and equal enforcement of the law.

 • Anti-Corruption Practices: Strong mechanisms must be in place to deter corruption and promote accountability at all levels.

At the heart of these elements is strategic vision—a long-term, actionable plan that guides decision-making and ensures consistent development across governance levels.

The Niger Delta: Unique Challenges and Governance Imperatives

While the Niger Delta shares commonalities as Nigeria’s oil-producing heartland, its states vary in environmental and socio-economic conditions. Many areas, especially in Delta, Rivers, Akwa Ibom, and parts of Bayelsa, are characterized by wetlands, creeks, and swampy terrain. These difficult geographies complicate infrastructure development, especially road construction, which is vital for connectivity and economic growth.

In contrast, states like Abia, Imo, Edo, Ondo, and Cross River are situated on firmer ground, making them relatively better positioned for infrastructure expansion.

Despite these differences, the entire region grapples with a similar set of environmental, economic, and social hurdles. To effectively address these challenges, governors in the Niger Delta must embrace holistic, strategic, and citizen-centric approaches. Priority areas include:

 • Environmental Remediation: Governments must lead aggressive clean-up campaigns in oil-impacted areas, while also putting in place measures to prevent future ecological damage.

 • Infrastructure Expansion: Robust investment in roads, bridges, hospitals, and public utilities is critical to improving quality of life and boosting commerce.

 • Diversified Economic Growth: Moving beyond oil dependency, leaders must invest in agriculture, aquaculture, small businesses, and innovation-driven sectors to build resilient local economies.

 • Community Participation: Engaging local populations in governance through consultation and inclusion helps foster trust and ensure policies align with grassroots realities.

 • Security and Peacebuilding: Addressing insecurity requires a blend of conflict resolution strategies, dialogue, and inclusive peacebuilding initiatives tailored to local dynamics.

 • Enforcing Accountability: Governors must ensure both public agencies and private corporations adhere to environmental and human rights standards, with strong regulatory systems in place to uphold these obligations.

Pathways to Sustainable Development in the Niger Delta

For governance to be truly transformative, it must also focus on long-term, sustainable outcomes. This includes:

 • Community-Led Development Projects: Emphasizing initiatives that support local needs while preserving the environment.

 • Youth Empowerment: Equipping young people with education, vocational skills, and employment opportunities to reduce restiveness and foster economic inclusion.

 • Improved Service Delivery: Strengthening access to quality education, healthcare, and basic services will significantly raise living standards.

Ultimately, the path to real transformation in the Niger Delta lies in confronting entrenched structural issues and deploying practical, people-oriented solutions. If these priorities are pursued with vision, commitment, and transparency, the region can unlock sustainable development and lasting prosperity.

Midterm Governance Review: Are Niger Delta Governors Delivering?

At the halfway mark of their four-year tenure—reached on May 29—the performance of governors in the nine Niger Delta states is now under the spotlight. This review examines whether they have delivered on their promises using key benchmarks for democratic dividends and good governance.

When President Bola Tinubu assumed office in 2023, he implemented sweeping economic reforms, including removing the long-standing petrol subsidy and unifying the naira’s exchange rate. These policies freed up considerable funds, resulting in significantly increased federal allocations to state governments.

Many states are now estimated to receive up to 60% more from the Federal Accounts Allocation Committee (FAAC). For the oil-rich Niger Delta, this financial windfall raised expectations for accelerated development, improved infrastructure, and better living conditions.

One of the most immediate and tangible outcomes of this revenue boost is the clearing of civil servant salary backlogs. Many states that previously owed up to two years’ worth of wages are now current on salary payments—offering much-needed relief to workers and their families.

Assessing Progress Without Standardized Tools

Nigeria currently lacks a uniform, institutionalized system for evaluating subnational governance performance—unlike the way inflation or poverty is tracked by the Nigerian Bureau of Statistics, or GDP by global rating agencies. In this gap, the media has stepped in to measure progress.

Platforms like ThisDay and Arise News have focused on the Niger Delta, assessing governors’ achievements based on public perception and editorial judgment, though not always using data-driven metrics.

These reviews, while informal, have highlighted standout governors and shed light on leadership trends across the region.

Delta State Leads the Pack

Delta State has emerged as a top performer under Governor Sheriff Oborevwori. His administration has made clear strides in various sectors, earning him the title of Governor of the Year in some media assessments.

Key accomplishments include:

 • Sports: Hosting major events like the National Youth Games and National Sports Festival.

 • Judiciary: Upgrading court infrastructure and enhancing support for judicial personnel.

 • Human Capital Development: Offering grants and support for artisans, small business owners, and traders.

 • Security and Peace: Establishing the Delta State Advisory and Peace-Building Council to mediate conflicts.

 • Education: Improving school facilities, awarding scholarships, and strengthening higher institutions.

Beyond these, Oborevwori’s administration has made major investments in roads, bridges, healthcare, and agriculture. His infrastructure drive—facilitated through contractors like Julius Berger—has positioned Delta not just as a regional leader, but arguably one of Nigeria’s best-performing states.

Akwa Ibom Close Behind

Akwa Ibom, led by Governor Umo Eno, ranks next in terms of development. Through a weekly television program featuring the governance activities in the state, and other structured media reports, public opinion acknowledges his steady progress across multiple sectors.

A more thorough, data-backed evaluation from transparency-focused organizations like BudgIT, Statista, or Nairametrics would give a clearer picture of the impact of how the 36 governors and the Federal Capital Territory, (FCT) minister nationwide have fared in their administration at the subnational level.

Currently, Delta and Akwa Ibom are viewed as the most progressive states in the Niger Delta based on visible governance efforts and citizen engagement.

The Power of Media Visibility

One thing both Delta and Akwa Ibom have in common is their effective communication strategies. Through sponsored programs on platforms like Arise News and collaborations with media influencers (tv anchor persons ,columnists and journalists, these states have maintained strong public visibility.

This strategic communication has helped them control the narrative, highlight successes, and stay connected to their citizens. As a result, media coverage has favored their administrations.

Conversely, the remaining seven Niger Delta states—Abia, Bayelsa, Imo, Ondo, Cross River, Rivers, and Edo—have suffered from poor communication, making their governance efforts largely invisible to the public. As the saying goes, “Governing without communicating is like winking at a pretty lady in a dark room. The man knows what he’s doing, but the lady doesn’t.”

Special Focus: Rivers and Edo States

In Rivers State, Governor Siminalayi Fubara began with high visibility but soon found his administration overshadowed by political conflict.

In Edo State, Governor Monday Okpebholo only assumed office six months ago due to the state’s off-cycle election. Despite the short time in office, he has made bold moves to tackle the state’s current biggest challenge in terms of insecurity—cracking down on cultism, removing traditional rulers involved in crime, and demolishing properties tied to illegal activities.

He has also initiated the construction of a major flyover at Ikpoba Hill to alleviate severe traffic congestion. Once completed, this project will improve traffic flow between eastern and western Nigeria, easing movement from Delta and Edo to Lagos.

Agriculture: A Neglected Sector

One major area where all Niger Delta governors need to improve is agriculture. With food prices rising due to subsidy removal and currency devaluation, food security is now a pressing concern.

While civil servants’ national minimum wages have risen—from ₦30,000 to about ₦70,000,commendably in all Niger Delta states it is higher than the national level —there has not been a commensurate increase in investment in farming. This is troubling, as agriculture remains the largest employer in Nigeria. So, without creating an enabling environment for agricultural activities to thrive in the rural areas, significant poverty alleviation may not be recorded in the hinterland as food insecurity will continue to be a source of hardship for the masses.

Despite ongoing challenges like farmer-herder clashes, flooding, and coastal erosion, Niger Delta state governments must prioritize agriculture to reduce hunger and boost rural livelihoods.

Conclusion: Unlocking the Region’s Potential

The takeaway is clear: with at least 60% higher inflow of funds to states from FAAC account,money is no longer the biggest or primary constraint to development in the Niger Delta and states nationwide.

That is because the state governors now have the resources to uplift their people—if managed wisely.

The real test is in vision, planning, and prioritizing projects that directly benefit the population. Governor Oborevwori has set a strong example by combining smart resource use with visible public engagement.

Advice to Other Governors

To governors whose performance remains under the radar, now is the time to act. Learn from Delta and Akwa Ibom—meet the real needs of your people and use the media as a governance tool.

If not, you risk being the proverbial man “winking in the dark”—your good efforts may go completely unnoticed.

With the 2027 election season approaching for all but Edo, this midterm point is an opportunity to turn things around, show leadership, and earn the people’s trust for a possible second term.

Magnus Onyibe, an entrepreneur, public policy analyst, author, democracy advocate, and development strategist

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