Manchester United are on the verge of completing the signing of Andre Onana from Inter Milan in a deal worth around £47million.

The Cameroon international goalkeeper is expected to undergo medical tests in Manchester early this week before joining his new teammates for the pre-season tour in the USA. This marks United's second major signing of the summer, following the acquisition of Mason Mount from Chelsea for £60 million.

While the signing of Onana is a significant boost for United, their transfer plans are far from over, reports the Express. Manager Erik ten Hag is keen on strengthening his attacking options, with a striker being a top priority.

The club are now turning their attention to Atalanta forward Rasmus Hojlund, the highly-rated 20-year-old Danish talent. United face competition from Paris Saint-Germain for Hojlund's signature, but it is believed that the player prefers a move to Old Trafford.

The main hurdle in securing the deal is reaching an agreement with Atalanta over the transfer fee. United are yet to submit an opening proposal, but negotiations are expected to progress in the coming days and weeks as the club gain clarity on their transfer budget.

While Hojlund is seen as a capable striker for the present, United also consider him a promising talent for the future. If the deal goes through, United would have the flexibility to reassess their options for a striker in the summer of 2024, when Tottenham's Harry Kane becomes available on a free transfer.

In order to fund their transfer activities, the Red Devils are open to offloading several players. Harry Maguire, Fred, and Anthony Martial are among the players made available for transfer.

Eric Bailly and Alex Telles are also expected to leave the club, while there is interest from Nottingham Forest in signing Dean Henderson for a reported fee of £30million.

There have been reports of offers for Jadon Sancho, but little interest has been shown in the winger after two underwhelming seasons at Old Trafford. Ten Hag would consider offers for Sancho, but as of now, there have been no concrete developments.

While United focus on strengthening their squad, other clubs are also monitoring the situation at Old Trafford. Juventus have shown interest in Hojlund, with discussions ongoing regarding Dusan Vlahovic.

Bayern Munich, on the other hand, could turn to Hojlund if they fail to secure a deal for Harry Kane.

[dailystar]

According to reports, Belgium and Rennes winger Jeremy Doku is ‘ready’ to accept a move to the Premier League amid interest from Liverpool and Aston Villa.

Doku has often made a big impact when he’s played internationally for Belgium and he has consistently been linked with a move to the Premier League over the past couple of years.

The 21-year-old has arguably been more inconsistent when he’s played for Ligue 1 side Rennes but he grabbed seven goals and four assists in his 35 appearances last season across all competitions.

Jurgen Klopp is reportedly a major admirer of Doku, with it being reported last October that the German head coach has ‘never forgotten’ about the winger. 

Caught Offside are now reporting that Doku is ‘ready to reject a Serie A transfer for the Premier League’.

Liverpool and Aston Villa are ‘among the clubs interested’ in the youngster, but Unai Emery’s side are said to be the team ‘showing strongest interest’ in him while they ‘wait to find out what happens with Moussa Diaby’.

Liverpool meanwhile have ‘made recent checks on Doku’ but they are currently ‘focused on strengthening other areas of their squad including midfield and defence’.

A separate report from Football Insider has claimed that Liverpool want to sign two more midfielders before the summer transfer window closes. This comes amid the imminent departures of Jordan Henderson and Fabinho to Saudi Arabia.

As for Doku, the report from Caught Offside adds: ‘Doku has impressed in Ligue 1 and wouldn’t be short of suitors elsewhere in Europe either, though CaughtOffside understands he has made a move to England his clear priority, even though he’s also been approached by both AC Milan and Napoli in recent months.

‘Rennes would likely ask for around €40m to let Doku leave, so it remains to be seen if Villa or someone else view that as good value for money or if they try to negotiate that down.

‘Much will likely depend on Diaby’s decision, with the Frenchman currently being targeted by both Villa and clubs in the Saudi Pro League.’

Towards the end of last year, journalist Robin Bairner claimed that Doku’s “issue” has been his lack of consistency.

“The trouble with Jeremy Doku isn’t necessarily his talent. We’ve seen, particularly in the European Championships, just how good a winger he can be. He was devastating for Belgium against Italy,” Bairner told GiveMeSport.

“But his issue has just consistently been, since he moved to Rennes, staying fit. Again, he’s just been injured, he’s just coming back from injury now. It seems to be a repeating cycle with him.

“He’ll come back for two or three games then find himself injured for two or three months, and he doesn’t really get any consistency in his performances.

“I think that has to be a red flag for a team like Liverpool who are generally so strong in the transfer market, who pick up players who have got a strong mentality, who don’t get injured and can fit into their team straightaway.”

[football365]

One of the major issues begging for consideration as Nigeria and other stakeholders review the aftermath of the country’s 2023 General elections would definitely be the health of Nigeria’s political party system. It is a matter of fact that by the 90s, in an attempt to stem the tide of communism, one party states, and dictatorships around the world, the West recommended and supported multi-party democracy as the way forward, to ensure participation, inclusion, and fairness. This was packaged as a pill to address the menace of one-party states and authoritarianism and indeed many African countries, including Nigeria bought into it, and even went a step further to fashion our democracy after the American model.

For Nigeria, this was particularly instructive: in the First Republic, Nigeria had multiple political parties with strong, cultural, ethnic, and ideological identities, serving as major forces for social and political action, mobilizing the people on ideological grounds, and promoting democratic participation. The political system in Nigeria at that period may not have guaranteed stability, but it served as an intermediary with the people, and as a major force between the state and society. This came abruptly to an end in January 1966, with the intervention of the military and the emergence of Decree No 1 of 1966 which summarily imposed a unitary system on the country and abolished all existing political and cultural groups. The onset of military rule subsequently merely served the purpose of further truncating the growth of the country’s political system as a mechanism for social bonding, political choice and competition. The Murtala/Obasanjo administration of 1975-76, -1979 eventually completed the tortuous course of a military to civilian transition.

It was Obasanjo’s lot to see that through in 1979, amidst a cloud of arguments and litigation. The military had spent up to 12/13 years in power. They could not exactly be trusted. The politicians themselves could not be trusted. The emergent political parties had retained the ideological persona of old. It was possible to link the NPN, the NPP, the GNPP, the PRP and the Action Group to specific identities and ideologies. But something had also been omitted. The political parties became platforms for self-aggrandizement, and a play-ground for big men, with large egos. Nowhere was this more evident than in the then ruling party, the National Party of Nigeria (NPN). The Chairman of the Party, A.M.A Akinloye had his name embossed on bottles of champagne. One Minister at the time in charge of transportation and head of the Presidential Task Force on Rice, Umaru Dikko, also an NPN party chieftain said Nigerians were lucky because nobody was eating from the dustbin. It didn’t take long before the dust bin would become the dinner table for many Nigerians and Dikko himself ran away and had to be intercepted and put in a crate to be summarily smuggled back to Nigeria as “diplomatic baggage.” He was lucky he escaped!

In 1983, the return to democracy failed and for another 16 years (Generals M. Buhari to I. Babangida, to S. Abacha to Abdusalami Abukakar), Nigeria was in the grips of military rule, with the soldiers dictating their own version of democracy. They chose everything, including the number of political parties, their logos, party chairmen and for how long they could be in power. Between 1983 and 1993, and thereafter, the military’s disdain for civilian rule was writ large, but they had civilian collaborators throughout that ugly season being the stomach-driven characters in every nook and cranny of Nigeria who would do anything for a mess of porridge. Political parties, party members and their chairmen became puppets in the hands of the military. This was in part what gave the Nigerian military the courage to annul the democratic elections of 1993. It was their underestimation of the people’s will, the determination of some of the political actors led by Chief MKO Abiola and the resolve of the international community that propelled Nigeria back to civilian rule in 1999.

Over the years, something had died along the line: the integrity of political parties as major building blocks in the process of democratic consolidation. Our political parties had become caricatures, and tools for the promotion of authoritarianism, thus emerging as regressive political parties that could be hijacked or compromised by particular interest formations. The failure to have a stable democratic party system has foregrounded the need to rethink the nature of the political party systems not just in Nigeria however, but also in other African countries where multi-party system democracy has not checked the appetite for dictatorship. Truly, in many African countries, inter and intra-party crises have been the bane of political instability, creating a situation whereby questions are now being raised about democracy in a number of African countries: Mali, Niger, Sudan, Burkina Faso, Guinea Bissau. Nigeria is a bit more resilient than other African countries, given its size, and complexity, but it is time we began to worry about the fragility of our political party system beyond the centrifugal elements implanted therein by the military and which have remained enduring.

The foregoing reflection is inspired as you may now imagine by the travails of the Chairman and National Secretary of the ruling party, the All Progressives Congress (APC), namely Senator Abdullahi Adamu, and Senator Iyiola Omisore who reportedly had to resign from their positions on the orders of President Bola Tinubu, 24 hours to the party’s scheduled meetings of the National caucus and National Working Committee (NWC). To many observers of the Nigerian political scene, this probably did not come as a surprise. Senator Adamu had used his own mouth to crucify himself the other week, when he came out publicly to claim credit for the victory of the APC and President Bola Tinubu, albeit still a matter of litigation, in the 2023 General Elections. He said he did not support President Tinubu during the APC party’s primaries in 2022, but that he was at liberty to support Senator Ahmad Lawan or anyone else. However, Tinubu having emerged, he mobilized the party under his watch to deliver victory for the party. He asked to be praised,not vilified.

The Presidential order that he and his National Secretary should hand in their resignation letters and stand down is “the praise” he has now received. With due respect, Senator Adamu made himself a target, he fell upon the sword of his own indiscretion. Now, he is being accused of mismanaging party funds. He even made the additional mistake of being seen to have complained about the President’s choice of party leaders in the National Assembly. He had to be given a soft landing by Tinubu’s allies who asked him to resign or taste disgrace at the party’s scheduled meetings. But nonetheless, this is a battle for the soul of the APC, for a control of the party by the new power brokers in town, a further indication of the “emilokan ideology of power.” When the APC emerged in 2014, it was an amalgam of unusual bedfellows – the CPC, the old ANPP (that is the Buhari wing), the Action for National Congress (ANC), that is the Tinubu wing, the new PDP (led by Bukola Saraki and a number of other fringe, come-and join smaller coalitions). Bola Tinubu was the arrow-head of that entire process, which is why he could boast that he made Buhari President.

As events unfolded in the last eight years, the Bukola Saraki wing of the coalition was the first to fall aside. The Buhari wing that was in charge used the power that had been thrown into their laps with almost primordial obsession. At a point, even Tinubu, the kingmaker, began to look like a spectator. His resolve to take back what he made available to others marks a strictly Machiavellian chapter in contemporary Nigerian politics. Certainly, there were bound to be casualties. The Chairman of the Party, Adamu tilted towards the CPC wing as did others: it would be naive for them to think they would survive. The worse part of it is that Tinubu’s allies are also even accusing Adamu of being a tyrant and they are asking him to account for some party funds that are allegedly missing. Tinubu and his allies are bent on house-cleaning! There would be more casualties. By the time they are done, the APC would be a version of the ACN, not CPC. Buhari’s people would probably end up begging. It is called party politics, the worst variety that we have seen since the first political party, Herbert Macaulay’s NNDP, emerged in this country in 1923.

But it is not only the ruling APC that confronts us with the crisis in Nigeria’s political system. Before now, the rival People’s Democratic Party (PDP) had to deal with its own version of chaos. In March 2023, Dr Iyorchia Ayu, then PDP Chairman, was barred from parading himself any further as National Chairman of the party on the basis of an ex parte, interim injunction granted by Judge M. I. Ikpochi of Benue State High Court, ruling in favour of a prayer to that effect brought by members of the Igorov ward in Benue State. Members of Ayu’s ward at home said he had not been paying his membership dues hence they were expelling him as a member of the party. Dr. Ayu confidently said he would obey the court and pursue the matter in court. And so he did. But in the first week of June 2023, his case was worsened when the Chief Judge of Benue State, Maurice Ikpanbese upheld the earlier ruling and annulled Ayu’s membership of the PDP. Effectively, Dr. Ayu, former Chairman of the PDP is today no longer a member of the party except he goes on appeal, and hopes to secure victory.

Anyone that is familiar with recent politics within that party would easily connect the dots and surmise that Dr. Ayu is paying a price for not supporting former Governor Nyesom Wike’s ambition to be the flagbearer of the PDP in 2022, ahead of the elections. He even had the temerity of openly supporting Atiku Abubakar and going to visit former Governor of Sokoto State, Aminu Tambuwal the day after the convention to declare him a messiah. The fall-out was that a group of five Governors led by Nyesom Wike, who became known as the G-5 swore that Ayu must be removed as PDP Chairman. They soon found other allies and they swore that they would block the chosen Presidential candidate of the party, Atiku Abubakar from winning in their states or becoming President of Nigeria. Their conscientious objection was clad in the garb of a preference for power rotation, the rule of law, and the alleged immorality of having the Chairman of the Party and the Presidential candidate coming from the same zone or a Northerner succeeding another Northerner as President of Nigeria. The G5, or the Integrity Group as the expanded body became known took their pound of flesh. The PDP lost the Presidential election. Ayu was politicked out of office. In many ways, his story is similar to that of Senator Abdullahi Adamu of the APC. Party Chairmen may talk as they wish about party supremacy but in Nigeria’s political parties, supremacy belongs to powerful individuals and forces within the party. Senator Abdullahi Adamu’s problems began earlier when the party’s National Vice Chairman (North-West) began to complain that he was running a one-man show. In 2015, Adamu Muazu lost his Chairmanship position in the PDP and was even accused of helping the opposition to win!.

The other political parties are not immune either. Shortly after the general elections, the Chairman of the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNNP) tendered his letter of resignation, saying he wanted to give room for “fresh hands” to take over. Professor Alkali didn’t say more than that, but in a country where nobody wants any “fresh hands” to touch anything; that was quite loaded. He said clearly though, that the NNPP needed to be re-organized. But consider also the crisis in the Labour Party, the same party that everyone had praised and supported for putting up a remarkable performance in the elections. It didn’t take long before an intra-party crisis engulfed the party at both national and state levels, leading to litigations, name-calling, conspiracy theories, threats and abuses. The same party that was generally described as a “Third Force” in Nigerian politics splintered into factions. Rival Chairmen of the party and their supporters even fought in court premises.

It seems to me that the biggest threat to Nigerian democracy is how our political parties have not been able to extricate themselves from the stranglehold of the damage done to them by the military elite. This is partly why they are prostrate, redundant, and have failed as intermediaries. Every political party is driven by the ambition of an individual or a cartel. The individuals turn the parties into Special Purpose Vehicles for their own ambitions. They select those who run the parties, and they make the funds available. In the past, the parties existed on an “equal founder, equal joiner basis”. Members had membership cards and paid membership dues. These days, members wait for a rich individual to fund the party. The man with the deep pocket who funds the party appoints and disappoints as Nyesom Wike did to Prince Uche Secundus, former Chairman of the PDP and Iyorchia Ayu after him, and as Tinubu has done to Senator Adamu who got so bold as to question his ambition at a point. The men who emerge as party leaders are themselves driven by personal ambition. They want to be big men and hug the limelight. Who knows the Chairman of the Republican Party in the United States? I don’t see the American press discussing the Chairman of the Democratic Party either as an all-year round celebrity. Here, party officials are busy seeking relevance. When their sponsors win elections or see that they are beginning to develop a mind of their own, they drop them quickly. Parties are useful platforms for winning elections as defined in Section 221 of the 1999 Constitution, but after the party wins, nobody takes party supremacy seriously anymore here, especially in the absence of independent candidacy. It is assumed that the party Chairman and his allies have been paid for their services.

The dilemma of political parties could not have been better illustrated than the shabby treatment of party Chairmen across board since the return to democracy in 1999. Because the parties are weak, many of them come and go. After the 2019 general elections, the Electoral Commission, INEC, deregistered as many as 74 political parties for not winning a seat anywhere. In 2023, we had 17 registered political parties in the election, only 10 got a seat here and there, with the APC and the PDP being the more dominant parties. Our political party system is in urgent need of reform to prevent the prospect of a one-party state, in the hands of dictators whose personal will may be imposed on the entire state. In the meantime, let no one shed any tears for the fallen party bosses.

While FC Barcelona have already signed Gundogan and are also close to unveiling Oriol Romeu as their fourth summer signing, the club is still linked with another midfielder to further complement the midfield department. This midfielder is Bernardo Silva, who has been attracting the Catalan club’s attention since at least the last year.

According to SPORT, the name of Bernardo Silva is still alive and fresh around the Barcelona offices. Both Xavi and the higher executives like the Portuguese player, but as was the case last summer, the Blaugranes simply do not have the money to undertake such a big operation.

Barcelona’s interest in the player has been highlighted by one of the latest reported development. According to the report, some young fans in Barcelona repeatedly asked President Joan Laporta if the club is going to sign the Portuguese. In response to these questions, Laporta answered with a smile “I would like to”.

Bernardo Silva is an important part of the Manchester City squad that won the treble last season, and Pep Guardiola would be extremely reluctant to let the player leave. The Portuguese made 55 appearances for the Citizens in their most successful campaign, scoring seven goals and giving eight assists.

FC Barcelona would want to put the icing on the cake to their summer business by adding another interior midfielder, ideally Bernardo Silva, to their squad. However, their financial strength constraints the degree of action they can take in the transfer market, and allows only a player like Lo Celso on loan for now, before the club can move for a permanent transfer later.

[barcanewsnetwork]

Newcastle United continue to be linked with signing Manchester United’s Harry Maguire, who now looks even more certain to leave Old Trafford this summer.

With Eddie Howe looking to add another centre-back to his squad ahead of next season, there have been rumours that Maguire could swap the North West for the North East.

It has been claimed that Newcastle are interested in the England international, with the Magpies open to signing him on loan. That is in contrast to a permanent deal, with Man United looking to receive up to £50million for the defender.

A permanent move would obviously be preferred by the Red Devils, and the latest decision from Erik ten Hag has increased the likelihood of Maguire departing this summer.

Harry Maguire ready to leave Manchester United after Erik ten Hag decision

According to the Sun, Newcastle are still interested in signing Maguire, who is ‘angry’ after being stripped of the captaincy at Old Trafford.

 

 

 

 

It was confirmed on Sunday that Maguire would no longer be the Manchester United captain, despite having the armband since he joined the club for £80million back in 2019.

The report states that he is now ready to leave the club, and that Man United will likely lower his asking price from £50million to £30million.

With Maguire no longer the captain, an exit feels inevitable. It will surely be difficult for him to stay and be led by someone else after four years of leading the players out. Staying would create a difficult dynamic behind the scenes, and could create further issues down the line.

Erik ten Hag’s decision to change his captain is a brave one, and one that could have a negative impact if Maguire is not sold or loaned out.

That opens the door for someone like Newcastle to make a move, who continue to be linked. However, his £190,000-a-week wages make a switch to St James’ Park pretty much impossible.

[geordiebootboys]

Barcelona have already closed three signing this summer. Vitor Roque will only join the team a year from now, but Inigo Martinez and Ilkay Gundogan are already in Catalonia for the new season.

The German midfielder is set to be presented later today and will immediately link up with Xavi Hernandez in training. With Oriol Romeu also on the brink of completing his move to Barcelona, the focus is now on sales.

According to reports from Mundo Deportivo, the Blaugranas still believe that they can complete a big sale this summer. Their effort so far have not borne any fruit, but there is now a clear idea of the players considered saleable.

Pablo Torre and Nico Gonzalez are two stars who are on the brink of sealing an exit. Both players will leave the club on loan given the severe competition in the middle of the park.

The administration also has its focus on shipping out other players who spent the previous season on loan at various clubs. Of the six players on that roster, only Samuel Umitti is no longer on the club’s wage bill having terminated his contract.

Barcelona are working hard to reach an agreement with Tottenham Hotspur over Clement Lenglet’s transfer, while Alex Collado is very close to completing a move to Real Betis.

The two remaining players, Sergino Dest and Ez Abde will likely travel to the USA with the team, hoping to impress Xavi Hernandez and win a spot under his tutelage. Ironically, the former makes the trip as a result of having no offers on the table while the latter does so through merit.

Apart from the petty loans and minor moves, Barcelona hope to complete at least one large-sum departure in the coming weeks. Three candidates sit strong on that front- Ansu Fati, Raphinha and Ferran Torres.

Of the trio, the Brazilian winger appears to have the lowest chance of leaving considering his impressive form last season. The departures of the other two will depend on their willingness to explore new avenues, something they have not shown so far this summer.

[BarcaUniversal]

Jack Butland wasn't prepared to spend any longer on the Manchester United bench and chose to join Rangers in order to play regular football.

The former England international goalkeeper, 30, secured a loan move to United for the second half of last season from parent club Crystal Palace. Butland didn't make a single appearance whilst backup to David de Gea, who's also moved on from Old Trafford.

Having never truly made his mark at Palace over three seasons with the Eagles, Butland decided upon his release in June that he'd find a new club where he could be No.1. Scottish giants Rangers promptly snapped up his signature to give him the opportunity which he craved.

"As much as I enjoyed Palace and as good as United was, I missed playing. And that's important to me," the 30-year-old affirmed, as quoted by the Scotsman. "All right, 'Could you be at United?' Well, yes, but what would the rest of my career look like? That was important to me. I wanted 30 onwards to be something l like back on as a successful period and not one that drifted away."

During his first few years in the professional game, Butland was tipped to be a future England No.1 but after moving to Stoke and suffering relegation from the Premier League, his stock dwindled. Now looking to reset at Ibrox, the ex-Birmingham star is eager to put the past few years behind him.

"I mean, I am still 30," Butland reiterated. "There's a long way to go. A lot happened early. If I went through my career without any setbacks and without any moments it would have been a miracle. These things happen. One or two of them happened at a good time, not in my prime if you like."

[mirror]