Prince Nicholas Ukachukwu has emerged as the governorship candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC) for the 2025 Anambra State election, following a tense and chaotic primary held in Awka on Saturday.

Ukachukwu clinched the party’s ticket with 1,455 votes, defeating his closest challenger, Valentine Ozigbo, who secured 67 votes.

Other contenders in the race included Engr. Johnbosco Onunkwo and Hon. Edozie Madu.

Recall Vanguard had reported that the exercise was marred by confusion and controversy, with accreditation still ongoing as late as 7 p.m., long after the scheduled 9 a.m. start time.

Delegates were reportedly being accredited at undisclosed hotels around Awka, while many party members and supporters remained at the official venue, the Dora Akunyili Women Development Centre, where the process had yet to begin as of 6:30 p.m.

Earlier in the day, violence erupted as suspected thugs allegedly hired by one of the aspirants attacked delegates, injuring several people in the presence of security operatives.

The chaos led to the withdrawal of three aspirants—Sir Paul Chukwuma, who also resigned from the APC entirely, Professor Obiora Okonkwo, and Chief Chukwuma Umeoji. Chukwuma cited the presence of “unprogressive elements” in the party, while Okonkwo expressed concern over the safety of his supporters.

In his withdrawal letter, Okonkwo stated: “This decision to withdraw from the race was a difficult but necessary one because of some developments that are inconsistent with my principles and values. The project is not worth risking the lives of my supporters.”

Despite the turbulent process, Ukachukwu, speaking after being declared the winner, vowed to deliver Anambra to the APC. “Nobody has won the governorship of Anambra without my support; it has never happened before. I have been playing godfatherism, but now I want to be the father of the father—no more godfather,” he declared.

The Anambra governorship election, scheduled for November 2025, is Nigeria’s next major off-cycle election. Governor Chukwuma Soludo, the incumbent, will contest on the platform of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA).

[Vanguard]

There are tons of endorsements for Anambra state governor, Prof. Chukwuma Charles Soludo, CFR, who is running for re-election on the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) ticket in the November gubernatorial election. The overwhelming number of people who support Governor Soludo surpasses all the support ever given to an incumbent governor in Anambra state’s history, so it is safe to assume that there is no opposition at all. It is also almost impossible to compile the complete list of all the endorsements that are coming to Governor Soludo.

It is important to emphasise that every endorsing group is contributing financially to help the adored governor purchase the party’s reelection form. Even the students who supported Governor Soludo contributed ₦2 million to the cause!

The impressive array of endorsements has 60 support groups uniting to officially express their support for Governor Soludo’s second term. The convergent support groups were unreserved in their praise of Mr Governor’s outstanding accomplishments and vision for a better Anambra.

The solidarity of Governor Soludo’s supporters is demonstrated by their convergence and singleness of purpose. The fact that more than 60 support organisations from throughout Anambra State united in support of Governor Soludo’s reelection campaign brought tears to many people’s eyes. There is no greater indication of inclusive leadership and dedication to the advancement of the state by the solution administration.

It is impossible to overstate the significance of the massive endorsement. The general Anambra public has learnt many lessons, the most important of which is an open acknowledgement of the effective government of their state under Professor Soludo. The broad support for Governor Soludo’s reelection recognises the accomplishments of his administration and its dedication to the advancement of the state.

Given that APGA is at the core of every Anambra man, woman, and child, grassroots mobilisation is, in fact, the foundation of the Soludo support base. The participation of several support groups from around the state, especially grassroots organisations, emphasises how crucial it is to rally support from the bottom up rather than imposing rules from the top down and to govern for the common good rather than settle a few politicians and elites with scarce resources meant for development.

Rumour has it that the opposition parties have more candidates than followers in Anambra State. The overwhelming support for Governor Soludo’s reelection in every ward of Anambra State is a fitting example of the APGA motto, “nkea bu nke anyi.” One may argue that the togetherness and solidarity are impressively unchangeable. “Onye aghana nwanne ya,” or “let no one be left behind,” is the APGA’s motto.

It is important to emphasise that the fact that 60 support organisations came together to approve and even present a staggering N30 million shows how powerful solidarity and unity can be in accomplishing a shared objective. In order to score a stunning goal inside the net come November, the people and the administration are aiming for the same goal. APGA, Soludo’s political party is upbeat and certain of electoral victory in the 21 LGs and now also almost certain it would win the 326 wards in Anambra State.

In an indication of success before the elections, several organisations and groups have hurried to support Governor Soludo. The undeniable evidence everywhere merely confirms my frequent assertion that there is no vacuum.

“I don’t see anyone that can challenge you in the election,” said All Progressives Congress (APC) leader and Works Minister, Engr David Umahi, in a public statement to Governor Soludo. Nobody. Who is that? I see none. Governor Soludo, who works extremely hard, has performed remarkably well, fulfilling all of his promises in his People’s Manifesto. Beyond his manifesto, Soludo has gone. He never promised free education, for instance. However, up to senior secondary school, Anambra children are now eligible for free education, and a subsidy for tertiary students is on the horizon.

Let me reiterate my direct advice to the opposition: let them all support Soludo so that he can run unopposed, just as the APGA did by letting him run as the only candidate and aspirant.

As the Americans say, “If it’s not broken, don’t fix it.”

The fact is that no governor before Soludo has completed, in comparison, what he did in three years without taking out a single dime, while also paying off the mountain of debt he inherited from previous state governments. This is not to argue that borrowing is bad as long as it is prudently used to finance productivity rather than consumption. It is a compliment to both Soludo and Anambra State that he has not borrowed. It is indisputable proof of responsible financial management, fiscal discipline, and accountability.

Last but not least, Soludo has implemented a very extensive security intervention that is significantly calming Anambra State and regaining the state’s former reputation as the safest in Nigeria. This is accompanied by the governor’s push for moral rearmament and social reformation to restore the three virtues for which Onye Anambra has always been reputed – Uche (wisdom), Uchu/Igba mbo (hard work), and Egwu Chukwu (fear of God/integrity).

Although it is within their rights to run and lose, there is no benefit to running just to add the pointless title of former governorship candidate to one’s resume. The question now is not whether Soludo would win—he will because there is no other viable option—but rather whether he would make history as the only candidate for governor in a Nigerian general election. Can the opposition, knowing that there is no vacancy in Agu Awka, step aside and support Soludo and use the money they would have wasted for more worthwhile endeavours, like aiding the underprivileged in their communities?

Law Mefor, PhD, is the commissioner for information of Anambra state

Every corridor of power is strewn with its own peculiar coterie of grovellers. They may come under various designations – Special Assistant, Press Secretary, Special Adviser, Commissioner or some other official nomenclature – what unites them is their blind and unthinking resort to extra-legal measures in defence of their principals.

Some public officials who don’t know any better, actually enjoy having a gang of attack dogs to do battle against real and imagined foes. But check throughout history, such lickspittles usually bring their principals to grief, especially when they take liberties with dispensing punishment to their boss’s perceived traducers. So many corporate and political reputations have been ruined on the altar of intolerance orchestrated by overbearing aides.

Flashback

One of the oft-referenced instances of the above occupational disease is the case of dehumanisation of a journalist by the underling of a military governor 52 years ago. The case continues to be referenced because its subject matter is of abiding relevance to governance, human rights and the limits of the deployment of brawn in place of brain.

Journalist Minere Amakiri’s article on the teachers’ strike of 1973 had been published by the Nigerian Observer on Military Governor Alfred Diete-Spiff’s birthday. What temerity! On His Excellency’s birthday! The governor’s aides decided to teach the intrepid journalist a lesson he would never forget. They arrested and detained him and shaved his head like a common criminal before administering 33 lashes of the cane on him. It was a bloodied, shaven, traumatised Amakiri that emerged from detention following high profile protests by members of the fourth estate of the realm.

The battle shifted to the courts with the late human rights lawyer, Gani Fawehinmi, appearing for the plaintiff. In his Statement of Claim, Amakiri stated that at 3.15 p.m. on July 30, 1973, the defendant, ASP Michael Iwowari, who was an aide to Governor Diete-Spiff, came to his residence and invited him to the State House where he (Iwowari) questioned him about publications in the Nigerian Observer concerning the Rivers State teachers’ protest.

He said ASP Iwowari unlawfully imprisoned him in the said Government House after the whole of his hair had first been shaved and he was subjected to severe beating. He was detained from 4 p.m. on July 30, 1973, until 7 pm on July 31, 1973, without any food or refreshment.

The court found the defendant, ASP Ralph Michael Iwowari guilty for the detention, assault and battery of Minere Amakiri. Giving a breakdown of the monetary compensation awarded, Justice Ambrose Allagoa said N200 was for each of the 33 strokes of cane received by Amakiri; N2,600 for being detained illegally and N2,600 for the unsolicited shave and pain he was subjected to by the defendant and his sidekicks. Total damages worth N10,000 were awarded in favour of Minere Amakiri, a tidy sum in those good old days.

Landmark

Since that time, Amakiri’s name regularly pops up whenever the issue of executive recklessness and human rights infringement perpetrated by sycophantic underlings in the corridors of power, is being discussed.

Nigeria’s First Lady, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, dodged that bullet recently when she bluntly refused to be sucked into a ready-made controversy which would have cast her in the mould of a petty abuser of power.

Whereas, Amakiri’s brutalisation happened in the analogue days when there was no social media, the recent matter which could have brought out the worst in Mrs Tinubu was all over the digital media and was feasted on by the major news and gossip networks and platforms.

Health Initiative

Mrs Tinubu was in Delta State to further the cause of her Renewed Hope Initiative Health Programme. At the occasion, 10,000 professional kits were distributed to midwives in the South-South geopolitical zone.

As is usual with the grovelling sycophancy that attends such events, the Master of Ceremony introduced Senator Tinubu as the mother of all through a chant: “Na our Mama be dis o eh; na our Mama be dis o, we no get another one…”

The response was supposed to be “Na our Mama be dis o eh”

But the audience, the overwhelming proportion of which comprised students, chorused instead: “Na your Mama be dis o, eh…”

If she was embarrassed by the rejection of her ‘mothership’, the First Lady did not show it. Subsequently, however, one Osato Edobor, a student of the Delta State College of Nursing Sciences, Agbor, published a video of the event on TikTok, showing the nursing students gleefully rejecting Mrs. Tinubu as their mother.

The provost of the nursing institution, Mrs. Rita Ogonne Evbodaghe, promptly did the typically Nigerian thing – she issued a query to Ms Edobor, accusing her of engaging in a “malicious act” by recording herself singing and posting an “unofficial response” to a song during the First Lady’s arrival at the Dome Event Centre in Asaba.

The matter refused to leave the front pages and many were looking forward to the drama that would follow its expected escalation. Human rights activist and politician, Omoyele Sowore, swiftly announced his support for the beleaguered nursing student: “We will be providing backing to this lady with all our physical and legal might to ensure the authorities at Delta State College of Nursing Sciences do not perpetrate this egregious act of injustice, as an injury to one is an injury to all.”

Mrs Tinubu sidestepped what would surely have been a public relations trap with a press statement issued in the first person, thereby establishing her ownership of the sentiments expressed therein:

Re: Students’ Expression During First Lady Of Nigeria’s Visit To Delta State

“My attention has been drawn to a video circulating on social media, showcasing the warm reception I received during my recent visit to Delta State. I’m deeply grateful for the enthusiasm displayed by the people of Delta State, nurses, midwives, women groups, and student nurses at the event.

“The Renewed Hope Initiative’s donation of 10,000 Professional Kits to Midwives in the South-South zone was a huge success, and I’m thrilled to have played a part in motivating midwives across the nation. Our goal is to reduce infant and maternal mortality, and morbidity in Nigeria, and events like these bring us closer to achieving that.

“However, I’ve been made aware that some students from the Delta State College of Nursing Sciences have been issued a query regarding their participation in a playful welcome chant. While I respect the institution’s right to maintain discipline, I also believe that students should feel safe to express themselves in a light-hearted manner.

“As the First Lady of Nigeria, I hope that educational institutions will foster an environment that balances discipline with free expression, allowing students to thrive and grow. I trust that the Delta State College of Nursing Sciences will handle this matter with understanding and fairness.

“Thank you again to the people of Delta State for your warm welcome, and to the students, nurses, and midwives who made the event so unforgettable.”

I say, Bravo! Senator Oluremi Tinubu, by the way, is a product of Great Ife (Obafemi Awolowo University) where she must have imbibed the spirit of activism. But then, the lesson we must not permit ourselves to miss is that a tigress does not necessarily have to proclaim its tigritude to show its dominion.

Victor Omololu Olunloyo, a former governor of Oyo state, is dead.

Olunloyo, a mathematician and engineer, died a few days before his 90th birthday, according to a statement issued by the family on Sunday.

The statement, signed by Oladapo Ogunwusi on behalf of the family, was titled ‘Victor Olunloyo goes home’.

“With a heavy heart but gratitude to the Almighty, we announce the passing into glory of Dr. Victor Omololu Olunloyo, former governor of Oyo State, mathematician and engineer and renowned technocrat, a few days before his 90th birthday,” the statement reads.

“The Balogun of Oyo and Otun Bobasewa of Ife, Dr. Olunloyo was first Rector, Ibadan polytechnic and first Rector, Kwara State Polytechnic among other notable appointments.

“His long record of service to the nation and humanity is a source of pride to his family and associates even as we come to grip with this devastating event.

“The Olunloyo family will appreciate the understanding of the press and the public as they commence efforts to give him a befitting burial.

“Even from everlasting to everlasting, He is God.”

Olunloyo was governor of Oyo in Nigeria’s second republic from October 1, 1983 to December 31, 1983 — when the military regime of Muhammadu Buhari seized the reins of power at the centre.

[TheCable]

Governors across the states of the federation are awaiting the federal government’s modalities for the establishment of state police before they can swing into action.

At the meeting of the National Economic Council (NEC) last December, the federal government and governors of the 36 states in the country agreed to finalise discussions on the creation of state police at their next meeting scheduled for January 31, 2025.

At the December parley, the council presided over by Vice President Kashim Shettima received written positions on the matter from all the 36 states, with majority of them backing the state police.

However, the January meeting was not held as governors under the platform of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) were unable to attend because they had an emergency meeting in Delta State.

When LEADERSHIP Sunday contacted some of the governors on the matter, they linked the apparent inertia to the federal government’s non-release of the modalities for creating state police after they had presented their documents to the NEC.

They also explained that before state policing can take off, there must be national and sub-national legislation to ensure hitch-free operations.

Pending when the national document on state policing will be released, the governors said they would strengthen the synergy between federal security agencies and their state-owned security outfits.

In the wake of worsening security challenges in the country, some governors set up security organisations and equipped them to complement the police and sister agencies to tackle terrorism, banditry, kidnapping and other vices.

In Gombe State, Governor Inuwa Yahaya launched “Operation Hattara”, which comprises members of the state government vigilante group called GOSTEC, Kaduna State set up the Kaduna State Vigilance Service (KADVS), Katsina State (Community Watch Corp (CWC) and Enugu State came up with the Neighbourhood Watch Group.

In Akwa Ibom State, the government launched Ibom Community Watch (ICW) for intelligence work without bearing arms; Borno State operates Civilian Joint Task Force (CJTF) and in April 2024, Governor Ahmed Usman Ododo of Kogi State unveiled the Metropolitan Quick Response security outfit to work in partnership with the Rapid Response Squad of the Nigeria Police Force (NPF).

Abia State joined the train with “Operation Crush”, Kebbi State kicked off Vigilantes Group of Nigeria (VGN) while Cross River State recently launched “Operation Okwork” comprising mainly personnel of the Nigeria Police Force.

Plateau State has “Operation Rainbow”, which is coordinated by a retired Brigadier-General of the Nigerian Army, Ebonyi State operates Neighbourhood Watch while the South West states of Ondo, Oyo, Osun, Ekiti and Ogun have Amotekun Corps.

Responding to our correspondent’s enquiries on state police, Nasarawa State Governor Abdullahi Sule said he welcomed the initiative because it has the potential to effectively combat the current security challenges in the state.

Through his special assistant on public affairs, Mr. Peter Ahemba, the governor said his administration can effectively handle the operations of a state police if put in place.

He said state police would benefit both the state government and the people as the officers would know the state and its terrain better.

Ahemba said, “Some of the issues triggering security challenges are local, state police personnel will better respond swiftly to such issues since the personnel will know the terrain better.

“The state government awaits enabling legislation from both the national and state assemblies to enable the state take the necessary steps in this direction,” he stated.

The Osun State government has also expressed its commitment to the take-off of state police once the federal government spells out the formalities.

The spokesperson to the governor, Mallam Olawale Rasheed, told LEADERSHIP Sunday in Osogbo that the state government is concerned about the security of the people and would be ready to key into the take-off of state police.

Meanwhile, the commandant of the regional security outfit Amotekun Corps in the state, Dr  Adekunle Omoyele, has said the state government was committed to effective operations of the outfit with the provision of the required logistics.

Omoyele, who spoke on the reforms introduced into the operation of Amotekun in Osun, stated that additional 1,150 personnel were recruited, trained and inaugurated on Friday, March 28, 2025.

In Zamfara State, the government said it is yet to implement state police as the federal government has not released the blueprint for the proposed policing system.

In its absence, the state government said it would continue with its security outfit Community Protection Guards (CPG).

The director-general on media and communications, Nuhu Salihu Anka, told LEADERSHIP Sunday that the state was aware of the federal government’s plan to allow state police, adding that the state is waiting for Abuja to finalise the template.

According to him, the state government is currently focusing on the security outfit Community Protection Guards (CPG) recently launched to curtail security challenges in the state.

The commissioner for internal security, Dr. Mua’zu Danmusa, did not respond to messages sent to his mobile phone.

Similarly, Ondo State Governor Lucky Aiyedatiwa has said the state remains one of the promoters of the state in the country and has not changed.

Aiyedatiwa who said the state already had a template with Amotekun, noted that the state was ready for the implementation of state police whenever the federal government gives its nod.

His chief press secretary, Prince Ebenezer Adeniyan, told our correspondent that the governor had promised to continue to strengthen Amotekun and ensure partnership with other security agencies to secure the state until the federal government approves state police.

His words, “Ondo is one of the promoters of state police and that still remains. We already have the template with Amotekun and the state is ready for implementation whenever the federal government gives the nod.

“In the meantime, we will continue to strengthen our Amotekun and ensure partnership with other security agencies to secure the life and property of our people,” he said.

Also, the Commander of the State Security Network Agency( Amotekun) Akogun Adetunji Adeleye, said the  operatives of the corps have continued to work relentlessly to ensure the safety of life and property of the residents of the state .

Adeleye, who said the breaches at the borders of the state had reduced as a result of the activities of the Amotekun Rangers, noted that his men were able to arrest 32 suspects for kidnapping in the last one week in the state.

Apart from the arrest, the Amotekun boss hinted that the corps were able to intervene in about 15 kidnap issues and that the timely intervention foiled the kidnapping.

According to him, “In recent times, we have an upsurge of criminal activities including kidnapping inclusive in the state. The officers and men of the Ondo State security network mobilized additional support from the neighbouring local government and entered into the forest reserves and areas noted for these nefarious activities. We were able to flush them out and arrested over 32 suspects.”

Adetunji, however, urged the residents of the state to always give the security agencies timely and actionable information once any suspicious movement is noticed.

The Anambra State government says it still believes that the creation of state police will help to tackle the security challenges in Nigeria.

The commissioner for information, Dr. Law Mefor, however, said the state government’s ad-hoc security arrangement “Operation Udo Ga Achi” and “Agunechemba” operatives had been helpful in the fight against insecurity in the state.

Mefor said, “The state government certainly favours the creation of state police in line with the position of most states in Nigeria.

“The Solution Government believes state police will go a long way in dealing with insecurity in Nigeria because security is local.

“The new Anambra State Homeland Security Law 2024, which created Agunechemba and led to the launch of “Operation Udo Ga-Achi” strike force, has provided a robust legal framework for a new security intervention in the state.

“Both ‘Agunechemba’ and ‘Operation Udo Ga-Achi’ are doing fantastically well and this is evident in the fact that Anambra is calming down.

“Insecurity is Anambra is drastically deescalating and fake and evil native doctors who have made our people to believe that wealth without work is possible are now on the run and many have been apprehended and are being investigated for trial in court,” Mefor said.

In the same vein, an official of Kaduna State government has said Governor Uba Sani is still an advocate of the establishment of state police.

In a chat with LEADERSHIP Sunday in Kaduna, the official who pleaded anonymity, said the governor believes that the state police will fill the gap of inadequate security manpower to tackle security challenges.

Last year, Governor Sani strongly advocated for the creation of state police to combat bandits terrorising his state and the North West zone.

When contacted, the commander of the Kaduna State Vigilance Service (KADVS), Brig. Gen. Umar Muhammad Ibrahim (rtd), said he would not speak on telephone on how his men were assisting conventional security to tackle criminals in the state.

[Leadership]

Two recent events in Abuja beamed the spotlight on the protracted and yet-to-be-won battle against corruption in Nigeria. The first was a conference and a report presentation by Chatham House, one of the world’s preeminent think tanks; the second was the unveiling of an initiative to promote transparency and accountability in Nigeria’s 774 local councils by the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC). The attention and reflection offered by the two events were necessary and timely, especially in the context of the seeming dip in enthusiasm about anti-corruption in both political and popular consciousness in the country.

It is important to keep the fire of the anti-graft campaign burning as corruption remains the bane of the Nigerian society. The second part of the last sentence is a statement straight out of the inaugural address of President Olusegun Obasanjo at the dawn of this republic in 1999. Without a doubt, anti-corruption has been the most consistent feature of the last 25 years in Nigeria, even when we have also seen uneven emphasis across administrations. We have had a phalanx of laws, institutions, policies and initiatives devoted to checkmating graft in the country, and some significant progress has been made. But there is still much more to be done. In taking this necessary work forward, we need to expand the toolkit for tackling corruption in Nigeria.

I will share my highlights of the two events, interspersed with observations, then conclude with a few comments.

On 3^rd April, ICPC unveiled an initiative to deepen openness and probity in Nigeria’s local government areas (LGAs). The initiative is called the Accountability and Corruption Prevention Programme for Local Governments in Nigeria (ACPPLG) and will be run with the Centre for Fiscal Transparency and Public Integrity (CFTPI), a civil society organisation. In the main, this initiative is designed to nudge the local councils to comply with laws and policies mandating proactive disclosures of their finances and operations.

All the 774 LGAs will be assessed and ranked based on their performance in terms of public and pro-active disclosures in five broad categories: fiscal transparency, open procurement, human resources, citizens’ engagement, and control of corruption. These five categories have 27 sub-categories, ranging from proactive publication of annual budgets, budget implementation reports, revenue flows, annual audits, debt profiles to records of tenders, procurement and recruitments, staff nominal rolls, and policies on bribery, conflict of interests and whistleblowing and the existence of functional websites, social media accounts and records of interactive engagements with citizens.

I think this is a very important initiative. The local councils are the most critical tier of government in terms of service delivery. This is the tier of government that is not just the closest to the people but it is also where the presence and essence of government should be felt the most. This is hardly the case at the moment. The LGAs are technically the closest tier of government to the people but they are realistically the farthest from the people in terms of impact. Local elections are the least credible, the local officials are rarely accountable, and the local people are seldom involved in decision-making about local priorities and resource allocation. Where governance is needed the most is where it is the most broken. We need to reposition our local councils for them to effectively discharge the responsibilities entrusted to them in the Fourth Schedule of the 1999 Constitution and for them to deliver, like their counterparts elsewhere, on the promise of good governance embedded in the theory of decentralisation.

The 11 July 2024 ruling by the Supreme Court affirming that local councils should only be run by democratically-elected officials and compelling direct federation allocation to the LGAs remains a step in the right direction. But even if both conditions are fully met, they are not sufficient to bring about the needed development at the local level. Accountability and responsiveness will be critical. Free and fair elections and financial autonomy by themselves do not necessarily guarantee accountable, efficient, and responsive governance. This is where the initiatives by ICPC and others can bridge the gap.

The disclosures required by ICPC and on which LGAs will be assessed and ranked are already mandated in various statutes including the laws on freedom of information, public procurement, fiscal responsibility and others. Providing an incentive (through a league table) for LGAs to comply is a great idea that additionally serves three purposes: encouraging peer review/peer learning among the LGAs, reducing the incidence of malfeasance through openness, and empowering citizens with information that they can use to hold local officials to account.

I am aware that CFTPI has been publishing an index for the three tiers of government along these lines. But a ranking by ICPC, an organisation with investigative and prosecutorial powers and national reach, definitely will carry more weight. The partnership between the two organisations is the kind of strategic collaboration needed and a reinforcement of the desirability of a handshake between government and civil society.

It is also noteworthy that the Chairman of ICPC, Dr. Musa Aliyu, attended this event, alongside not just his directors but also the heads of key anti-corruption agencies such as the Code of Conduct Bureau (CCB), Fiscal Responsibility Commission (FRC), Nigerian Financial Intelligence Unit (NFIU), and the Public Complaints Commission (PCC)—all pledging support for the initiative and stating they would be tracking the processes and finances of LGAs to actualise the landmark and desirable ruling of the Supreme Court and in line with their mandates.

But ranking and threats are also not enough. It will be important to get the residents of the various LGAs to become invested in and committed to holding local officials to account and to have the applicable tools and the capacities to do so. The LGAs can publish all the required pieces of information on their websites and this might still not make much difference. The information on the websites might not make much meaning or be accessible to most of the people in the LGAs for instance. The point here is not to dismiss the importance of this critical transparency (and potentially investigatory) tool but to say that other things need to be layered on it, including capacity building and nurturing for community-based groups/local opinion leaders and even the local officials.

On its part, Chatham House hosted a conference in Abuja on March 19^th with the theme: “Renewing Nigeria’s Anti-Corruption Agenda—Pathways for Change and Reflections on 25 Years of Policy.” Not unexpectedly, Chatham House brought together the leading figures in the anti-corruption space in the country, from government to civil society, development partners and think tanks.

The agenda statement set the tone for the frank and insightful discussion that followed: “Over the past 25 years, Nigeria has developed a broad set of anti-corruption frameworks and institutions. Yet, corruption remains endemic at multiple levels of society, a reality that has corroded public trust in government, stunted economic growth, and weakened Nigeria’s external standing. Corruption’s resilience—despite the raft of legislation and government bodies created over the last quarter-century—continues to underscore the limitations of top-down policy and legislative responses.”  

The event was both reflective and forward-looking, and this was well-captured in the framing of the two sessions: “Taking Stock: 25 Years of Anti-Corruption Efforts in Nigeria”; “Looking Ahead: A Participatory, Multi-Level Approach to Anti-Corruption.” The various speakers and the participants highlighted the need to bridge the research and policy gap, to ensure comprehensive value-reorientation, to leverage technology to limit human contact, to focus on fighting corruption in all sectors and all tiers of society, to make it less difficult for those who want to do the right thing, to celebrate, protect and link integrity champions, to build enduring and resilient social movements, and to impose proper and context-meaningful sanctions for bad behaviours.   

The conference also marked the official unveiling of the 50-page research paper by an Associate Fellow of Chatham House’s Africa Programme, Dr. Leena Hoffmann. Entitled “Taking Action against Corruption in Nigeria—Empowering Anti-Corruption Role Models and Coalitions to Change Social Norms,” the paper argues for a normative, bottom-up and networked approach to strengthening the fight against corruption in the country. The conference and the paper were part of Chatham House’s Social Norms and Accountable Governance (SNAG) project, implemented by its Africa Programme since 2015 and supported by the MacArthur Foundation through the groundbreaking On Nigeria programme.

Using a behavioural and norms-based lens, the SNAG project conducted surveys and produced research papers to deepen the understanding of the depth of and the motivations for corruption in Nigeria. I find it interesting that Chatham House started its first major research with trying to understand why Nigerians partake in corruption but concluded the project with valuable insights into why some Nigerians resist corruption. As the report underscores (which is a confirmation of the work by organisations such as Accountability Lab that have been naming and praising integrity icons in the country), there are actually Nigerians who resist corruption, at a significant cost to their careers and sometimes to their safety. Doing the right thing has a cost, and the cost can be steep, but that has not been a deterrent to those who choose to be positive deviants.

One of the things we need to do is to recognise that such people exist, to continue to celebrate and protect them, and to reduce or even eliminate the cost of being upright, then hope that they can create a tipping point. The paper also argues that there is safety in numbers, and I think this is eminently sensible. Integrity icons and anticorruption champions within and outside government stand a better chance if they work together in “networked coalitions” and are supported with the necessary laws (such as a whistleblower law) and with strategic guidance on how to navigate the mines of the narrow path.

As stated earlier, there is an apparent sense of fatigue about anti-corruption in the country. This could be due to hopes raised and dashed by different administrations. Or because people have seen impunity go unpunished so often that they have become jaded or sceptical or even disillusioned. Whatever the reasons, it is important to keep alive the campaign to significantly reduce corruption in Nigeria. And in doing this, we will need to expand the toolkit of the anti-corruption crusaders as these two events affirm. We definitely need more than the disproportionate emphasis on law and order of the last 25 years. This is not to say we should undo the laws or slow down on enforcement/sanctions. No. But we need to spend more time on the not-so-sexy work of prevention, research and strategy.

We need to make it difficult for people to engage in corrupt practices by putting in place, and constantly strengthening, mechanisms and systems that checkmate corruption before it happens. Preventing corruption is not headline-grabbing but it is cheaper. We also need to significantly hike the cost of engaging in corrupt practices. As is often said: corruption is not a crime of passion but a crime of calculation—perpetrators do cost-benefit analysis and weigh their chances. Where the cost is low and the benefit is high, you know what will happen, especially where it doesn’t take much effort to undertake or conceal.  

Systems and laws do not implement or enforce themselves. They are implemented and enforced by humans whose actions are dictated, sometimes subliminally, by how they have been socialised. This is why it will also be critical to focus on how to change entrenched values that predispose people to, or drive, corrupt practices. Behaviours are what we see, more like the tip of an iceberg. Beneath behaviours are bigger and deeper elements: attitudes, belief systems and values. We need to dive deep to understand what is there.

So, merely telling people to change their behaviours through clever play with words or some fancy behavioural change campaign without addressing the values that define and motivate them may not amount to more than empty preachments. We need to surface the norms that drive action and know what buttons to press to make the difference. It is going to be some tough and persistent work, needing a lot of probing, nuance, rigour and reflection. But it is a necessary and worthwhile work, if the goal is to slay the monster of corruption in our country.

“When beggars die, there are no comets seen; heaven themselves blaze forth the death of princes” - spoken by Calpurnia, Julius Caesar’s wife, in William Shakespeare’s Julius Caesar.

At first, I took little interest in the Uromi massacre for obvious reasons. How many of such assaults on our sensibilities do we suffer on a daily basis? So, any time I come across them - incessantly - on social media, especially when the authors are kind enough to warn viewers to beware, I delete and move away! To maintain one’s good health in today’s Nigeria, one must learn to go to Afghanistan, as writers call it. Afghanistanism means avoiding unfortunate issues or one that could land someone in trouble while preoccupying oneself with innocuous issues, especially from far away lands, to maintain one’s sanity and keep out of trouble.

Another reason why I initially avoided Uromi was because I knew that after the uproar and outrage that greeted it, it would soon pass into oblivion like many others before it in our recent past. Ours, like I have repeatedly said, is a country of one scandal, one moment. Before Uromi, we had the Natasha versus Akpabio “he wants to f*ck me” scandal, which is still trending. As if that and the lady’s kangaroo suspension were not bad enough, another leg of the macabre dance was the plot to recall her from office. Recall that it was in that same Kogi state that the attempt, in 2018, to recall another senator, Dino Melaye “caput” on its head “yakata”, as they say.

The shenanigans of a vindictive recall process apart, the embarrassment of watching Kogi state officials fall one on top of the other devising all manner of machinations to keep Natasha away from her place of birth, despite her undisputable rights, under law, to freedom of movement, beggars belief! If sensible and reasonable persons still remain in the land of Yahaha Bello, this is the time for them to show up to be counted.

In the midst of the Natasha/Akpabio melodrama, a state of emergency was declared in Rivers state. An elected governor was removed - even though his election was fraught with mind-boggling irregularities - and a retired military officer was asked to take his place. The irony of the situation was lost on a president who was a pro-democracy activist and one of the arrowheads of the “military-must-go” struggle that cost ordinary as well as prominent Nigerians lives and limbs as well as properties and liberties.

In the last one week alone we have had Uromi, the sack of the Board and Management of the NNPC, the president himself jetting out to France for what they call a two-week working visit, a euphemism for what I am sure you know! By now Nigerians must have become adept at reading the lips of their presidents! To divert attention, the president gave the people something to cheer for in the clean sweep at the NNPC. This is the proverbial case of someone who poured honey in your mouth but farted into it as well!

As if that was not a mouthful, news also broke that the government had introduced N10,000 and N5,000 denominations into the economy. I was at the Ikeja Shopping Mall when someone suddenly screamed, “They have killed us o! Tinubu has introduced N10,000 and N5,000 denominations o!” The whole place immediately went dead. Who does not know the implications of such a move? Mercifully, the CBN was quick to declare the information as fake news!

So, you can see that it is not every news that you must hurriedly react to if you want to keep your blood pressure in check. For me, Uromi was one of those. I simply sighed, “Aaah, Uromi, the birthplace of the Enahoros - Anthony and Peter - is in the news for the wrong reasons” and moved on. Anthony Enahoro moved the historic “Independence Now” motion in the emerging Nigerian parliament in 1953 while his brother, Peter Enahoro aka Peter Pan, remains one of the country’s most celebrated journalists and writers.

Uromi also reminded me of the Yoruba “iromi”; in my native Owo (Ogho) language where the “u” vowel starts everything, it will be pronounced “uromi”. My people say that the iromi/uromi dancing on top of the river has a drummer dictating the tunes beneath the river. In other words, there is no smoke without a fire. The massacre at Uromi could not have happened if there were no underlying causes. Unfortunately as with all things Nigeria, Nigeria immediately happened to efforts to unravel the truth. Were they innocent hunters? Or were they terrorists masquerading as such? We may never know; I mean, we may all never come to an agreement as to who they actually were.

Returning to Calpurnia, the Fulani - and their Hausa foot-soldiers - are the “princes” of the Nigerian federation while the others, especially those from the Middle Belt down to the South, are the “beggars”, difficult as this is to swallow. That is why the torrents of mindless butchering of the “beggars” have neither commanded the attention of the government nor gingered it to action. Whereas any slight calamity that happens to the “princes”, no matter how minute when compared with the horrendous afflictions visited on the “beggars” in the Middle Belt down to the South, is quickly and squarely attacked and addressed to the satisfaction of the “princes”, who must not be offended.

With one example after another ad nauseum, ad infinitum, this has become not a mistake or oversight but a deliberate and deliberative cause of action. It is politics at work - vile politics that value votes to human lives. Questions have been asked, which must be answered. Were the victims of the Uromi massacre really hunters armed with dane guns, killing lions and elephants, and found with lots of cash on them? Were there no forests in the North where they came from that they had to travel down South? Were they appropriately documented with local authorities according to extant Forestry laws operating in those states?

Pardon me! Being an apostle of Peter Abelard, I ask questions so that I can understand. Says Abelard: “Nothing can be believed unless it is first understood”. Assuming they were terrorists as alleged - or they looked like one? Yes, there are laid down rules and regulations of bringing criminals to justice and self-help is itself a crime under our laws, but where criminality trumps the law again and again and the law lies prostrate, can we in clear conscience ask the people not to take their destiny into their own hands?

The very fact that vigilantes were set up under the nose of the government and were known to law means that the necessity for their operation has been established. The State has failed to protect its citizens. The citizens have been saddled with the duty of providing for themselves what the State has failed to provide. And this is the case, not only in Uromi but all over the country, including Kano where the unfortunate hunters were said to have originated from. And can we say, in clear conscience, that there have been no mistakes or unfortunate incidents in all those other places - even with the Federal Government’s security agencies? How many times have the Nigerian Air Force apologised for mistaking innocent villagers for terrorists and wiping them out in the process?

I did not watch the gory details of how the Uromi 16 met their end - and may never do because I cannot stand such spectacles. So, you may understand that I can never root for it - not even for my enemies. But, truth be told, Uromi is just one of such bestialities that is today a common occurrence all over the place. Once human essence is deprecated, any bestiality becomes sport. Ask them in Kosovo! Witness it in Rwanda! Have you forgotten Liberia and Sierra Leone?

That is why we must never fall into that pit; once we do, it is no longer a case of John Bunyan’s he that is down needs fear no fall. The further down we are; the farther still we fall. The more gory sights we witness every day, the more our sensibilities are dulled; moreso if the victims are people known to us. If we seek to address and redress this - which I think we should before we fall irretrievably into Thomas Hobbes’s state of nature - then, selectively serving justice is not the way to go. We shall be creating weightier problems if we travel that route.

Are we not aware of the perception in the Middle Belt and the South that the “princely” status of the North has prevented the criminals in its midst from being brought to book? What, then, is the remedy left for the victims? A skewed justice system that dispenses justice with fear and favour cannot serve the course of justice. If we cry for peace from now till Armageddon without serving justice, like Peter Tosh crooned, we shall only be wasting our time. Worse than Uromi lurks around the corner.

The symptoms of a failed state are there for us all to see. Non-state actors challenge the State for control and sovereignty over its territory. Citizens have taken over tasks that the government is statutorily assigned to perform. Citizens’ confidence in the government is at its lowest ebb. Poverty, criminality, and corruption bestride the polity like a colossus. In the face of all of these, the judiciary, touted as the last hope of the common man, lies prostrate.

Google says the symptoms of a failed state include “the presence of an insurgency, extreme political corruption, overwhelming crime rates suggestive of an incapacitated police force; an impenetrable and ineffective bureaucracy, judicial ineffectiveness, military interference in politics…”. Which of these is not present in our country today? In the same way Rome was not built in a day, our problems did not just spring up in 2023 but they have steadily and stealthily crept upon us, right from Independence, like a thief in the night (Proverbs 6: 6 - 11).

If you think what we experience today is the worst, note that it doesn’t get better here; it gets worse. Our best years are always behind us. It promises to remain so until the people gain the class consciousness that victim-on-victim violence is not the solution. The repraisals threatened by misguided Northern youths fit into that narrative. The oppressors are not touched and the oppression of the oppressed is not mitigated. Instead, we have a vicious cycle of people who should forge a common front to fight their oppressors leaving the oppressors and fighting to liquidate one another, as was the case with the enemies of Jehoshaphat fought to liquidate one another without Jehoshaphat himself lifting a finger (2 Chronicles 20: 20-37).

Poverty of ideas, more than the poverty of substance, is the bane of the common man in Nigeria. Their day of liberty comes when they learn to loan one another commonsense.

With a heart weighed down by sorrow, His Excellency, former Vice President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Atiku Abubakar, laments the passing of his long-serving aide and confidant, Mr. Jerry Vampa.

Mr. Vampa, a native son of Michika in Adamawa State, was not merely an employee but a steadfast companion on the arduous journey of politics. Their paths first crossed more than 35 years ago, when Jerry, having distinguished himself at the Nigeria Television Authority (NTA), Yola, in the erstwhile Gongola State, answered the call to service and joined the budding political voyage of the Waziri Adamawa.

In a solemn message conveyed through the Atiku Media Office in Abuja on Saturday, April 5, 2025, the former Vice President expressed a deep and personal grief at the loss of the man affectionately known to all as “Uncle Jerry.”

“Uncle Jerry,” Atiku reminisced, “was the embodiment of humility and warmth. To all who knew him, he was truly everyone’s uncle—a kind spirit, gentle in manner and generous in heart. He was with me from the very beginning, a living archive of my political odyssey. In him, we found not only dedication, but also serenity, loyalty, and quiet strength. My heart is broken. His absence will be deeply felt.”

Among colleagues in the Atiku Media Office, Uncle Jerry was a beloved figure whose jovial nature and unwavering commitment earned him universal affection and respect.

“He shall be remembered,” the statement continued, “for his unwavering fidelity to duty, his remarkable constancy of spirit, and his profound passion for service. Uncle Jerry leaves behind a legacy etched in dedication and friendship, one that shall not fade with time.”

The Waziri Adamawa extends his heartfelt condolences to the bereaved family, the people of Michika, and all who had the privilege of crossing paths with the late Mr. Vampa.

In prayerful reflection, Atiku beseeches the Almighty to grant eternal repose to the soul of Uncle Jerry and to bestow upon his family and loved ones the strength and solace needed to endure this great loss. May his memory remain a light to all who mourn him.

Signed:
Paul Ibe
Atiku Media Office
Abuja

The leadership battle within the Labour Party took a new turn on Friday after the Supreme Court set aside a previous ruling that recognized the Anambra convention, which ratified the re-election of Julius Abure’s National Working Committee.

In a unanimous judgment, the five-member panel of the Supreme Court overturned the Court of Appeal’s decision, which had recognized Abure’s leadership. The Court emphasized that matters concerning party leadership are internal affairs, and as such, the judiciary does not have jurisdiction over them. The Court also noted that based on the submissions presented, Abure’s tenure had expired, and as a result, it dismissed the cross-appeal filed by Abure’s faction of the party.

While media outlets widely reported that the Supreme Court had sacked Abure, the Labour Party leadership quickly issued a statement to clarify that the judgment had been misinterpreted. National Publicity Secretary of the LP, Obiora Ifoh, responded in Abuja, praising the judgment as a validation of the party’s position that political matters are internal affairs.

Later, the party held a press conference where Ifoh reiterated that the judgment did not mean the dismissal of Abure. He emphasized that the Supreme Court’s ruling upheld previous judgments from the High Court and Court of Appeal, affirming that party structures, including the leadership, should be decided internally by the party.

“The Supreme Court judgment didn’t sack Labour Party National Chairman, Julius Abure. Rather, it rightly upheld the preceding and accumulated High Court and appeal court judgments upholding the immutability of responsibility of Labour Party structures to choose its leaders,” Ifoh clarified.

He pointed out that the judgment also did not negate the Appeal Court ruling in Labour Party vs Ebiseni and others, which reaffirmed Abure’s leadership as valid and subsisting.

“The judgment is still valid and subsisting and has not been appealed,” Ifoh stated. He also underscored that Abure remains the Labour Party National Chairman and that the party’s constitution outlines who has the authority to call national conventions and meetings.

LP’s National Legal Adviser, Kehinde Edun, further clarified that the Court’s statement did not imply Abure’s tenure had expired. He explained that the judgment only discussed the general principles of political party leadership, emphasizing that once a term ends, the official can either step down or seek re-election. Edun refuted the claim that the Court had called for a caretaker committee, stating that the Labour Party constitution does not recognize such committees.

Deputy National Chairman of the Labour Party, Ayo Olorunfemi, also dismissed critics of Abure’s leadership, emphasizing that the party’s constitution does not allow for caretaker committees. He vowed that Abure would remain in office until his tenure ended in 2028, mocking those who spread false reports about his removal.

Meanwhile, the Acting National Chairman of the Nigerian Labour Congress Political Commission, Prof. Theophilus Ndubuaku, has hailed the judgment of the Supreme Court.

“We always know a day like this will come. We have done everything to give Abure a soft landing for him to leave the party leadership quietly in vain.

“But with this judgement, he has no choice than to leave,” he told The PUNCH.

On how the NLC will handle the affairs of the party when Abure steps down, Ndubuaku said some members who were permanent members on the board of the LP would set up a caretaker panel.

Also reacting, the National Caretaker Committee of the Labour Party, supported by figures like former presidential candidate Peter Obi and Governor Alex Otti, welcomed the Supreme Court ruling as a victory for the rule of law.

The committee’s chairman, Senator Nenadi Usman, described the judgment as a significant step forward for Nigerian democracy. She called for unity within the party, urging members to focus on advancing the Labour Party’s mission of creating a just, equitable, and people-centered Nigeria.

“The Labour Party remains one indivisible family, steadfast in its mission to create a New Nigeria founded on justice, equity, and people-centred governance,” Usman said, encouraging party members to stay committed to democratic principles during the transition.

[NaijaNews]

Bread is a staple food for many in Northern Nigeria, serving as a primary breakfast choice across diverse ethnic, linguistic, and cultural groups. With bakeries operating in nearly every state, the industry is vital to both regional and national economy.

According to Statista.com (a global data and business intelligence platform), Nigeria’s bread market is projected to generate $18.81 billion in revenue by 2025, with an annual growth rate of 11.04% (CAGR 2025-2030), revenue surged by 14.3% compared to 2023.

In recent years, the price of flour, bread’s key ingredient skyrocketed, reaching over NGN 80,000 per bag in markets across Kano and other northern states. This forced bakeries to raise prices to cover production costs. However, flour prices have since dropped significantly.

Despite this, bread prices remain stubbornly high, sparking concerns among Kano residents.

Investigating the issue, DAILY POST conducted a market survey at Singa Market, a major food distribution hub in Kano and Northern Nigeria.

Flour prices have dropped, but bread prices haven’t

In an interview, a flour distributor in Kano, Usaini Rabiu confirmed the price drop. “Since mid-2024, flour prices have fallen significantly. We now sell a bag for NGN 55,000 to NGN 56,000. There is ample supply, and all major companies are producing. We urge retailers to pass these reductions on to consumers.”

A price check in various stores within the market confirmed this claim. Following this, we visited a well-known bakery in Kano to understand why bread prices had not adjusted accordingly.

A bakery manager, speaking anonymously, insisted that their prices had already been reduced.

“A loaf that previously sold for NGN 1,300 now costs NGN 900, while the NGN 1,000 loaf is now NGN 700. We adjusted our prices as soon as flour costs dropped. However, I’m shocked to see bread being sold at inflated prices elsewhere.”

Middlemen under fire

The manager blamed middlemen for the price inconsistencies, saying “We sell a loaf to distributors for NGN 900, yet I see the same loaf selling for NGN 1,400 in retail shops. When I investigated, I found out that distributors sell to retailers for NGN 1,200, making a profit of NGN 300 per loaf—more than what we, the producers, make!”

A tea and bread vendor, Kamalu Ishaq, echoed this frustration. He lamented that despite flour prices dropping, bread prices have not followed suit.

“There has been no real price relief since flour costs spiked nearly two years ago. If we make any profit on bread, it’s barely NGN 100 per loaf. A NGN 1,000 loaf is sold to us at NGN 900 by distributors. When we complain, they just tell us to be patient, even though we can clearly see that flour prices have dropped.”

The blame game continues

The consistently high retail prices suggest that middlemen and distribution chains play a significant role in keeping bread costs elevated.

However, Abubakar Garba Indabawa, a bread distributor with years of experience, refuted this claim.

“Nowadays, bakeries require full payment upfront. Unlike before, when we could take bread on credit and pay after selling, we now buy at our own risk. The profit margin is minimal -usually no more than NGN 100 per loaf. For every NGN 10,000 worth of bread, distributors make NGN 1,000 in profit. In some cases, we don’t even earn that much.”

What’s the solution?

As this blame game continues, consumers—especially low-income earners bear the brunt. It remains unclear who is truly responsible for the price discrepancy.

Amid growing frustrations, there is a rising call for regulatory measures to ensure that reductions in essential commodity prices, such as flour, translate into lower costs for bread and other bakery products.

[DailyPost]