A group known as the De Renaissance Patriots Foundation has opposed the reported consideration of former Lagos State Deputy Governor, Femi Pedro, for an ambassadorial position meant to represent Lagos State.

In a statement released on Sunday by its media office, the foundation raised concerns over Pedro’s eligibility for the position, emphasising that he is not an indigene of Lagos State, despite having served as the deputy governor in the past.

The group criticised the ongoing practice of appointing non-indigenes to positions meant for Lagos, which it argued undermines the state’s constitutional rights and the interests of its indigenous people.

The statement read, “It has come to our attention that Femi Pedro is being considered for appointment as an Ambassador representing Lagos State. We strongly oppose this move and urge all well-meaning Lagosians to speak out against it before the appointment is finalised.

“Femi Pedro is not an indigene of Lagos State, regardless of him being ‘appointed’ once as Deputy Governor for whatever reason, favouring the party, and as such should not be presented as a representative of our state in any national or international capacity.

“The continued use of Lagos State’s constitutional quota for non-indigenes is both unjust and unacceptable. We must not allow a repeat of what happened with the recent ministerial appointment, where the true sons and daughters of Lagos State were sidelined in favour of outsiders.”

The foundation stressed that the ambassadorial position is a significant platform that should reflect the voice and heritage of Lagosians.

It contended that Lagos deserves authentic representation at all levels of government, particularly in roles that directly serve the state’s cultural and political aspirations.

The group also pointed to the recent ministerial appointment, which it claimed saw the sidelining of indigenous Lagosians in favour of outsiders, reinforcing their concerns about the marginalisation of the state’s true sons and daughters.

The De Renaissance Patriots Foundation called on political leaders, traditional rulers, community groups, and all concerned citizens to defend the rights of Lagos indigenes.

It urged that Lagos State’s constitutional quota be strictly reserved for qualified indigenes who are deeply connected to the state’s values, culture, and needs.

The group added, “The ambassadorship is a critical platform that should reflect the voice, interest and heritage of Lagos State and its indigenous people. We deserve authentic representation at all levels of government, particularly in appointments that are meant to serve the interests of our state.

“We call on all Lagos-based political leaders, traditional rulers, community associations, and concerned citizens to rise in defence of our rights. We must demand that the Lagos State quota is reserved strictly for qualified indigenes who have lived the Lagos experience and can genuinely represent our culture, values and aspirations.

“This is not just about one nomination; it is about preserving the dignity, identity and rightful place of Lagosians in the national landscape.”

In its final appeal, the foundation urged the Department of State Services and other authorities involved in the screening of ambassadorial nominees to reject Pedro’s nomination, reiterating its commitment to safeguarding the identity and dignity of the people of Lagos.

“Let it be known — we will not remain silent anymore while our state is continually being shortchanged because of political expediency and gerrymandering by those who are determined to keep the indigenes of the state in perpetual servitude in order to achieve their political objectives.

“To this end, we call to the Department of State Services and others involved in the screening of nominees for ambassadorial positions not to screen or confirm Femi Pedro because he is not an indigene of Lagos State,” the statement added.

The Federal Government is currently reviewing potential candidates for diplomatic positions across its 109 missions, 76 embassies, 22 high commissions, and 11 global consulates, according to Sunday PUNCH.

Reliable sources close to the process have disclosed that former Aviation Minister under the Obasanjo administration, Mr. Femi Fani-Kayode, and Pedro are among the nominees.

Sunday PUNCH also learned that the vetting process is not being handled centrally; instead, nominees are instructed to report to the nearest DSS office for their evaluations.

The Federal Government has said that the 14 percent reciprocal tariffs imposed on Nigeria by US President, Donald Trump, has the potential of adversely impacting on Nigeria’s oil and non-oil exports.

The Minister of Industry, Trade and Investment, Dr. Jumoke Oduwole, stated in a statement, saying that the development could potentially disrupt trade relations and undermine the competitiveness of Nigerian products in the US market, especially in sectors reliant on market access and price competitiveness.

She, however, reiterated the federal government’s commitment to mitigating the impact while accelerating economic diversification.

According to the minister, Nigeria’s exports to the United States have averaged $5–6 billion annually in the last two years.

Oduwole said: “A significant portion of Nigeria’s exports (over 90 per cent ) comprises crude petroleum, mineral fuels, oils, and gas products. The second-largest export category, accounting for approximately 2–3 per cent, includes fertilizers and urea, followed by lead, representing around one per cent of total exports valued at approximately $82 million.

“Nigeria also exports smaller quantities of agricultural products such as live plants, flour, and nuts, which account for less than two per cent of our total exports to the U.S.

“While oil has long dominated Nigeria’s exports to the US, non-oil products, many previously exempt under AGOA, now face potential disruption.

“A new 10 per cent tariff on key categories may impact the competitiveness of Nigerian goods in the U.S. For businesses in the non-oil sector, these measures present destabilising challenges to price competitiveness and market access, especially in emerging and value-added sectors vital to our diversification agenda.”

The minister also noted that smaller businesses, particularly SMEs, that rely on the African Growth and Opportunity Act exemptions would feel the brunt of the new tariff, with rising costs and uncertain buyer commitments likely to make market access even more difficult.

She added, “This development strengthens Nigeria’s resolve to boost its non-oil exports by strengthening quality assurance, control, and traceability in Nigerian exports to meet global standards and improve market acceptance into more economies across the globe.”

[Vanguard]

The Nigeria Police Force has withdrawn its earlier invitation extended to Alhaji Aminu Sanusi in connection with the unfortunate incident that occurred in Kano State during the Sallah celebration on March 30, 2025. The invitation was initially issued to enable Alhaji Sanusi to provide his account of the events that led to the breakdown of law and order in the state.

However, following advice from respected stakeholders and in line with the Inspector-General of Police's commitment to ensuring that policing actions are not politicized or misinterpreted, the IGP has directed that the invitation be withdrawn. Instead, operatives of the Force Intelligence Department (FID) have been mandated on the instructions of the IGP to proceed to Kano to obtain Alhaji Sanusi's statement.

Prior to the Sallah Day celebration, credible intelligence at the disposal of the Police indicated that the two (2) disputed Emirs in Kano State -Alh Ado Bayero and Alh Lamido Sanusi were planning to hold separate Durbar Festivals. The Durbar Festival is a long held tradition which involves a recognized Emir riding on horses around the city in company of his people.

To forestall possible violence, the Inspector-General of Police, IGP Kayode Adeolu Egbetokun, Ph.D., NPM, deployed the Coordinating DIG for the North West who also serves as the Deputy Inspector-General of Police in charge of the Force Criminal Investigation Department, DIG Abubakar Sadiq, mni , to engage in dialogue with the two disputed Emirs in kano and the Kano State Government. It was mutually agreed that no Durbar Festival would be held to preserve peace and public safety and none of the disputed emirs will ride on horse on Sallah day.

Despite this agreement, Alhaji Aminu Sanusi who had attended the Eid Prayers in his car, decided to mount a horse in a procession after Eid Prayers on Sallah Day, accompanied by local vigilantes. This triggered a confrontation by youths in the community, leading to the tragic death of one Usman Sagiru, and leaving several others injured. A situation which the Force had earlier warned against and intended to avert by the emissaries sent earlier to both Alhaji Sanusi and Alhaji Ado Bayero

The Nigeria Police Force, under the leadership of the Inspector-General of Police, remains resolute in its commitment to conducting its criminal investigation duties with the highest level of professionalism including the investigation of this incident. All individuals found culpable will at the end be brought to justice. To this effect, some arrests have been made prompting invitation to Alhaji Sanusi. The Force also wishes to reiterate that its actions are guided solely by the principles of justice, neutrality, and professionalism.

ACP OLUMUYIWA ADEJOBI, mnipr, mipra, fCAI FORCE PUBLIC RELATIONS OFFICER FORCE HEADQUARTERS, ABUJA

As he settled in to deliver the judgment of the Edo State Governorship Election Petition Tribunal on 2 April 2025, presiding judge, Wilfred Kpochi, felt obliged to get one ritual out of the way. Glancing left and right, he asked each of his two colleagues on the three-person tribunal to confirm that the judgment he was about to deliver was unanimous. Justice Kpochi only proceeded after each, one to his left and the other to his right, nodded their affirmation.

The judge had good reason for this preliminary ritual. 48 hours before it was due, a leaked document purporting to be the judgment of the tribunal went into circulation. Ahead of judgment day, both leading parties in the electoral contest which had inexorably mutated into a judicial one – the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and the All Progressives Congress (APC) – felt compelled to issue duelling statements denouncing the leak and blaming the other for it. The APC claimed that “the PDP leaked a fake judgment, knowing they would lose”, while the PDP “accused the APC of using the leaked fake document to gauge public reaction.” 

The leaked document suggested that the tribunal would deliver a split verdict, with one of the three judges dissenting from the majority of two who were supposed to decide against the petition of the PDP and its candidate, Asue Ighodalo. When, therefore, the presiding judge asked his colleagues to affirm that the judgment was unanimous, he sought to telegraph that tales of the leak of their judgment were unfounded or, in any case, had misdescribed the decision of the tribunal. Instead of a split decision suggested by the leak, this was a unanimous court. 

This was far from the first time that the decision of an election petition tribunal in Nigeria would be foreshadowed by suggestions or allegations of a leak ahead of its delivery. 

At the onset of presidentialism in Nigeria in 1979, the contest between Shehu Shagari of the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) and Obafemi Awolowo of the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) ended up before the presidential election tribunal. On 20 August 1979, Obafemi Awolowo filed his petition against the declaration of Shehu Shagari as the winner of the election. The following day, military ruler, General Olusegun Obasanjo, invited Atanda Fatayi Williams to the Dodan Barracks (as the seat of government then in Lagos was called) and offered him the office of the Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN). 

Fatayi Williams’ first task was to adjudicate Chief Awolowo’s petition. The military had committed to handing over power on 1 October, a mere 40 days later. General Obasanjo, who was overseeing arrangements for a high profile handover to an elected successor, was anxious to know that the Supreme Court would not torpedo his plans. It was credibly suspected that he received the necessary assurances from his hand-picked CJN well ahead of the judgment.

In March 2008, Action Congress (AC), the party then led by Bola Ahmed Tinubu, vigorously alleged that the outcome of the presidential election petition challenging the announcement of Umaru Musa Yar’Adua of the PDP as the winner of the 2007 presidential election, had leaked. Lai Mohammed, the spokesperson of the party at the time, denounced the leak, proclaiming that the judgment would “not stand the test of time.”

Fifteen years later, as the Presidential Election Petition Tribunal issued a 48-hour notice of the delivery of its judgment on 4 September 2023, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the candidate of the APC, whose announcement on 1 March as the winner of the presidential election was under challenge, departed for New Delhi, India, to attend the G-20 Summit. He arrived in India on 5 September, the day before the judgment, guaranteeing that he was going to be outside the country when the tribunal delivered its judgment. Many people believed that Tinubu travelled to India with the confidence of a man who had been assured ahead of schedule of the outcome that the tribunal would announce the day after he landed in India.

Whether these allegations were true in any specific case is a subject for another day. Far from diminishing over the years, however, credible suspicions of breach of the deliberative confidentiality of judicial decision-making in election disputes and political cases in Nigeria have grown. They enjoy high credulity with the public, an indication of a deep-seated deficit of credibility that now clearly afflicts the business of what judges do in political and electoral disputes in Nigeria.

At the valedictory session of the 9th Senate in June 2023, Adamu Bulkachuwa, the senator for Bauchi North, confirmed suspicions of unconscionably intimate dalliances between judges and politicians when he appreciated his colleagues “whom (sic) have come to me and sought for my help when my wife was the President of the Court of Appeal.” Senator Bulkachuwa did not forget to thank his wife “whose freedom and independence I encroached upon while she was in office…. She has been very tolerant and accepted my encroachment and extended her help to my colleagues.” His wife, Zainab, was President of the Court of Appeal from 2014 to 2020.

For insisting on calling attention to this kind of criminal acccessorisation of judges, Nyesom Wike, the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory who is also a member of Nigeria’s Body of Benchers (BoB), invited the grandees of the BoB who visited him in his office at the end of last month to dispense with basic niceties of process and “punish” me. His 36 minute-long harangue to the old men and women of the BoB who were his guests, was occasionally punctuated with enthusiastic applause belying the average age of the group as well as the kind of undisguised ridicule which they had to endure for both themselves and the institutions of the judicial process in Nigeria. Such cravenness from the leadership of the self-described “body of practitioners of the highest distinction in the legal profession in Nigeria”, bodes ill for judicial credibility and independence. 

As Mr. Wike was busy meeting with them, an advocate who had spent his life campaigning against that tendency took a characteristically unpretentious leave. 

Raised in Agbor, Delta state, by a father who was a high school teacher from Imo State, Joseph Otteh was one of the first two colleagues whom I engaged in the legal directorate of the Civil Liberties Organisation (CLO) in Lagos in 1991. He brought tremendous integrity, intellect, and industry to the role, and had remarkable reserves of empathy.

In 1999, Joe founded the group Access to Justice “to work towards rebuilding the institutional credibility of the Nigerian legal and justice system, restoring public faith in its institutions.” He approached that task with both courage and single-mindedness, doing a lot of good along the way.

Joe epitomised the lawyer as a gentleman and professional of civic virtue. On 28 March, he succumbed reportedly to complications from Diabetes, leaving behind an aged mother, wife and three children.

30 years ago, in 1995, Joe authored a defining study of the customary court system in the 17 states of southern Nigeria under the title The Fading Lights of Justice. As an advocate, Joseph Otteh did his utmost to ensure that those lights were kept aflame. That title could only have come from a man who was well ahead of his time and had the acuity to see the future. The Heavens will be enriched by the acquisition of this incredible angel. 

A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it. 

The Nigeria Police Force has warned against a planned nationwide protest coinciding with the National Police Day celebration on April 7.

Take-It-Back (TIB) movement had announced a nationwide protest scheduled for April 7, 2025

Juwon Sanyaolu, national coordinator of TIB, said the core demands of the protesters include the repeal of the cybercrime act and the end of emergency rule in Rivers state, which the group described as a “form of military dictatorship under President Bola Tinubu’s administration”.

However, a statement on Sunday by Muyiwa Adejobi, force public relations officer, questioned the motive behind the protest, describing it as “ill-timed and mischievous”.

“While not against the exercise of citizens right to peaceful assembly and association in Nigeria as enshrined in the Constitution, the Nigeria Police Force is deeply concerned about the motive behind such protest scheduled on the same day the contributions of the Nigeria Police Force to national security is to be celebrated, putting into consideration that such glamorous event would bring together dignitaries from all spheres of life both internationally and within the country, including Foreign Inspectors-General of Police and Diplomats,” the statement reads.

The police urged the organisers to shelve the planned protest and encouraged them to dialogue with relevant government institutions.

“The Nigeria Police Force, under the leadership of the Inspector-General of Police, IGP Kayode Adeolu Egbetokun, Ph.D., NPM, while reaffirming the commitment of the NPF to adequately carrying out its mandate in accordance with the Law and respect for rights of citizens, hereby, urges all the organizers of the planned protest as well as individuals who intend to join the protest to pursue dialogue by engaging the proper institution of government to press home their demands,” the statement added.

[TheCable]

The new directors of NNPCL appointed by President Bola Tinubu last week has been widely welcomed by Nigeria’s oil industry chieftains and analysts for their cognate experience and impressive private sector background, but they are taking over a corporation buffeted by chronic political problems and unethical business practices. These directors are from the other side of the table, as they had been dealing with NNPCL while they were in the leadership of some of the subsidiaries of the IOCs in Nigeria. The new board chairman, Ahmadu Musa Kida, rose in the industry to become Total Nigeria’s Deputy Managing Director of Deep Water Services in 2015. Last year, he became the an independent non executive director at Pan Ocean-Newcross Group. Bayo Ojulari, the new Group CEO, was until his appointment Executive Vice President and COO of Renaissance Africa Energy Company. The Renaissance Group recently led a consortium of indigenous energy firms in the landmark acquisition of the entire equity holding in the Shell Nigeria worth $2.4 billion. I wrote an article on this transaction in January titled ‘’The exit of Shell’’. Ojulari himself is a Shell veteran, just as all other board members have worked at senior levels at other IOCs.  

 They are therefore well informed about the deficiencies of NNPCL and are well equipped technically to turn it around into another IOC, or a semblance of it. They can bring the best practices in the IOCs to bear on NNPCL. But they will have to overcome political interferences; opaque organizational culture; chronic industry problems and huge corruption, among many other typically Nigerian challenges. Here are a few of the problems they will face. Here are a few of them:

1) The Upstream sector

a) Oil theft is a major problem and the new board will face many obstacles as it tries to fight it. Every barrel of crude oil must end up in one refinery somewhere in the world. The crude oil stolen from Nigeria is not refined in Nigeria. The refineries that buy them must know where the crude came from. Therefore, the syndicates stealing the Nigerian crude oil must be known within the Nigerian and global intelligence community. The new NNPCL Board members have worked with Shell (HQ in London), ExxonMobil (HQ in USA) and Total (France). The home country intelligence networks of these IOCs do know how these thefts have been perpetuated over the years in the Niger Delta and the offshore oilfields. Since these new Board members have worked at the highest level in the Nigerian subsidiary of these IOCs, they can seek help from their HQs on how to identify, name and shame the thieves thereby undermining their network. Of course, the Board has to have the support of the Presidency for this move.

b) Professionalize the Exploration and production arm of NNPCL, called NNPC E&P Limited (NEPL), formerly NPDC: For a long time now, NEPL (formerly NPDC) has been outsourcing the funding and development of its freely assigned oilfields to third parties, thus denying itself the opportunities to develop and retain corporate competencies and professionalism in-house. NPDC (NEPL) was meant to be the National Oil Company (NOC) of Nigeria, like Statoil of Norway (now called Equinor); Petronas of Malaysia; Petrobras of Brazil; Pemex of Mexico and others of Dubai, Abu Dhabi, Oman, Brunei, etc. It is not late for the new Board to position NEPL to fund, develop and operate their Nigerian oilfields competently as there are many Nigerians in-country and in Diaspora who could be brought in to run the organization efficiently and professionally. The new Board members were at the leadership of successfully operated IOC subsidiaries in Nigeria. Therefore, they have the operational template they can deploy in NEPL. If Equinor of Norway can succeed, with many Nigerians working there, then NEPL can as well.

c) Transparency of crude oil and natural gas sales: The current opaqueness in the crude oil sales should be stopped. The opacity is at almost every facet of the business. Even Finance Commissioners of the Niger Delta States do not understand how their states’ share of the 13% derivation is calculated. They do not even have the data on which the payments are calculated and paid. Therefore, the new Board should ensure that the federation’s share of the revenue is accessible to the federating units without them depending on the Freedom of Information request.  

d) Simply meet the funding obligations NNPCL has with their JV operators: Nigeria (NNPCL) has been a laughingstock in the global Oil Industry for not paying their 55% to 60% share for funding JV operations, yet would be the first to take their share of the JV production. The Board should simply do the right thing. Pay up NNPCL’s share of funds and then earn its share of the produced crude oil and gas.

e) Expedite the Contracting processes: Currently it takes about two years to go through the contract award process for major projects that require NNPCL’s approval. The new Board knows how major contracts are awarded in the home country of the IOCs. They should implement such best practice in NNPCL, with recognition of local peculiarities.

f) Merit-based hiring at NNPCL: During the eight years of President Buhari as the Minister of Petroleum, the ‘northernization’ of NNPCL in many aspects was brazen. Going forward, an annual performance review of the employees should be done and the bottom 5% let go and replaced, if necessary. New recruitments should be transparent and merit-based.

g) Endless search for hydrocarbon in Northern Nigeria

Since the 1970s, NNPCL has been exploring for oil and gas in the northern part of Nigeria. There is no IOC that will continuously spend its money for more than 50 years on exploration in a particular area and despite no commercial find, continue investing more money on such fruitless search. Since the new Directors are from IOCs, let them be bold enough to stop throwing good money into these fruitless explorations. If for political reasons the searches must continue in the northern oilfields, NUPRC can award those oil blocks to private companies on a Production Sharing Contract (PSC) basis. The private companies can then take the risk and share the production with the Federation, upon success. The money saved can be used to buy shares in oilfields outside Nigeria, as done by successful NOCs in Nigerian oil fields.

To buttress the point, let’s recall that during Mele Kyari’s tenure, there was a huge song and dance about the discovery of one billion barrels of crude oil and 500 billion cubic feet of gas in Kolmani oilfield in Alkaleri, Bauchi State. Even President Buhari, in November 2022, had to perform an official inauguration of the Kolmani Development Project where an oil refinery of 120,000 bpd, a gas processing site of 500 million cubic feet per day and a 300 MW power plant were all to be built with the US$3 Billion fund already sourced. About three years after, where are the projects? It is an open secret that doubts exist within the subsurface community of the Nigerian Oil Industry about such quantity of hydrocarbon being discovered since there has been no public declaration of the length of the pay sand encountered and at what depth, as is the standard industry publication when new discoveries are made. That same Kolmani Oil field was abandoned by Shell in the late 1990s when it could not make any commercial find. So, NNPCL should cut the losses by stopping frontier exploration up north. 

2) Midstream Sector

a) Pipelines to Refineries: Pipelines carrying crude oil to refineries have been vandalized for many years now. No matter how deep a replacement pipeline would be buried, when there is a will to puncture it, it will be punctured. Therefore, the new Board should adequately and appropriately motivate every community a pipeline passes through to protect it against vandalism. The Board members have been dealing with communities their entire career, so they are now in a position to delight the oil communities in a way their IOCs or NNPCL did not allow them to.

b) Pipelines from Refineries to Depots: Back in the 70s, there was a functioning pipeline network carrying various petroleum products from the various refineries to oil product depots situated at various cities across the country. With the depots not being in use for many years, the Board should should prioritize the reactivation of these pipelines and, again, motivate the communities to protect them all across the country.

c) The challenge of crude oil supply to Kaduna Refinery: The Kaduna refinery's only source of crude oil is one single oil pipeline that runs from NNPC Terminal at the Atlantic Ocean located beside Chevron's Escravos Terminal, all the way to Kaduna. With that pipeline not in use for many years, there is a high possibility that it has been harvested just like other unused pipelines in the country. Therefore, even if Kaduna refinery is refurbished, replacement of that single source pipeline to feed the refinery with its raw material will be a financial challenge. We note that the AKK pipeline is yet to be completed. How more difficult will it be to lay a new pipeline through the Niger Delta swamp and the dry land to Kaduna. The Board should have a critical look at how to revamp the Escravos-Kaduna pipeline, if possible.

3) Downstream

a) Government-owned refineries: The four government-owned refineries are not functioning; not operable and more importantly, without secured pipelines to feed them with their raw material – crude oil. NNPCL has tried to bring those refineries back to life to no avail, despite having a full retinue of staff on the payroll for each of the four refineries. Furthermore, these refineries are at least 45 years old. Without the appropriate maintenance and repairs over these years, they have come to the end of their technical life. No amount of money thrown into bringing an idle 45-year old refinery back into production will achieve the purpose. The Board should simply sell off all the existing refineries and allow private companies to seize the business opportunity of keeping the country wet.

b) Petrol Stations: NNPCL should not spend its money building and operating petrol stations for one simple reason: The petrol station attendants will expect to be paid the full NNPCL salaries and allowances. Rather, NNPCL should dispose of all its petrol stations to third parties who will continue to operate the stations under the NNPCL brand without the NNPCL carrying the operational cost on its balance sheet.

Dear Senate President Godswill Akpabio,

I write to you not as an adversary, but as someone who is deeply concerned about the escalating tensions surrounding the exclusion of Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan from the Senate. This situation has become a defining moment—not just for her, but for your legacy, the integrity of the Senate, and Nigeria’s democratic values. I urge you to reflect on the path forward with clarity, humility, and courage.

Reclaim Your Peace and Health: A Call for Restoring Balance by Returning Natasha Akpoti-Udughan

Senate President Akpabio, leadership is a heavy responsibility, and I know you are shouldering the weight of an immense burden. As Senate President, you carry not only the weight of national decisions but also the weight of public opinion, scrutiny, and the pressures of politics. But amidst this pressure, it’s important to step back and consider what truly matters—your health, your peace of mind, and the well-being of your family.

This ongoing battle, especially with Natasha Akpoti-Udughan, is taking a toll on you. The stress, the sleepless nights, the probable anxiety—they are undeniable. It’s clear that this conflict has worn you down, possibly affecting your mental and physical health. I urge you to consider whether the cost of continuing this struggle is worth the toll it takes on your body and spirit.

Your family, too, is feeling the strain of this conflict. They witness your pain, your struggles, and the emotional weight of this battle. They too are affected. A leader who is worn out—physically, mentally, and emotionally—cannot lead effectively. The Senate needs you to be whole, balanced, and healthy. You owe it to yourself and to your loved ones to prioritize your well-being.

Perhaps, at this point, it’s time to let go of the fight. Allowing Natasha to return would allow you to reclaim your peace, your health, and your leadership. The constant battle, the ongoing stress, and the personal toll are simply not sustainable. Let it go. This decision, as hard as it may seem, could restore harmony to your personal life, your health, and to the Senate as well.

The Futility of Suppression: How Attempting to Silence Natasha Akpoti-Udughan Will Only Lead to Further Harm, Return Her Now

Senate President Akpabio, every attempt to silence Natasha Akpoti-Udughan has only proven futile. No legal maneuver, no gag order, and no institutional attempt to suppress her will ever work. She is not a force that can be controlled or quieted. The more you try to suppress her, the louder her voice becomes.

Her resilience is not something that can be subdued by orders or threats. Every attempt to silence her only serves to reinforce the strength of her message. You may have hoped to shut her down, to diminish her power, but each move you make only strengthens her position. She speaks the truth, and truth cannot be silenced indefinitely.

The damage you are causing by trying to suppress her is becoming more obvious. Each failed tactic exposes your desperation and only amplifies her cause. This battle is no longer just about her; it’s about fairness, justice, and transparency. The more you resist, the more you alienate yourself from the very people you are meant to lead.

Trying to silence Natasha has only intensified her presence. It’s clear that suppression tactics only harm your position and reputation. The only way to bring an end to this conflict is to allow her return. Stop the cycle of suppression and let her be heard.

Breaking Free from Fear: The Judge Switch Exposes Your Insecurities, Return Natasha Akpoti-Udughan Now

Senate President Akpabio, I know the pressures you face are immense. You are not only fighting a public battle but also navigating a web of legal and institutional pressures. But one thing is clear—changing judges in an attempt to tilt the scales is a sign of insecurity. It’s a sign that you are unwilling to face the truth directly.

The more you attempt to manipulate the system, the more you expose your fear. Fear of what Natasha represents: an undeniable challenge to a system that has, for too long, favored the powerful. Fear of what might be revealed if the truth comes to light.

But let me remind you—fear can be transformed into courage. By allowing Natasha’s return, you would show that you are capable of confronting this with grace and humility, that you are willing to rise above the temptation of control. You don’t need to manipulate the system to win. True leadership comes from facing adversity with honesty and integrity, not through fear-based tactics.

It’s time to stop running from the truth. Trust in the strength of your leadership to handle this situation with dignity. The real solution is not in manipulation—it’s in restoration. Allow Natasha to return. Face the truth with courage.

A Force Beyond Control: Natasha Akpoti-Udughan’s Resilience Is a Testament to Strength and Courage, Return Her Now

Senate President Akpabio, despite your best efforts to suppress Natasha Akpoti-Udughan, it is clear that she is a force beyond your control. You have underestimated her strength, her courage, and her resolve. Every move you make to suppress her only fuels her determination and makes her cause stronger.

Her resilience is a testament to her integrity. She is standing firm in her truth, and this truth cannot be denied, no matter how hard you try to suppress it.

You cannot defeat integrity. You cannot suppress someone who speaks truth. Natasha’s strength is not something you can control; it is a force that transcends everything you have tried to do. The more you fight to control her, the more you reveal your own vulnerability. The reality is that Natasha has already won. Her voice is louder than any suppression attempt. Her strength is undeniable.

This struggle has gone on for too long. It is time to recognize the futility of further conflict. Allow her to return. It is the only way forward that will allow you to heal, grow, and lead with integrity.

Unyielding in Spirit: Natasha Akpoti-Udughan’s Defiance Reminds Us All of the Power of Integrity, Return Her Now

Senate President Akpabio, I acknowledge the immense pressure you have been under, but it is important to recognize that Natasha Akpoti-Udughan’s resilience is not just a personal victory—it is a testament to the power of integrity. She stands firm in own truth, unwavering despite the forces against her.

Her defiance is not a rejection of authority; it is a call for accountability. Her spirit serves as a reminder to all of us that integrity cannot be suppressed, no matter how hard you try. Her truth is the ultimate challenge to the status quo, and it is a challenge that will not go away, no matter what tactics are employed.

You cannot defeat integrity. You cannot crush a spirit that is grounded in justice. Natasha’s strength is not something you can control; it is a force that transcends everything you have tried to do. The more you fight, the more you expose yourself, and the more you reveal the injustice of this situation.

The time has come for you to allow Natasha to return. Doing so is not a sign of defeat—it is a sign of strength, maturity, and wisdom. It is a chance to show the world that you are willing to take the high road, to restore peace, and to make things right.

The Senate Committee Hearing: A Failed Attempt to Undermine Natasha Akpoti-Udughan’s Case, Return Her Now

The attempt to have a Senate Committee hearing to address Natasha’s case was another attempt to shift the focus, to manipulate the narrative in your favor. Yet, as with all other tactics, this too has failed. The hearing, instead of providing transparency, has only become another spectacle of deflection—a way to avoid confronting the real issues at hand.

Instead of being an honest attempt to address her grievances, the hearing has been weaponized against her. It has become another tool to undermine her, to try to paint her as the problem. But in reality, the hearing has only revealed your continued attempts to control the situation, to make Natasha look like the problem, when in fact, the issue lies in the way the situation has been mishandled from the start.

The attempt to manipulate the system through this hearing has failed. The more you try to deflect, the more you alienate the public. This is not a healthy way to handle a legitimate grievance. Rather than prolonging the conflict through institutional manipulation, the solution is clear: allow Natasha to return to the Senate. Let her be heard. The public will respect you for doing so. They will see that you are capable of rising above personal grievances and putting the nation first.

This Woman Is Always Ahead of You, Nationally and Globally—Stop the Bleeding, Some Women Don’t Play

Senate President Akpabio, I must admit, this is becoming quite a spectacle. Every time you think you’ve managed to outmaneuver Natasha Akpoti-Udughan, she surprises you, rising above your tactics, and going even further ahead. Nationally, globally—she’s one step ahead, and your every move to suppress her only makes her more visible, more resolute, and more admired.

You may think you’re in control of this situation, but let’s face it—she’s playing a different game, and so far, you’ve been outplayed at every turn. The people see it, the media sees it, and it’s clear to everyone that no matter how many attempts you make to block her, she continues to rise. It’s like watching a chess game where you keep moving backward, and she keeps moving forward.

This isn’t just about politics; it’s about the unyielding strength of one woman who is not afraid to stand up for what’s right. And here’s the reality: some women don’t play. They stand firm, they speak truth, and they will not be silenced. Natasha Akpoti-Udughan has shown time and time again that she is not someone to be taken lightly. She is a force in this fight, and if you don’t stop this now, it will only continue to bleed you dry.

Lift the Suspension Without Apology: A Path to Fairness and Healing

Senate President Godswill Akpabio should lift Natasha Akpoti-Udughan’s suspension without requiring an apology. Such a demand would undermine the integrity of everything Natasha has stood for and would imply that her claims were false. Natasha’s resilience is rooted in what she sees as truth, much like many victimized women who fight for justice. For her to apologize would mean denying the very essence of her struggle. Just let it all go—you can’t win this battle with this woman. She has already proven that she will not be silenced. Lifting the suspension and allowing her return would not only de-escalate tensions but would also show a commitment to fairness and gender equality in the Senate. This action would address the concerns about gender bias and affirm that the Senate values honest representation. By letting her return, Akpabio can demonstrate leadership by prioritizing justice over personal grievances and move toward restoring unity and trust within the Senate.

A Moment of Reflection: Time to Stop the Bleeding

Since this ordeal began, it has come to light that you have a chapel in your residence. Given this, I ask you to reflect—perhaps it’s time to take a knee, pray, and truly consider your next steps. Forget the legal advice that has kept you locked in this cycle of conflict. Those guiding you on this path have only fueled the fire, keeping you entrenched in a battle that is not only harming you but damaging the Senate and, ultimately, the nation.

The real question is: what kind of leader do you want to be remembered as? It’s not about more legal strategies, more committee hearings, or more manipulations. All of that will only prolong the pain. What you need now is the courage to step away from the chaos and reflect on what’s best—not for your pride or your ego—but for your health, your legacy, and the people you were chosen to serve.

You’ve been leading with strength, but now it’s time to lead with humility. To lead with the kind of wisdom that comes from looking inward, recognizing the truth, and taking the high road. This is about healing—healing for you, for the Senate, and for the nation. Continuing down this path of retaliation will only deepen the wounds, both personal and institutional.

It’s time to stop the bleeding. Not just for Natasha, but for your own peace of mind, your physical well-being, and the future of your legacy. Take a moment to reflect, to pray, and to recognize that true leadership is about restoring peace, embracing justice, and making decisions that prioritize the greater good.

You have the power to heal this situation. You have the power to end the conflict. Return Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan now. It is the only way forward—toward redemption, toward healing, and toward a future that honors the true principles of leadership.

A Final Call for Restoration: Let It All Go, Let Her Return Now

Senate President Akpabio, I implore you—let it all go. Let go of the pride, the resentment, and the pursuit of control. The burden you carry is heavy, and it is not one that will serve you well in the long run. The longer you hold on to this conflict, the more it weighs down not only your health but your legacy. The struggle to suppress truth has already cost you more than you realize.

Let it all go. The tactics, the battles, the endless back-and-forth. No more maneuvering, no more trying to outwit or outlast Natasha Akpoti-Udughan. She has stood firm, resilient in the face of every attempt to suppress her. Now, it is your turn to stand firm in humility and embrace what is right for the Senate, for the people, and for your own peace of mind.

This is not about saying you are all wrong, and she is all right, but rather about recognizing that this conflict has escalated beyond what was necessary. Let it go. The pressure, the conflict, and the strain—it’s all too much. Let it go.

Let her return now. The people of Nigeria are watching, and the world is paying attention. The moment you allow Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan to return is the moment you step into the light of redemption, honor, and true leadership. This is not about admitting defeat; it is about showing the world that you are capable of recognizing when enough is enough.

The nation and the people will hail you—not for being unyielding in the face of personal conflict, but for being brave enough to put the country’s best interest first. They will see you as a leader who has the wisdom to know when to end the struggle, when to restore peace, and when to heal the wounds of division.

In this moment, you have the opportunity to rise above it all, to embrace reconciliation over rivalry, healing over harm. The truth has always been stronger than any tactic. The people respect strength, but they also respect humility. Let it all go, let it all go. The Senate will be better for it. You will be better for it.

It is time. Return Natasha Akpoti-Udughan now. The healing can begin.

What happened in Uromi, Edo State, on Thursday, March 27, wasn’t just an incident of jungle justice, it was a damning verdict on the Nigerian state’s failure to protect its citizens. When ordinary people are pushed to the edge, witnessing the horrors of their neighbors being kidnapped, raped, slaughtered, and even seeing newborn babies fed to dogs by abductors, something eventually snaps. And what snapped in Uromi was not just patience, but faith in the justice system.

Let’s be clear: jungle justice is wrong. There is no justification for killing suspects without trial. But to condemn the action without condemning the reasons that led to it is to willfully ignore the context. And the context here is terrifying.

Uromi and its surrounding communities have lived under siege. From Edo Central to Delta and Bayelsa, criminal herders have turned peaceful towns into war zones. Women no longer go to farms for fear of being raped or burned alive. The Onojie of Uzea, HRH Solomon Itoya Iluobe, publicly declared his forests off-limits to Fulani herders after personally paying ransoms multiple times for kidnapped relatives.

It gets worse. Just a few months ago, the people of Uromi were in uproar after a woman in labor was kidnapped alongside her husband. She delivered her baby in captivity, only for the child to be fed to dogs by the kidnappers. That kind of evil, witnessed firsthand, lives in people’s memories forever. It radicalizes communities. It stokes uncontrollable rage. And when the same communities begin to see suspicious movements, such as armed men hidden under tarpaulin in a Dangote trailer with large sums of new currency, the fear, the trauma, and the distrust boil over into mob action.

Those lynched in Uromi identified themselves as hunters. Survivors say they were headed to the North from Port Harcourt for the Sallah celebrations. But they weren’t traveling openly. They were covered in a trailer filled with palm kernel shells. They carried Dane guns. They had dogs. And there was cash. Why hide if you’re genuine? Hunters usually move in the open. Why conceal your presence in a truck if you have nothing to fear? These are the questions that triggered suspicion.

Eyewitnesses say the trailer refused to stop when signaled by vigilantes. One of the passengers stabbed a local vigilante during questioning. The tension, already sky-high, exploded. Within minutes, 16 lives were lost. And yet, this horror didn’t happen in a vacuum.

In fact, when news filtered in about the killings, Uromi, a once peaceful and culturally proud community in Edo State, many Nigerians were left shaken. Another violent episode. Another community in mourning. Another preventable tragedy.

It is easy, and rather convenient, for government officials and security agencies to reduce such incidents to “ethnic crises” or “misunderstandings between the northern and the southern divide of Nigeria.” But anyone who understands the traditional systems that once governed community interactions knows that this bloodshed didn’t just happen out of the blue. It is a tragic outcome of long-standing neglect, a neglect of tradition, of communal protocols, and of effective governance.

Let’s take a step back to when communities, though not wealthy in modern infrastructure, were rich in wisdom, customs, and protocols. In those days, there was an unspoken but deeply respected tradition that governed how hunters operated across community boundaries.

A hunter did not just wake up, pick up his Dane gun, and march into another community’s forest in search of prey. That would be asking for trouble.

Tradition dictated that visiting hunters must first seek the consent of the paramount hunter or traditional authority in the host community. This wasn’t merely for protocol’s sake, it was a system grounded in mutual respect, territorial integrity, and community safety. Once permission was granted, the local hunters would accompany the visitors, ensuring they didn’t stray into sacred groves, farmland, or restricted zones. After the hunt, the visitors would show appreciation, offering part of the prey to the paramount hunter and compensating the indigenous hunters. This wasn’t just culture. It was governance. It was conflict prevention. It was community diplomacy.

In fact, given the backdrop of present day’s chaos as occurred in Uromi, it is not hyperbolical to opine that there is a government sleeping on the wheel as it has failed to address the underlying issues that are by each passing day spurring bloodshed across the country. 

Fast forward to today, and we are seeing a complete breakdown of these indigenous systems. The killings in Uromi are not just a result of “stray hunters” or “clashes.” They are the result of the government’s inability, or outright refusal, to recognize and support local structures that once kept peace.

As gathered from Vanguard Newspaper online edition of April 5, 2025, in one its expose titled, “Uromi Killing: Untold story of how villagers identified some of them as kidnappers before lynching”,  locals recount how five kidnappers arrested in Uromi were handed over to the police, only to be released days later. That betrayal cuts deep. Why should the people trust a system that returns known criminals to their communities?

And let’s not forget: just a day before this lynching, herders collected N25 million ransom for a kidnapped couple, then still murdered them. Another woman who went to deliver N5 million to free her sister was held instead. As of today, that woman is still in captivity. In that same forest. The same criminal network is still operating.

What happened in Uromi is not just about suspicion or ethnicity. It’s about a people abandoned by the state. It’s about communities taking up the fight because those empowered to protect them have failed, or worse, compromised. That doesn’t make jungle justice right. But it does make it predictable.

The solution is not to issue hollow condemnations from Abuja. The solution is justice that works. If a crime is committed, investigate it thoroughly and prosecute offenders swiftly and transparently. If innocent people were killed in Uromi, their names must be cleared, and those responsible must be held accountable. But the government must also answer for why Uromi, and dozens of other communities like it, has become a hunting ground for terrorists in the first place.

The root of this tragedy is failed governance. If the people had faith in the law, they wouldn’t take it into their own hands. If security agents did their jobs, civilians wouldn’t be patrolling forests or raising funds for ransom. And if our leaders were in touch with the daily horrors faced by Nigerians, perhaps this story would never have happened.

Until then, Uromi will not be the last.

Sorry, I digress. Gradually, the Nigerian presidency is putting finishing touches to its own sculpture of a village liar, Ìbídùn, it is busy carving. Or writing itself into the pathetic biblical story of an early Christian community in Jerusalem which witnessed a lying couple by the name, Ananias and Sapphira. Ìbídùn was the proverbial woman who, determined to make deception an art, walked close to a popular masquerader at the marketplace. Amidst the din of wild dances and celebration, Ìbídùn saluted the masquerader thus: “it has been quite a while!” In a masquerade cult shrouded in secrecy, where identity of the masquerader is hidden from everyone, male or female, except initiates, how did Ìbídùn know the personality shrouded under the agò (costume)? To capture Ìbídùn’s costly deception, my people say, “Èké Ìbídùn tií kí eégún kú àtijọ́”.

While the president junkets, off-the-cuff, to Paris like a chronic diabetic flying into the restroom, his Tańtólóhun dogs (Ref my piece, Obasanjo and Tinubu’s Tańtólóhun  dogs, November 24, 2024) spin an embarrassingly deceptive refrain that he goes “on a working visit.” As this deception roulette is fast taking the toga of Ìbídùn’s lie, I have a cryptic projection for this uncritical lie: When the going goes, the come will end up coming. It is a literal lift from the Yoruba warning, “bí àlọ bá lọ, àbò nbọ wá bọ”. It warns of impending repercussions for the Ìbídùns. At a time when their home is burning, with more than 52 people reported dead in the recent Plateau State crisis, the president and his vice are trapped in the comfort of foreign lands.

I am back. Whether sponsored, contrived, deliberate or real, the discourses surrounding Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan since that space-induced altercation in the parliament broke out, would make you think you were in pre-colonial Nigeria. And Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan, an incarnate of infamous 1930 sexual mascot, Segilola. Saheed Aderinto’s 2015 book, When sex threatened the state: Illicit sexuality, nationalism, and politics in colonial Nigeria (1900-1958) did justice to Segilola. According to him, one of the most detailed sexual narratives of that time could be found in the sexual memoir of Segilola, a Lagos prostitute. Written in Yoruba, its title was, Ìtàn Ìgbésí Aiyé Èmi Segilola El’ẹyinju Ẹgẹ, Elegberun Ọkọ L’aiyé. When translated into English, the book title reads, “The Life History of Me Segilola Endowed With Fascinating Eyes, the Sweetheart of a Thousand And One Men”. Advertised in the July 5, 1930 edition of the bi-lingual newspaper, Akéde Èkó (The Lagos Herald), the book, which British anthropologist, Karin Barber, called the first Yoruba novel, sold out during the period of its 30-chapter serialization in the newspaper. It became such a literary hot cake to gobble that it caused peer jealousy and rivalry between The Lagos Herald and the dominant newspaper of the time, The Nigerian Daily Times.

Born in September 1882, Segilola was a lady of noble parentage, sole survivor of her parents’ six children, who chose to commercialize her body for men’s sensual feast. From the time she lost her virginity to a herbalist whom she ran to for procurement of sex charm, Segilola courted men across generations. One of her lovers promised her pocket money of 10 pounds and another, between 1910s and 1920s, spent 30 pounds on her in three months. Knowingly or unknowingly, the adversaries of Akpoti-Uduaghan have attempted to cast her in the mould of Segilola. Her traducers sexualize her travails, belittle her courage and audacity, as well as her resistance to male chauvinism and the tyranny of her tormentors.

Akpoti-Uduaghan, like Segilola, is however an El’ẹyinju Ẹgẹ, in possession of a ravishing beauty. Her travails began as politics of space allocation on the floor of the Nigerian senate. Gradually, it transformed into sexual politics, reminding one of French historian, Michel Foucault’s discourse on sexuality. Foucault had submitted that there is a link between sex and relations of power. Today, the spat between this senator representing Kogi Central and president of the senate, Godswill Akpabio, has effectively polarized Nigerians along divides: gender, politics, etc.

Akpoti-Uduaghan is a prostitute. She appears on the floor of the Senate in transparent dresses. Senate is not a clubhouse. She has had four husbands and four children, so go the narratives. Even a newspaper, daily used as validation of federal power, did what it called an expose on the senator. With the title, “The Natasha we knew”, it lent assistance to Natasha’s adversaries in ill-sexualizing her, and positioning her as Segilola incarnate. This it did by excavating what it called her sexual past. The aim was to profile Natasha as a woman who has seen more men’s nakedness than an Ijaw fisherman can ever see shrimps. Or, as Cleopatra (70-30BC), Queen of the Ptolemaic Kingdom of Egypt. Cleopatra deployed her charm and bewitching beauty to seduce Julius Caesar and Mark Anthony, succeeded in having children for both.

On the social media, Akpoti-Uduaghan has further been profiled as possessing a feral ferociousness. Even Senator Adeseye Ogunlewe attempted to add a salacious dimension to the mix: “But the beauty of Distinguished Senator Natasha is a problem to her… there’s no doubt about that… when she’s passing, there’s no way a man will not look at that woman”, he said on a national television interview.

Contrariwise, Natasha is better suited for casting in the mould of Mekatilili wa Menza. Mekatilili was Kenya’s 19^th century amazon, a precursor of Dedan Kimathi’s Mau Mau uprising heroism against British colonial imperialism. Mekatilili, like Natasha, suffered tar-brushes and profiling of the male gender and from even women of similar biology. As her Giriama people resisted British tyranny, Mekatilili was profiled as one of those who forced her people into blood oath administration, especially at the rituals held in July and August, 1913 at Kaya Fungo. History however today recorded Mekatilili as a feminist symbol of resistance, a strong woman from a marginalized ethnicity who challenged oppressive norms of a male-dominated society. In the Giriama resistance to colonial policies which led to the uprising of 1913, Mekatilili played a significant role.

The crossroads where Mekatilili and Akpoti-Uduaghan’s path would seem to have met actually happened at a public baraza (meeting) in Kenya. Mekatilili confronted Arthur Champion, British colonial administrator, swearing never to allow him enlist Giriama youth to work in plantations. Deploying an anecdote to depict the battle ahead, Mekatilili dared Champion to take away the chick from Mother Hen and see Mother Hen’s ferocious resistance.

Since the last one month or so when the initial spatial politics on the floor of the Nigerian senate began, Akpoti-Uduaghan has shown her traducers that they had taken away the chick from Mother Hen. You may not know the orthodoxies which she has  thus far challenged, the battles she has resisted and the graphs she has redrawn in the socio-politics of Nigeria. The first graph she re-plotted is one which hitherto assumed that, every beautiful woman is a Segilola prostitute, a chattel and sex symbol. With the multiple battles Natasha has fought in the last one month; the strings – national and international – she has pulled and the upturn of the narratives she has made by internationalizing her battles, Natasha has shown that she possesses more brain than scores of her male colleagues who mark time in the Nigerian parliament. More instructively, she must have shown her constituents who thought her femininity was a drawback that she is a battleaxe stronger than many men.

In their book, How Democracies Die (2018), two Harvard University professors of government, Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt, outlined how we wrongly assumed that democracies die in the hands of men with guns. Democracies, they posited, “erode slowly, in barely visible steps”. It gets broken in a less dramatic but equally destructive way in the hands of leaders who subvert the process, by so doing dismantling it quickly. Hitler did same with the Reichstag fire. This was a false flag arson attack on the German parliament which became pivotal in the establishment of Nazi Germany. “Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts,” the Harvard scholars say. Thus, if all that is said about Akpabio and his imperious power are true, working with a solid cabal built round him called “Senate Leaders”, unless that authoritarian boulder is dismantled, Nigeria be on the way to Venezuela under Hugo Chavez. What Natasha did was to expose the power-mongering inclination of the cabal, its lick-spittling tendencies and emptiness.

If you can pull Akpabio to an inner sacristy and ask him what legislative hill he has thus far found most exerting to surmount, he would reveal it is the Natasha turmoil. Before now, if Akpabio was one who mistook the Ibadan Kudeti River for a mere erosion, now, he must have learnt that Kudeti is a raging river which sweeps off its captives in moments of rage. The major orthodoxy that Natasha has thus far succeeded in upturning is that, Akpabio is likely never going to take any person for granted again, regardless of their gender.

When Funmilayo Ransom-Kuti, a head teacher of a local school in Abeokuta, confronted the Alake of Egbaland, Oba Samuel Ladapo Ademola, while fighting the oppressive colonial tax regime, she saw the battle, like Mekatilili, as a feminist symbol of resistance. She thus rose above her marginalized gender to challenge oppressive norms of a male-dominated society. More tellingly, Ransom-Kuti saw the fight against the colonial rule structure as a fight between two gender weapons – the penis and the vagina. Said she: “Idowu, (Aláké) you have used your penis as a mark of authority against us for far too long a time; posturing that you were our husband. Today, however, the table has turned and we are poised to reverse the equation by deploying our vagina as a weapon of conquest to play the role of husband on you… O you former men conquerors, the head of the vagina has sought vengeance.”

On January 3, 1949, the Aláké was forced to abdicate the throne. That speech was in part a feminist resistance epistemology. In Ransom-Kuti’s confrontation of an existing status-quo, howbeit unknowingly initially, you can see same picture, though minute, in the battle Natasha waged against Akpabio. She waged same war against the cabal in the senate and the clowns of Kogi State who blithely and brainlessly bungled the process of her recall. The battles are united by a fight for the supremacy of the genitalia, the penises and an apparently irrepressible female organ.

Very seldom is heroism an intended act. Indeed, most heroes transmute from disdain to the dais. Madam Efunroye Tinubu is as an example. In the beginning, she was just an economically influential woman in Lagos during the reigns of three kings, Adele, Dosunmu and Akitoye. However, by virtue of her grips on Lagos economy, Tinubu veered into the stronghold of political power, even assisting kings to gain power. She had a vast trade network of slaves, palm oil, firearms, cotton, tobacco, salt and coconut oil which extended to European merchants. After her exile to Abeokuta, she still helped Egba in the war against Dahomey, supplying them munitions. Even when the British signed the 1852 treaty with Oba Akioye for the abolishment of Atlantic Slave Trade, Tinubu was still covertly trading in her over 360 slaves, which today casts a pall on her heroism. She even attempted to assassinate the British Consul, Benjamin Campbell.

It was same with Iyalode Efunsetan Aniwura. She was economically influential in the Ibadan of the 19^th centuries, becoming one of its most wealthy women ever. This she did through trading in tobacco, munitions and slaves, as well as manufacturing of a local cosmetic product called Kíjìpá, exported to America. Aniwura also had multiple marriages which however produced no child, except one she lost at birth. Historians believe that a gang-up by the male powers-that-be of the time, led by Aare Latoosa, who deposed her on May 1, 1874 of her Iyalode title, over politically motivated allegations, also authored her assassination same year, through two of her slaves. To her male adversaries, Efunsetan’s rout was victory of the male gender over a woman who towered above her male counterpart.

Today, as Mekatilili dared Arthur Champion to take away the chick from Mother Hen and see her ferocious resistance, Natasha is reproducing that trope. Apart from Akpabio, other accomplices of the fight to rout Natasha are feeling the wild push-back of Mother Hen. A petition against Akpabio and Senator Neda Imasuen is pending at the Legal Practitioners’ Disciplinary Committee (LPDC) to have both disbarred. Yahaya Bello and his sidekick, Ahmed Ododo have met their waterloo in the ferociousness of Mother Hen as she flew into Kogi in a helicopter. There is the tendency for you not to like Natasha’s ultra-boldness and self-assuredness in a patriarchal society like ours where women are expected to be reticent and timid as a cat; her beauty may even bring up to you the shadow of Segilola, but you cannot dismiss her unexampled heroine courage and against-method daring of evil men.

I have come to submit myself to the wisdom in one of legendary Yoruba musician, Ayinla Omowura’s songs, which says, it is not every leaf which the herbalist must pluck, neither should a wine-tapper climb every palm tree. Some leaves are poisonous while on top of some palm trees reside venomous vipers. Does Akpabio now know this?