On 30th May 2018, then Imo State Governor, Rochas Okorocha added a new word to the vocabulary of politics in Nigeria. Explaining the nature of the democracy being practiced in our country on a Channels Television programme, Okorocha told his interviewer, Ladi Akeredolu-Ale, “If you come to my state and I have collected N500 billion, yet I can only show you boreholes and renovation of schools, but I can perfect the papers, that is Iberiberism.” Obviously baffled by the word he was hearing for the first time, Akeredolu-Ale asked Okorocha to explain what he meant. He got a crisp response: “Go and search for it in the dictionary.”

Of course, there was no such word in the English dictionary at the time. But it has since been established that Okorocha coined it from the Igbo word, Iberibe, which means deceit. And with linguists taking up his challenge, Urbandictionary.com has defined ‘Iberiberism’ as a “political ideology based on lack of substance, mediocrity, platitude and corporate greed.” In a milieu where political parties have been reduced to ‘coalitions’ of strange bedfellows devoid of any ideal beyond grabbing or retaining power, who can fault Okorocha’s summation?

Four years ago, I started a book I thought would be released last year to mark the quarter of a century of unbroken democratic rule in Nigeria. With the rider, ‘25 Defining Issues in 25 Years of Civil Rule in Nigeria (1999—2024)’, I felt there could be no better working title than ‘Democracy by Iberiberism’. Although the book was 80 percent completed, I eventually suspended work on it in April last year when I became distracted by other commitments and could not keep most interview appointments. Quite naturally, one of the people I interviewed was Okorocha who admitted coining ‘Iberiberism’ from the Igbo word Iberibe and justified it with what he described as a lack of vision that defines both the public and private engagements in our country. “In Nigeria today, nobody is interested in how to get the job done, the emphasis is always on perfecting the paperwork,” Okorocha insisted. “That’s why what you find in every facet of our national life is Iberiberism.”

I spent almost an hour with Okorocha, probing this strange but interesting concept and he had a lot to say, including illustrating his points with practical examples. There were also pushbacks, especially when I challenged his own ‘Iberiberistic’ dispositions as Imo State Governor. I reminded him of his failed attempt to anoint son-in-law, Uche Nwosu, as his successor. A smooth talker with an incredible sense of humour, Okorocha is difficult to pin down, but he made some compelling arguments on the situation in Nigeria. While other societies seek leaders with vision and imagination at all levels and spheres of life, according to Okorocha, “Nigerians are still trapped with making their choices based on certain primordial considerations. And because these leaders cannot give what they do not have, the system is now reeking with Iberiberism.”

Let me state from the outset that in the last 26 years, Nigeria has made considerable strides in many areas—even if we are not where we would want to be. First, the telephone that we were gleefully told “is not for the poor” by the military leaders of a certain era is now in the hands of almost every Nigerian, thanks to a transparent auction process that inevitably revolutionised the sector and the economy. The two banking reforms of 2004 and 2008 by Chukwuma Soludo and Muhammadu Sanusi II have helped to put Nigerian banks on a sound footing. You only need to travel across the West African subregion to appreciate how robust our banking sector has become. Meanwhile, contrary to the apprehensions expressed at epochal moments, Nigeria earned the applause of the world with the manner we handled the Ebola Virus crisis in 2014 and the Covid-19 pandemic in 2020. From the debt deal to the Niger Delta amnesty, to the recent removal of subsidies in the downstream sector of the petroleum industry, there have been fundamental developments in our country under the current democratic dispensation.

However, the more Okorocha expanded on the concept of ‘Iberiberism’, the more it also became clear to me that his description of the situation in our country today is apt. Especially against the background of how we have mismanaged the issues of identity and social fabrics, the struggle for power and control, human rights and the rule of law, as well as the challenge of transparency and accountability and the growing number of our citizens who live below the poverty line. Even though Nigeria retains the apparatus of a functioning state, it is obvious that the system has been rigged against the majority of our people. When you add how sundry cartels of criminal gangs have conspired to take our country by the jugular, the lack of electricity despite spending billions of dollars on the sector, the number of our young citizens who now ‘Japa’ either through the normal channels or the life-or-death route across the Sahara Desert and Mediterranean Sea, you get the picture of a country trapped in ‘Iberiberism’. These are some of the defining issues in the last 26 years captured in the uncompleted book. Hopefully, I will return to it in the coming years.

But I am not going to read from the book of lamentations today. As we mark 26 years of unbroken civil rule, it is worth noting that the current democratic dispensation didn’t come as a gift. It was wrestled from the iron grip of military dictators through blood, tears, and sacrifice. Even reporters like me have tales to tell. But there were many who paid the ultimate price: Kudirat Abiola, Bagauda Kaltho, Alfred Rewane, Shehu Musa Yar’Adua and far too many others whose names may never make the headlines. Perhaps as a reminder of how far we’ve come, a senior professional colleague and former House of Representatives member, Abdul Oroh has chosen to publicly present his memoir, ‘Demonstration of Craze: Struggles and Transition to Democracy in Nigeria’, today in Abuja. The book offers a compelling narrative of the tortuous path to civil rule in Nigeria and the role of many actors. Rich in anecdotes and flowing prose, reading through the 614 pages reminded me of the courage and tenacity of ordinary Nigerians and civil society activists who stood up to military brutality at great personal risk.

A journalist who later became Executive Director of the Civil Liberties Organization (CLO) before transitioning to politics, Oroh documents the intense struggles against the military juntas of Muhammadu Buhari, Ibrahim Babangida and the late Sani Abacha. What stands out in his account is the relentless assault on democratic values during that era. The annulment of the June 12 (1993) presidential election—now belatedly confirmed to have been won by the late MKO Abiola—remains a defining moment in our political history. The subsequent crackdown on dissent, which Oroh captures, illustrates the steep price paid for the democracy we enjoy today. Oroh also explores the complex relationship between domestic agitation and external pressure, particularly under Abacha when Nigeria became a pariah state.

Twenty-six years later, how well have we fared? Oroh’s narrative suggests a gradual disconnect between the people and the political class that emerged post-1999. The struggle that began as a people’s movement became hijacked by opportunists, many of whom were in bed with the military and had no genuine commitment to democratic ideals. Oroh’s transition from activist to legislator and later commissioner in Edo State offers interesting insights into the challenges of governance in Nigeria. He reveals some of the entrenched interests that continue to undermine our democratic experiment.

In his book, the reporter in Oroh shines through. He takes the reader behind-the-scenes to reveal how godfathers operate while also explaining the intrigues involved in the role of a ‘placeholder’—a recent Nigerian invention in political surrogacy. With his background as a reporter, it is no surprise that Oroh’s recollections are very insightful. But he started by recounting the role played by Olisa Agbakoba, SAN, in the birth of what became a vibrant human rights activism in Nigeria as well as that by Clement Nwankwo, Ayo Obe, Femi Falana, Emma Ezeazu, Mike Ozhekhome and many others. “The story that Oroh tells is a unique personal and collective tale, reminiscent of Fela Anikulapo’s rhapsodic critiques of Nigeria’s democracy,” renowned academic, Professor Olu Obafemi wrote in his blurb. “The book is a work borne out of concrete lived experience and vivid imagination.”

The struggles chronicled in Oroh’s memoir remind us that democracy is not a destination but a journey that requires continued engagement. Yet, as things stand, the ‘demonstration of craze’ that characterized the pro-democracy movement in the eighties and nineties may need to be rekindled if we are to rescue our country from those who see politics merely as a path to power and privilege. As we therefore celebrate this milestone of 26 years of unbroken civil rule, we must recommit to the ideals that inspired the struggle against military dictatorship in Nigeria. We must insist on free and fair elections, respect for human rights, transparency in governance, and accountability from our leaders. We must also remember that democracy is not merely about periodic elections but about creating a society where every citizen has a voice and where government truly derives its legitimacy from the consent of the people.

May the sacrifices of those who fought for our democracy never be in vain. And may we find the courage to complete the unfinished business of building an egalitarian society that is devoid of ‘Iberiberism’.

The Ghost of June 12

Between 1991 and 1998, I authored three self-published books (Fortress on Quicksand, Poli-tricks and Abiola’s Travails) on the various contradictions in the transition to civil rule programmes of Generals Babangida and Abacha. I added a fourth, ‘The Last 100 Days of Abacha’ six years after the military left power. Although written at different moments, these four books capture distinct yet interwoven aspects of the bizarre political process that shattered the peace of our country. Combined, they piece together the threads of those turbulent years. Titled, ‘The Ghost of June 12’, the book will be released on June 16 this year. Compiling these books into one is significant given the demographics of Nigeria. With over 70 percent of our population under the age of 30, it means that most of our citizens were born after the ‘June 12’ fiasco of 1993. But the book is more than a recounting of events. It is a reminder of where we have been and how easily history can repeat itself if we are not vigilant.

In 2018 when I took this picture with you , you spoke concerning Africa and why our continent must improve and develop. I remember telling you that as a student of Theatre Arts, I acted the character - ‘Asinjo’ who was in a relationship with Wanjiro, the daughter of Njango in “I will Marry When I Want” - which you wrote.

Later that evening, we drank palm wine together, while you pleaded that writers should write in their indigenous languages for sustainability and identity.

As you exit this arena of life, your literary contributions to the well being of humanity will continue to resonate amid the chaos of existence. Especially, when you said that, “Our lives are a battlefield on which is fought a continuous war between the forces that are pledged to confirm our humanity and those determined to dismantle it.”

Once again, Rest In Peace Africa’s Great!
Posterity will never forget you.

Ozi Okoli

...Offenders to face 21 years in prison as government declares zero tolerance

In a decisive move to protect property rights and restore order in land administration, Governor Lucky Orimisan Aiyedatiwa has formally inaugurated the Ondo State Task Force on Anti-Land Grabbing, in line with the newly enacted Ondo State Property Protection Law of 2024.

Speaking during the inauguration ceremony held at the Governor’s Office, Alagbaka, Akure, Governor Aiyedatiwa described land as more than a commercial or residential asset, it is a heritage and a vital source of identity for individuals and communities. He condemned the alarming rise in land grabbing, violent displacements, and exploitative real estate practices that have disrupted peace and deterred genuine investment across the state.

To counter these threats, the Governor reaffirmed his administration’s determination to enforce the law with the full weight of governmental authority. He highlighted key provisions of the law, including penalties of up to 21 years imprisonment for unlawful resale of property, 10 years for forceful land occupation, and strict sanctions against illegal levies often imposed under the guise of “omo-onile” charges.

“This Task Force,” the Governor stated, “is a beacon of justice for the oppressed and a firm deterrent to those who violate our land laws. We will not allow lawlessness to thrive under our watch.” He urged members of the Task Force to act with integrity, courage, and fairness, pledging continued government support to ensure the law is enforced without bias.

The Attorney-General and Commissioner for Justice, Dr. Olukayode Ajulo, SAN, OON, who chairs the Task Force, underscored the importance of the committee’s mandate. In his remarks, he praised Governor Aiyedatiwa’s visionary leadership, stating, “Your Excellency, what you have done today has given hope to landowners and addressed the menace of land disputes in Ondo State.”

He emphasized that the Task Force marks a turning point in land governance, promoting lawful ownership, peaceful coexistence, and institutional reform. He reiterated that the committee would operate with transparency, uphold due process, and serve as a responsive channel for victims of land-related offences. He affirmed that there will be no sacred cows, emphasising that every violator, regardless of status, will be treated equally under the law.

Dr. Ajulo noted that the law empowers the Task Force to investigate, enforce, and prosecute offenders under clear statutory provisions. Sections 3, 4, 12, and 14 of the Property Protection Law prohibit forceful entry, threats, illegal occupation, and unauthorized levies on landowners while authorising the State to constitute this Task Force for effective enforcement.

In a goodwill message, Hon. Moyinoluwa Ogunwumiju, Member representing Ondo West Constituency 1 in the Ondo State House of Assembly, expressed gratitude to Governor Aiyedatiwa for his consistent support of the bill. “Your Excellency, I thank you for granting the House of Assembly the independence it needed to work on this bill and make it a reality. You backed it from the beginning and even issued an executive order against land grabbing to demonstrate your unwavering commitment." He said.

Hon. Ogunwumiju also commended the Attorney-General for assembling the necessary legal framework and team that ensured the bill was signed into law on December 30, 2024. He noted that the bill, which he personally sponsored, reflects the collective resolve to tackle land-related crimes across the state.

The composition of the Task Force reflects a multi-sectoral approach, featuring representatives from the Ministry of Justice, Nigeria Police Force, Amotekun Corps, Office of the Surveyor General, Ministries of Physical Planning and Urban Development, Local Government authorities, Civil Society Organisations, and community leaders from all three senatorial districts.

The inauguration ceremony was attended by top government officials, including the Deputy Governor of Ondo State, Dr. Olayide Adelami, Secretary to the State Government, Dr. Taiwo Fasoranti, Chief of Staff, Prince Olusegun Omojuwa, Commissioner for Finance, Mrs Olawunmi Isaac, Head of Service, Mr Bayo Philip, Special Adviser on Infrastructure, Engr. Abiola Olawoye and Permanent Secretaries. 

Task Force members are appointed to serve for a term of four years and are expected to meet regularly, submit periodic reports to the Governor’s Office, and offer policy advice aimed at improving land governance in the state.

Punishments for violators include: 21 years imprisonment for unlawful sale or resale of land/property; 10 years imprisonment for forceful entry and illegal occupation of land; 7 years imprisonment for demanding illegal levies (e.g., "omo-onile" charges); 5 years imprisonment for use of threats or violence in land matters; 5 years imprisonment for trespassing with intent to take possession; and 7 years imprisonment for aiding and abetting land-related crimes.

Governor Aiyedatiwa concluded by reaffirming his administration’s unwavering commitment to justice, lawful property ownership, and sustainable peace across all parts of Ondo State.

The Federal Government’s N300 billion Series VII Sovereign Sukuk that was offered earlier this month has recorded an overwhelming subscription of N2.205 trillion, representing an excess of 735 percent, according to a statement issued by the Debt Management Office (DMO) on Wednesday.

DMO said the massive interest shown in the Sukuk issuance is clear evidence of the growing investor appetite for the non-interest, ethical investment instrument, which was first introduced in 2017.

The borrowing instrument was introduced as an innovative financing tool to broaden the nation’s investor base and encourage wider public participation in the capital market.

“This is clear evidence of the huge investor-appetite for the ethical instrument introduced by the DMO in 2017 as an innovative strategy to expand the nation’s investor-base and provide opportunities for all Nigerians to participate in the activities of the capital market,” the DMO said in a statement.

According to the debt office, an analysis of the subscriptions revealed strong interest from a broad spectrum of investors, including retail buyers, non-interest banks, conventional banks, pension fund administrators, fund and asset managers, and other financial institutions.

As with previous issuances, proceeds from the Sukuk will be deployed by the Federal Government to finance infrastructure projects across the country.

Specifically, the funds will go into the construction of new roads, rehabilitation of existing ones, and the building of bridges across all six geo-political zones and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT).

“Like the previous series, funds realised from the issuance will be used by the FGN to construct new roads and rehabilitate existing ones, as well as build bridges in the six (6) geo-political zones of the country and the Federal Capital Territory,” the debt office stated.

The DMO said the successful outing aligned with President Bola Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda, under which infrastructure development is a key priority for driving economic growth and national development.

Reiterating its commitment to offering safe and liquid investment options to Nigerians, the DMO pledged continued support for the Federal Government’s development objectives through sustainable and inclusive financing mechanisms like Sukuk.

Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Minister, Nyesom Wike, has contradicted the National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA) on the cause of the explosion that occurred in front of the Mogadishu military barracks in Abuja, on Monday.

The agency had said the explosion was caused by a suicide bomber.

But responding to questions from journalists during the inspection of some road projects lined up for commissioning to mark President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s second year in office, Wike said the briefings he got on the issue shows that NEMA position is incorrect.

The minister said, ”The security never said it was a suicide bomber. So don’t go and create an impression and put fear in people. NEMA is not the head of security. Security agencies are there.

”What happened was that there was somebody that went to where we have these quarries, where they blast all these rocks. The person took the explosive and put it in his pocket. Of course, some of them may not even understand the implication of that and so, it exploded on him.

”So that does not mean that it is a suicide bomber. We should be careful in the story we are planting; let’s not send the wrong message to the residents.”

Daily Trust had reported an explosion near a checkpoint opposite the Mogadishu barracks in Abuja.

A man was reportedly killed during the incident.

While NEMA revealed the outcome of its findings, but both the military and the police are yet to disclose the cause of the incident, saying investigation is ongoing.

[DailyTrust]

The Nigerian Senate, Wednesday passed the Rivers State 2025 budget for second reading.

The budget which stood at N1,480,662592,442 trillion was passed for second reading after it was read by the Senate Leader, Senator Michael Bamidele Opeyemi.

Opeyemi said the Senate has since assumed the powers of legislating for Rivers State having been under the State of Emergency.

In his contribution, Senator Solomon Adeola Olamilekan said, there was a need for the budget to be legislated immediately so that the people of Rivers could feel the presence of government.

He said, “Mr President, I don’t know under what topic this document is christened but I could see it is about a budget of the state of emergency.

I hereby support that the budget be passed for second reading so that the people of Rivers can feel the presence of government.

In absence of opposition to the bill, Senate President, Godswill Akpabio passed the budget through voice vote and referred it to the Ad-hoc Committee on overseeing Rivers State of Emergency.

[DailyPost]

The Senate on Wednesday adopted the harmonised conference committee report on the four tax reform bills.

The resolution of the Senate followed its consideration and approval of the recommendations of the conference committee of both chambers set up to harmonize the Bills.

The Chairman of the Senate Committee on Finance and leader of the Senate delegation in the conference committee, Senator Mohammed Sani Musa, presented the report.

The four tax reforms Bills which were transmitted to the National Assembly in November last year by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu include: The Joint Revenue Board (Establishment) Bill, 2025 (SB. 583); Nigeria Revenue Service (Establishment) Bill, 2025 (SB. 584); Nigeria Tax Administration Bill, 2025 (SB. 585); and Nigeria Tax Bill, 2025 (SB. 586).

Details shortly…

[TheNation]

As Nigerians continue to battle inflation and rising cost of living, the political arena is heating up for the 2027 election.

President Bola Tinubu, who came into power in 2023, now faces growing opposition from influential political figures seeking to block his bid for a second term.

Amid widespread public dissatisfaction and perceived policy failures, a broad coalition of political stakeholders is already taking shape, united by a common goal: to unseat Tinubu.

Critics of the president accuse him of implementing policies they describe as anti-people, failing to alleviate economic hardship, and allegedly attempting to steer Nigeria toward a one-party state.

PUNCH Online has gathered a list of some of the prominent figures and groups positioning themselves against Tinubu’s re-election bid below:

Peter Obi

The Labour Party’s presidential candidate in the 2023 election, Peter Obi, has declared his intention to run again in 2027. Obi remains vocal about his commitment to changing Nigeria’s political landscape and has hinted at various coalition arrangements.

In March, Obi joined forces with other top politicians, including Atiku Abubakar and Nasir El-Rufai, to form a coalition aimed at mounting a formidable challenge against Tinubu in the upcoming election cycle.

Reports have also surfaced suggesting the possibility of Obi accepting a vice-presidential slot under Atiku in a one-term, power-sharing deal—although neither camp has confirmed this officially.

Atiku Abubakar

Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, who contested under the PDP in 2023, has shown no signs of stepping back from the political stage. Like Obi, he has thrown his weight behind the emerging coalition intended to displace Tinubu in 2027.

Atiku has reportedly proposed a one-term presidency with Obi as his running mate, fueling speculation about a strategic alliance to consolidate the opposition vote.

Their March announcement of the coalition, however, sparked debates about the effectiveness of such political unity.

Seyi Makinde

Oyo State Governor, Seyi Makinde, has not ruled out his own presidential ambition.

In April, he confidently stated that he possessed the competence to lead Nigeria, though he emphasised that any decision on contesting would align with the wishes of Nigerians and his party.

Makinde remarked, “I don’t have any doubt that I have the capacity to occupy the highest office in this land… but what I want to do right now, is it what Nigerians are asking for?”

His rising profile within the PDP has prompted a group, the Brave New Vision Support Group, to begin lobbying for his candidacy. Campaign posters bearing his image and the slogan “To Move Nigeria Forward 2027” have appeared in key locations across Kano State.

Nasir El-Rufai

A former governor of Kaduna State, Nasir El-Rufai, has been one of the most outspoken critics of Tinubu’s administration.

El-Rufai recently confirmed that discussions are ongoing to form a powerful opposition alliance to oust the President in 2027.

Speaking in May, El-Rufai boldly declared, “Anybody that thinks it is possible for President Bola Tinubu to get re-elected is living in another country, not Nigeria… I don’t see a pathway for him, no matter how disorganised the opposition is.”

According to El-Rufai, the economic and political situation has eroded Tinubu’s support base to the point of no return.

Babachir Lawal

Another prominent voice in the anti-Tinubu bloc is Babachir Lawal, the former Secretary to the Government of the Federation.

Lawal has been actively involved in coalition talks and is reportedly playing a key role in strategising for 2027.

Rotimi Amaechi and Liyel Imoke

Two former governors, Rotimi Amaechi (Rivers) and Liyel Imoke (Cross River), are also significant players in the anti-Tinubu movement.

They have been tasked with defining the platform for the coalition, whether it involves forming a new party or fusing with an existing one.

[Punch]

“Two men in a burning house must not stop to argue”- African proverb

The choice between a rock and a hard place describes a situation of being between two equally difficult, even impossible options. It is what comes to mind as a number of developments in the country are contemplated by people in a widely differing situations in the country as we speak.

 Let us start with a viral text allegedly posted by communities who have lived with, or, more appropriately, under bandits like Ado Aleiro, Bello Turji, Kachalla Habibu Sububu, Shingi, Black, Nashama, Gwaska and dozens of their satellites and rivals in much of the North West and North Central regions. The text appears to be a reaction to the reported arrest of the wife and mother of a leading bandit in Saudi Arabia while preparing to perform the Hajj. The post begs those who fight these bandits to stop these types of arrests, because it is their routine victims who pay the price whenever the state attempts to clamp on their activities and free communities from their strangleholds.

 Now, to be fair, another post denied that the leading bandit’s family was arrested. What complicates this development is the quality of the text from villagers pleading that the fight should be taken to the bandits/ terrorists where they are located, and not, as was reported, in the manner that exposes villagers to reprisals which compound their pathetic helplessness. It is even tempting to assume the bandits/terrorists themselves penned the plea, a subtle blackmail to stop the State from hitting bandits where it hurts: arresting their families.

 In any case, the point here is to highlight the desperate circumstances in which millions of fellow Nigerians live. Bandits and terrorists and other sundry threats have tightened their grips on lives of rural communities in most parts of the North. Those who survive and live in unsafe towns and villages are condemned to lives of wretched destitution in distant communities without means of dignified survival. Unlike the North East and North Central, the North West has no Internally Displaced Persons, IDPs, camps. Its hundreds of thousands of women and children and old people displaced by entrenched organized violence are begging in streets in northern towns and cities, including Abuja, as northern elites zoom past in tinted glasses. Young northern  men are being stopped, profiled and humiliated as suspects as they ride every moving contraption going South to find menial jobs.

 Hundreds of villages are emptied of strong farming hands. Those who choose to stay have to negotiate access to farms with bandits and terrorists, and this may include working on their farms as well. Even this does not guarantee that farmers can feed from, and sell some produce. Another group of bandits or terrorists, or even the same overlord, could invade to empty the villages’ barns; or burn down its  harvests as punishment for attempting to protect itself; or because its land is needed by expanding populations of bandits or new arrival terrorists, or for pure pleasure.

 The most severe punishment against the population is reserved for attempting to resist or reduce the impact of the bandit/ terrorist, and suspicion of collaboration with agents of the state. Communities watch with apprehension as young men step up to answer the call to protect dignity and possessions, encouraged by state governments who support vigilante groups. The bandit hates the vigilante with a passion, often reducing the job of the volunteer in resisting him to ethnic war, with him as victim. Hostage communities are the bandit/kidnapper’s oxygen. Without them, the State will blast him to pieces. Hostage communities know this, so they enter into a very difficult agreement to live at the mercy of the bandit/terrorist, who has the total freedom to alter the terms of the understanding.

 Governments and security agencies demand information and intelligence. The villagers know better. Same way villagers in many parts of the North East knew a long time ago. Security, as provided by the state, is distant and erratic. The bandit/terrorist  knows this. The State knows the bandit/ terrorist is in control of farmlands, markets, roads, schools and everything else that moves. The bandit/terrorist knows the limitations and constraints of state agents very well. His mere existence is evidence of weakness of the state. The failure of the state to defeat him is enough evidence that he is winning. The citizen is a victim of a weak state, and captive of brutal powers in a war with no rules. He could pay a huge price for resisting, even with his feet. That is his rock. He could also live on the margins of existence, without any influence over how or when his life will change.

 The conditions under which citizens live in most parts of the North can be replicated all over the country, with very few differences in details. The bandit is armed, rich and stuck in criminality without ambition or options, except to be a better bandit. He is the most vulnerable of the sundry threats that hold our communities hostage. He can and must be engaged with new resolve and creative mindset. The terrorist/insurgent seeks to capture and keep populations under his control and impose his worldview over them. He is resurfacing with greater sophistication and audacity. We cannot defeat him using the same methods that have failed in the last 15 years. Many communities are locked in a bloddy tit-for-tat in a country that should teach others the dangers of ignoring ethnic conflicts. They will escalate with spreading awareness that the State cannot, or will not protect citizens and institutionalize justice in inter-community relations. Our economy bleeds from sophisticated and widespread plunder of oil assets. You cannot fix the economy unless you plug this damaging and lucrative crime. Does the State have the will and the muscle to take on the most sophisticated and profitable crimes in the land? Is the leadership willing to take on sundry criminals that have gripped the entire South-East behind the facade of politics? We are all between a rock and a hard place: the State is unable to protect us, and the criminal offers nothing but greater pain. Something has to give.

FORMER President Muhammadu Buhari has congratulated Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi, former Governor of Rivers State, and transport minister for the two terms of his administration on the attainment of the milestone of 60 years.

The former president described Governor Amaechi as a “golden fish,” an asset to his administration.

Buhari in a statement by his spokesman, Mallam Garba Shehu, was quoted as saying: “Amaechi shared with me the aspiration of

strengthening infrastructure, bridging the nation’s long-delayed gaps through the railway, a vital component, leading to its revival from a comatose state, completion of abandoned projects, turning them into major transit hubs, and initiating major ones across the country, some of which were driven to completion before he left office.

“The railway system which used to be the heartbeat of several towns and cities, killed and buried for decades opened a new chapter under his leadership, faithfully serving millions of Nigerians by increasing network capacity for passenger and freight services, helping to address demand, introducing new services and rolling stock, and improving safety.

“Under him, the nation witnessed a new era of railway infrastructure. I wish him and his family many happy years ahead.”

[Vanguard]