In his book “The Power of Regrets”, Daniel Pink explores how retrospection can be a powerful tool for growth and improvement. Reflecting on the Supreme Court judgment that has thrown Rivers State into chaos, I ask myself fundamental questions. If the Supreme Court justices were to reflect on their ruling, would they regret the consequences it has unleashed? What about the two primary political figures at the heart of the crisis—Governor Siminalayi Fubara and Minister Nyesom Wike? What could be their regrets when they reflect on what is going on? Most significantly, the people of Rivers State, bearing the brunt of the judgment’s repercussions, indeed have the deepest regrets, spanning social, economic, and political dimensions. Their sense of injustice is palpable. Regrets are a part of life. Pink said clearly from his research that we all have something we wish we had done differently.
Justice is the bedrock of any democratic society, providing stability, fairness, and order. However, when a Supreme Court ruling not only deepens an existing crisis but also fuels political strife, it calls into question the Judiciary’s integrity and role in governance. The recent Supreme Court judgment concerning Rivers State has ignited a political firestorm, raising fundamental questions about its implications for governance, democracy, and the rule of law.

A meta-analysis of 134 expert legal commentaries in the media on the ruling reveals an overwhelming consensus—130 commentators argue that the verdict did more harm than good, failing to uphold legal standards and instead entrenching political instability. Those 130 commentators believe that the apex court did not dwell on the law but rather on extraneous issues. Only four legal experts expressed a differing opinion, highlighting the near-universal disapproval of the judgment within the legal community.
Justice Mojeed Owoade (rtd) led 11-man Independent Judicial Accountability Panel delivered a scathing critique of the judgment. The panel noted that the Supreme Court failed to resolve the crucial issue of the alleged defection of 27 lawmakers, leaving a gap in legal interpretation. In their words, “the judgment of the Supreme Court in the consolidated appeals leaves a gap as to whether the issue of the alleged defection of 27 members of the Rivers State House of Assembly is still alive or has been settled. This is because the court commented on the defection issue without actually addressing it.” This failure is significant given that a similar case in 2012 saw the Supreme Court uphold the removal of lawmakers who defected without due process.

One of the most contentious aspects of the judgment was its handling of local government elections. The Supreme Court verdict in annulling the elections did not follow any precedence known to law. To make matters more complicated, the Supreme Court nullified the elections without providing a timeline for fresh polls, leaving the fate of governance in limbo. LGA chairmen have been elected and sworn in yet the Supreme Court without hearing the chairmen or their political parties annulled the election. The only justification given by the apex court is that INEC had not updated the voter register. The fact that this is a hatchet job does not require a soothsayer .
This judicial oversight has triggered widespread confusion. Over 10,000 local government workers remain uncertain about their employment status. Vital social services may be affected .
Even more curious is the fact that 32 other states have conducted local government elections under similar conditions without interference. Why was Rivers State singled out? The Supreme Court ruling raises serious concerns about selective judicial intervention and inconsistency in legal precedents.

In another troubling move, the Supreme Court ruling directing the withholding of federal allocations to Rivers State, a constitutional entitlement without preconditions , has plunged the people of Rivers state into financial uncertainty. How could the Supreme Court expose the people of Rivers State to unprecedented suffering based on a disagreement between two politicians? The Supreme Court has previously ruled that the federal government lacks the authority to withhold statutory allocations due to constitutional infractions, as seen in the case of Lagos State vs. the Federal Government. This action contradicts the court’s precedent, particularly in the landmark Lagos State vs. Federal Government case, where the court ruled that federal allocations cannot be withheld due to constitutional infractions.
The impact of this decision is profound. Thousands of civil servants face delayed salaries and economic hardship. Infrastructure projects and public services have ground to a halt. The ruling has exacerbated economic instability in a state critical to Nigeria’s oil revenue, which accounts for nearly 40% of the country’s crude oil production. Instead of resolving the crisis, the Supreme Court ruling has deepened the political turmoil in Rivers State, creating a perception of partisanship within the Judiciary. By failing to uphold impartial justice, the court has inadvertently set a dangerous precedent where judicial rulings can be weaponised for political ends. Future political conflicts may escalate as parties exploit judicial verdict gas.
Fubara and Wike, who is fighting through his proxies, must be full of regrets if they have a conscience. The thrill of defeat and the agony of victory cannot help them. For Wike, the Supreme Court ruling has given him an opportunity to assert his dominance over Rivers State’s political landscape- real or imagined . After the Supreme Court judgement, Wike has invested time, media appearance and money to escalate the crisis and prove that he is the “political god of Rivers State “. If Wike has any regrets,they are likely overshadowed by his sense of imperial entitlement .
Fubara, on the other hand, has struggled to maintain stability while attempting to comply with the apex court ruling. He has repeatedly attempted to present the budget to the Rivers State House of Assembly, highlighting his commitment to complying with legal processes. The intentional act of the Assembly making itself unavailable for the Governor to present the budget is not about Rivers State’s interest but about their ego and one man’s interest. They have prioritised their personal and political gains over the well-being of Rivers people. Added to that is the assembly’s latest attempt to ambush the Chief Judge of the state and hound him out of office.

While politicians manoeuvre for power, the real victims of this crisis are the ordinary people of Rivers State. Rivers people will be exposed to unprecedented social dislocation, crimes and hardship. The judgment has led to economic hardship due to delayed salaries and disrupted services. Increased crime rates have been fuelled by political instability and financial strain. There has been an erosion of trust in the Judiciary and democratic institutions.
Furthermore, the judgment risks disrupting Nigeria’s oil revenue. Niger Delta youths and militant groups witnessing the impoverishment of their families while their resources sustain the nation, may resist oil extraction, further threatening national economic stability.

This is one judgement that, in all respect has led to the displacement of the confidence of the people in the Judiciary by the perceived manipulation of judicial processes and proceedings in the far-reaching decisions of the Supreme Court on issues of defection of the 27 former lawmakers that were not pleaded by the parties before it or tried by the Federal High Court. Rivers people and the rest of Nigerians cannot understand how the Judiciary in the 21st century Nigeria would allow a baleful manipulation of the processes to allow a clear violation of Section 109(1)(g) of the 1999 Constitution by defectors to the point of the Supreme Court rewarding such travesty by punishing the Governor who at all material times has worked to protect and defend the Constitution by his Oath of office.

The Supreme Court should have better handled the critical point of the status of the 27 decamping legislators. A more balanced approach would have sent a different signal . In the past, the Judiciary has taken firmer stances on similar cases, such as in 2007 when lawmakers who defected in Anambra State were asked to vacate their seats by constitutional provisions. Instead, this particular ruling has emboldened political actors seeking to privatise the state ,undermine governance, creating an atmosphere where impeachment and humiliation of the Governor appear viable strategies for political gain. The general perception in Rivers State is that the president has unleashed his minister against the people of Rivers State. None of these scenarios benefit the people of Rivers State.

Thankfully , the Governor had not acted in disobedience to any court order since appeals were filed in all of the rulings on interlocutory applications in the courts below. Generally speaking, parties are bound by the judgment of Courts, which are or constitute a final determination of matters brought by litigants. Thus, it is wrong or unfair to unnecessarily accuse a party of disobedience to Orders subject to appellate jurisdiction on cases pending before the lower Courts.

When we speak of justice, we reach for the foundation of human existence. Justice is the cornerstone of human togetherness. The rule of law should be a stabilising force, ensuring justice and accountability. However, in this case, it has been manipulated to aggravate the crisis rather than assuage it. The Supreme Court’s ruling has failed to uphold its fundamental duty—to serve justice impartially and safeguard democratic stability. Morally dubious decisions haunt us, and some justices of the Supreme Court involved in the Rivers State case must be dealing with their regrets. Restoring confidence in the Supreme Court requires addressing perceptions of bias and ensuring decisions are grounded in constitutional principles rather than political agendas.

The Supreme Court ruling on Rivers State has left a trail of confusion, economic hardship, and political instability. It has raised serious questions about the Judiciary’s integrity and its mediatory role. There must be mechanisms for judicial accountability and reforms to prevent future rulings that exacerbate crises rather than resolve them to restore public confidence in the legal system. Justice in a democracy should serve the people, not feudal lords or political interests. It should provide stability, not chaos. The Supreme Court must rise above political influences and uphold the principles of fairness, integrity, and constitutionalism. Only then can democracy truly thrive in Rivers State and across Nigeria.

The Rivers state house of assembly has issued a notice of “gross misconduct” on Siminalayi Fubara, govenor of the state, and Ngozi Odu, his deputy.

Martins Wachukwu, special assistant on media to Martin Amaewhule, speaker of the Rivers assembly, relayed the development to TheCable on Monday.

The “gross misconduct” allegation is the first stage of impeachment proceedings.

BACKGROUND

Rivers state has been bogged in a political crisis stemming from the power struggle between Fubara and Nyesom Wike, his predecessor and minister of the federal capital territory (FCT).

The rift led to the ploarisation of the Rivers assembly.

The crisis took a new twist on February 28, when the supreme court upheld a federal high court ruling barring the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) and the accountant-general of the federation from releasing Rivers state’s statutory monthly allocations.

The court also nullified the local government elections conducted in the state on October 5, 2024.

In response, Fubara pledged to comply with the apex court’s ruling in an attempt to address the state’s political impasse.

He invited the lawmakers to a meeting but the legislators shunned the proposed parley, accusing Fubara of not following due process.

Days later, the governor wrote again to the assembly, requesting a new date to present the 2025 appropriation bill.

About 24 hours after the governor issued the letter, the assembly adjourned plenary indefinitely.

At the peak of the crisis in 2023, an attempt to impeach the governor resulted in the demolition of the Rivers house of assembly.

On Saturday, the faction of the assembly loyal to Wike accused the governor of playing to the gallery.

[TheCable]

The Ogun State Governor, Prince Dapo Abiodun has installed the Onimope of Imope land, Oba Tajudeen Omotayo, as the first Onimope in Ijebu-North Local Government Area of the State.

Governor Abiodun, represented by the Commissioner for Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs, Hon. Ganiyu Hamzat, said the installation and presentation of staff of office was a demonstration of the administration's unrelenting commitment towards ensuring that the State takes its rightful position in the comity of States.

"We realise the fact that traditional institution and its leadership must be properly positioned as it serves as a bridge between the government and the people at the grassroots", he said.

In his goodwill message, Awujale and Paramount Ruler of Ijebu land, Oba Sikiru Adetona, represented by the Orimolusi of Ijebu-Igbo, Oba Lawrence Adebayo, enjoined the people of the area to work together for the development of the land.

Speaking, Chairman, Ijebu-North Local Government, Hon. Omobolaji Odusanya, appealed to the people of the community to work in harmony with the new king for peaceful coexistence, saying, ‘’the job of communal peace and progress calls for everybody's concern’’.

The newly installed Onimope of Imope land, Oba Tajudeen Omotayo, expressed gratitude to the Governor, dignitaries and the entire community, promising that his reign would sustain the peace and bring anticipated development to the community.

In a related development, Governor Abiodun has installed the new Alaparaki of Aparaki, Oba. Prof. Julius Ogunfowora, in Ijebu North-East Local Government Area of Ogun State.

Represented by the Commissioner for Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs, Hon. Ganiyu Hamzat, the Governor noted that it was imperative that traditional institutions and its leadership were properly positioned, as they serve as the bridge between the government and the people at the grassroots.

"This is the reason why we have made it a matter of policy to reposition our traditional institutions by upgrading the deserving Chieftaincy stools in Ogun State", he said.

Governor Abiodun enjoined the monarch to justify the mandate and trust reposed on him by the State Government and the people of Aparaki-Ijebu.

In his acceptance speech, the newly installed monarch, Oba. Prof. Julius Ogunfowora, thanked the State Government for the opportunity given him, saying his reign would not compromise on set standards in the interest of the people of the State, calling on sons and daughters of the land to join hands with him for a successful reign.

Onimope of Imope land, Oba Tajudeen Omotayo, receiving instrument of office from the Commissioner, Ministry of Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs, Hon. Ganiyu Hamzat, at his installation as the first Onimope in Ijebu-North local Government Area of the state.

Unarguably, the 10th Senate is now neck-deep into its most sensational defining moments since its inception. Its integrity and by extension, the national assembly, is on trial.

But for the record, Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan’s suspension was a sequel to her unruly conduct on the floor of the Senate.

Again, and so far, the president of the senate, Godswill Akpabio did not sexually harass Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan.

However, there was indeed a very close relationship between Natasha and Akpabio.

For example, both of them have the same day of birth which could have been marked individually, but Natasha sacrificed her celebration just to honour Akpabio’s event at his Akwa Ibom State.

Furthermore, Natasha was not only a first-timer; she came to the senate about six months after her colleagues were inaugurated, yet she was assigned the chairmanship of a ‘juicy committee’ in addition to being nominated to represent Nigeria at the Inter-Parliamentary Union, IPU. In other words, she stepped into bigger shoes than her legs, though as a deliberate policy, all four female senators head committees.

So in summary, what has thrown the senate into this messy situation is a relationship breakdown between Akpabio and Natasha where the latter is seemingly on a vendetta mission.

Then instructively, the unfortunate escalation of the feud was facilitated by those who ‘love’ Akpabio more than the rest of us. They are responsible for this avoidable attack on our democracy. Their ‘love’ for Akpabio is merely driven by regional sentiments, his office and of course, President Bola Tinubu’s political interest. Impliedly, it is this cupboard love which undermines national interest that has boxed the Senate into this tight corner.

To begin with, there was an outburst during the plenary wherein Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan alleged victimization against Senate President Godswill Akpabio.

Two days later, she took to national television to add that she had been sexually harassed by Godswill Akpabio on two particular occasions. She emphasized that it was her refusal to succumb to the pressure that put her in a disadvantaged position culminating in her removal as chairman of the Committee on Local Content and also reallocation of her seat.

Meanwhile, it was her refusal to take up her newly assigned seat and the refusal of Akpabio to allow her to speak from her old sitting position that triggered the outburst which indeed, violated the priviledges of the senators. The anger and resentment of the senators were to be aggravated by the television outing. She could have exploited all the internal mechanisms to address her concerns rather than exposing the institution to public ridicule.

But as condemnable as her actions are, it was the ensuing reactions that did worse harm.

This is because actions that are lacking in strategy and tact ultimately undermine target goals and objectives, despite the genuineness of the intentions.

In this context, Natasha made an allegation that cast doubt on the integrity of Akpabio, both as a senator and an embodiment of the most critical arm of the federal government. But rather than perceive it as a national concern given that the Senate of the Federal Republic was under attack, it was reduced to a war of attrition between the two senators.

Apart from his wife, those who ‘love’ Akpabio more than the rest of us allowed primordial sentiments to becloud their senses of judgment. The old-fashioned mentality of “we and they” is today elevated to a towering height where no one remembers any longer why she was suspended in the first place.

Within hours after Natasha’s outburst at the senate, an aide of the senate president took to social media to cast aspersions on her, describing her in the most derogatory manner to the extent of writing that Natasha puts on transparent dresses to the senate.

Similarly, a principal officer of the senate variously rose in media defence of the senate president and went all out against Natasha including telling Nigerians how Natasha had six children by six husbands, among others.

Yet again, within hours after Natasha’s television presentations, the senate president’s wife understandably driven by emotion, held a press conference in defence of her husband. Amidst her arguments, she expressed an opinion that Natasha’s husband was certainly not in support of what the wife said about and against Akpabio. This was immediately followed by a protest against Natasha by some women at Uyo, Akpabio’s Akwa Ibom state capital calling her names.

Meanwhile, Natasha had slammed a suit against the office and person of the senate president for defamation by the aide of Akpabio who was also joined as a defendant.

Equally not done by the media defence of her husband, Akpabio.s wife instituted a case of defamation against Natasha.

Then expectedly, Natasha’s husband issued a public statement admitting that Akpabio indeed harassed Natasha sexually and that he had earlier confronted Akpabio on the matter.

It was at this point that a cross-section of Nigerians called for a thorough investigation of the weighty allegations. Raising concerns about the impact of the issue on the image and reputation of the federal legislature, they were unanimous that Akpabio should vacate his office pending the conclusion of the suggested probe.

But, except for ignorance or mischief, this call is overtly untenable because a mere allegation is not sufficient for any leader to step aside. History is replete with cases where officeholders were removed when it became necessary. So, if Akpabio is found wanting, he knows that nothing spares him. Not even those who ‘love’ him more than the rest of us.

Continuing, Akpabio’s spokespersons variously absolved their principal of the allegations, rightly faulted the calls for Akpabio’s resignation and remarkably, hinted that the allegation stemmed from a gang-up against Akpabio because he is from the South-South geo-political zone of the country and also that Natasha was avenging her removal from the ‘juicy’ committee.

Still on national television, former senator Florence Ita-Giwa argued that it was infantile and questionable for Natasha to allege sexual harassment, having gone through the rigours of elections. Does this imply that sexual harassment is either common or non-existent in the Senate?

As for Senator Ireti Kingibe, her only concern was that, of all the four female senators, Natasha has been the only one who has enjoyed the best of priviledges. Whatever this connotes is left to conjecture but it asserts that there was a rosy era for Akpabio and Natasha.

Fast forward! There were protests for and against Akpabio at the gate of the national assembly with the latter receiving a bloody nose from the security operatives.

Meanwhile, the senate had activated its committee on ethics, priviledges and public petition to review Natasha’s disruptive conduct at the plenary.

But following the senate spokesperson’s modest argument that the senate was not investigating the sexual harassment allegations because there was no complaint before the senate, Natasha was to formalise her allegation with a petition which was also referred to the same committee.

It is note-worthy that in all these, Akpabio was loudly silent.

But curiously, even before the submission of Natasha’s petition, the chairman of the committee had publicly and vehemently defended Akpabio even when the committee had yet to look into the allegations.

Then at this point, Senator Akpabio spoke! He denied the allegation of sexual harassment and challenged Natasha to prove him wrong. To deepen this, he allowed Natasha to present her petition. There is no better way to kick-start a fair hearing, even though some of his comments after the suspension tend to negate this!

Instructively again, Natasha had secured a court injunction restraining the committee from taking action with regard to her outburst on the floor of the Senate apparently aware of the ultimate outcome. But the committee bungled the opportunity to rescue Akpabio. Rather than obey the ruling of the court and possibly hear the allegation of sexual harassment, it not only went ahead but shifted its sitting date forward and recommended a six-month suspension for Natasha in addition to dismissing her sexual harassment petition on a technical ground. However, the petition was billed to fail ab initio. Yes! Akpabio was openly disparaged for being “emotional” by allowing the presentation in the first place.

Not deterred, Natasha presented another petition which was endorsed by her constituents. And again, it was referred to the same committee before she was eventually suspended.

Given the barrage of backlash that has continued to trail the suspension, especially relative to the silence on the unruly conduct of Natasha, the senate majority leader issued a statement stressing the core reasons for Natasha’s suspension. Yet he, being a lawyer, was silent on why the Senate was questionably hasty in its action despite even the pendency of a valid court rule.

By this singular act, the senate lost an opportunity to redeem itself and particularly, Akpabio.

Hence, Natasha, being escorted out of the chamber upon suspension, had threatened that “this injustice will not be sustained”. She took her quest for justice to the Inter-Parliamentary Union, IPU, thereby further internationalizing the matter. Her co-delegate from Nigeria did not instantly counter Natasha but chose to wait for the close of the session before reading the same statement by the senate majority leader to a non-existent audience.

Then back home, there was a solidarity protest for Akpabio at the United Nations building in Abuja preceded by the second vote of confidence in Akpabio by the senate.

Empirically, it was the actions and inaction of the committee on ethics, priviledges and public petition that truly represent the injustice that “will not be sustained”. After all, “action begets reaction”.

For instance, how the issue of the adjustment of the sitting arrangement was overshadowed by the allegation of sexual harassment has made a mess of the integrity of the Senate and particularly, its president.

Also, apart from the poor conduct of the committee, when seats are rearranged, is it a convention for the affected senators not to be notified formally? If not, then a ‘lover’ has created a war front for Akpabio except the communication was a collective decision.

Again, Natasha, in her outburst on the floor of the Senate, did not say anything about being sexually harassed. No doubt, she might have made up her mind, but logically, her resort to the media platform was in reaction to what the aide of Akpabio wrote about her. Similarly, her husband might not have joined the battle had Akpabio’s wife not challenged him.

Equally, there could not have been protests at the national assembly had Uyo women not fired the first salvo and also, the allegation could not have gained traction in some quarters had there not been insinuation of regionalism and mindless invasion of Natasha’s marital privacy.

So, inferentially once again, the opportunity she was denied to either prove her case or incur further wrath of the senate is now abundantly offered to her at the court of public opinion.

But in the final analysis, it is Akpabio that has a lot to lose. Until this allegation of sexual harassment is trashed formally, the image and reputation or public goodwill that translates to huge political capital at the appropriate time will continue to elude him. It is not about defending him with desperation but about enhancing opportunities to establish his innocence. Votes of confidence, protests and advocacies do not, and cannot constitute proof of innocence. Those concerned should understand that attacking individuals and their comments or offending the sensibilities of dissenting voices only aggravates issues otherwise this is certainly how not to love Akpabio.

Egbo is a parliamentary affairs analyst.

THE crippling fuel shortages in Niger and the change in thinking towards development aid by the developed World are clear warnings to Africa on the urgent need to deepen regional integration, and more so for the self-proclaimed Alliance of Sahel States, AES countries, making a public show of quitting the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) at all costs.

Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso have effectively formalised their withdrawal from ECOWAS, having served notice to quit the regional economic bloc in January 2024, but the organisation in a demonstration of good faith, has allowed them a nine-month grace period until September 2025 to rejoin if they change their mind.

Last December, the Niger junta leader Abdourahamane Tchiani without any proof, went on his country’s state television to accuse Nigeria of attempts to destabilise Niger. Niger’s Foreign Minister, Bakary Yaou Sangare had also alleged that Nigerian government was complicit in a purported December 13 sabotage of the Niger-Benin oil pipeline in Gaya.

The Niger government summoned Nigeria’s Charge d’affaires in Niamey to complain.

Nigeria dismissed all the allegations as unfounded, while the ECOWAS Commission issued a public statement in defence of Nigeria.

As it turned out, and as Nigeria stated then, Tchiani was only using the playbook of the AES junta leaders - using propaganda and disinformation to divert attention from the mounting governance problems they faced.

Nigeria has no reason to destabilise its smaller neighbour, which it continues to support materially and otherwise, including in infrastructure development such as road construction, rail projects, and fuel supply at concessionary rates.

Three months on, reality has now dawned on the Tchiani-led junta. Niger has been facing unprecedented severe fuel shortages for several weeks, characterised by winding queues at the few filling stations with supply and the stifling economic activities across the land-locked country, listed by the United Nations Development Report as among the poorest in the World.

With nowhere else to go, the once arrogant Niamey junta turned to Nigeria for a bailout, but this time, without the usual publicity.

According to industry sources in Niamey and Abuja, the situation was so desperate that the Tchiani-led junta swallowed its pride and allowed a delegation led by the Chief Executive of the Niger Petroleum Company, SONIDEP to visit Abuja on an S.O.S. mission.

Following a meeting with Nigerian petroleum industry officials, which was largely unannounced “some 300 fuel trucks were approved for immediate delivery across the border to Niger,” according to the sources. The terms or details of the agreement were not available.

Industry officials in Niger blamed the severe fuel shortages on the confrontation between the junta government in Niamey and the Chinese oil companies, which have long dominated Niger’s petroleum sector.

The China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC) was said to have granted the Niger government an advance of about US$400 million in 2024, using future crude oil deliveries as collateral to help Niger cope with the lingering effects of the sanctions earlier imposed by ECOWAS following the July 2023 military coup that brought the Tchiani regime to power - the sanctions have since been lifted.

When it was time for Niger to repay the Chinese, the cash-strapped junta government was alleged to have attempted to arm-twist China, forcing the Asian country to slap billions of dollars in tax demand on the Niger Refinery Company.

The escalated crisis culminated in the expulsion of three Chinese officials working in the Niger oil sector last week.

Official sources in Niamey said the move was the latest by the military government to “assert greater control over national resources.”

In a separate development, Niger's Ministry of Tourism is reported to have revoked the licence of a Chinese-operated hotel in Niamey, citing alleged discriminatory practices.

The two countries are said to be working to avoid a break-down of relations, particularly in the critical oil sector, which has also been hit by unresolved disputes over the Niger-Benin oil pipeline, a project designed to boost Niger’s crude exports.

The military junta had failed to publicly acknowledge the gravity of the economic crisis, with the State-controlled media reportedly ordered to maintain a news blackout on the national fuel shortages and the general economic hardship. But public anxiety is mounting amid spiralling inflation, high unemployment, especially among youths, and high cost of living, with desperate motorists resorting to the costly black-market for fuel, that is where the scarce commodity was available.

Despite the AES countries’ populist and arrogant posturing to leave ECOWAS, the regional organisation has left open, diplomatic channels for negotiations and rapprochement.

Ghana’s President John Mahama recently paid visits to the military governments of the three countries, with bilateral and regional issues featuring in the discussions.

Also, as the AES region grapples with heightened jihadist attacks and regional instability, a high-level nine-man delegation from the three countries visited Nigeria recently to understudy non-kinetic approaches to combating violent extremism.

Informed sources said the visit was in recognition of a policy shift in Nigeria borne out of the realisation that military option alone cannot defeat terrorism and insurgency. A recent study showed that about 7% of terrorist groups that operated between 1968 and 2006 were militarily defeated, while more than 40% of groups ended their violence through negotiated settlements.

The AES countries, which accused ECOWAS of being under external influence, as part of the reasons for their withdrawal, have severed major ties with Paris, closed French military bases and expelled French soldiers from their territories as part of their professed assertion of sovereignty and independence.

However, all three are still members of the West African Economic and Monetary Union, UEMOA, with French affiliation. 

The French Treasury controls the national currency of the three countries, the franc CFA, fixes the exchange rate, and maintains their their bank reserves.

The junta leaders are also broadening relations with Russia and China, including military cooperation with Russia, while accusing ECOWAS of being under foreign influence.

But as the experience from the Niger fuel shortages and the cut of development aid by advanced economies have shown, regional cooperation and integration are the more realistic options for Africa’s sustained development and survival.

Speaking at the Munich Security Conference (MSC) in Germany in February, President Mahama described the USAID pullback by the President Donald Trump administration and the cut in development aid by Britain as “adversity in opportunity” for Africa. He emphasised the need for African countries to strengthen their economic resilience and reduce dependence on foreign aid.

In his address titled “Building or Burning Bridges: Economic and Development Cooperation Amid Multi-polarisation,” Mahama acknowledged the changing geopolitical dynamics. He noted that while the U.S. played a central role in shaping the post-World War II global order, its current shift could be disruptive.

In the same vein, Nigeria’s Dr Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, Director-General of the World Trade Organisation (WTO), recently told African leaders at the African Union headquarters in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, to consider foreign aid as a thing of the past.

She urged them to be innovative and look inwards “to uplift the lots of your people instead of looking increasingly for help from where help is drying up.” 

These teachable lessons are applicable to all African countries, especially the AES group.

It is within the rights of the AES members as sovereign nations to pursue their common interests both as Sahel States and ECOWAS members, just as similar other groups - Mano River Union, Zone of Prosperity, Conseil de l'Entente (Council of Accord or Understanding), UEMOA and the Chad Basin Authority/Commission.

Paul Ejime is a Global Affairs Analyst and Consultant on Peace & Security and Governance Communication

In 1994, Dr. Beko Ransome-Kuti, the Chairman of the Campaign for Democracy (CD) travelled to India to attend the meeting of the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative. At the material time, he was the only African member of the international body. At about the same time, I travelled to Canada to deliver some lectures on the human rights situation in Nigeria. During my stay in Canada, I received an award on behalf of the CD.

Upon our return to Nigeria on January 14, 1995, both of us were arrested and kept at the Nigeria Immigration Service Guest House at Ikoyi, Lagos State. A combined team of State Security Service, Nigeria Intelligence Agency and Nigeria Immigration Service personnel interrogated us. We were accused of travelling out of Nigeria illegally as we did not pass through any of the official routes. 

It was further stated that we ought to have obtained security clearance since we were aware that our names were on the "watch list" compiled by the security forces. I pointed out to the interrogators that the so called watch list was discriminatory and illegal. I referred to the case of Shugaba v Minister of Interior wherein the Court of Appeal had ruled that a Nigerian citizen has the right of egress and ingress. 

At that stage, we were asked to produce and submit our passports. We flatly turned down the request on the ground that they were likely to be confiscated to prevent us from further exercising our fundamentall right to freedom of movement guaranteed by article 12 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights (Ratification and Enforcement) Act. Indeed, we informed our interrogators that the passports were kept in the house of a comrade in Cotonue, Benin Republic which was our adopted route for travelling out of Nigeria. 

Our interrogators said that they had confirmed from the airports, seaports and land borders that we did not present our passports to immigration officers for stamping. We replied that that, on a daily basis, over a million Nigerian people travel in and out of Nigeria without stamping their passports in the artificial borders created by the British and French colonialists which are maintained by the neo-colonialists in power; in the member states of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). 

As the federal military regime was completely embarrased by the global demand for our release, the security forces granted us bail pending the conclusion of investigation. Our lawyer, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, stood surety for us and we were released to him. Even though we were detained for a week, we were not charged for the alleged offence of illegal travelling out of Nigeria. 

For the umpteenth time, the attention of the Senate and the security forces ought to be drawn to the case of the Speaker, Bauchi State House of Assembly v Honourable Rifkatu Danna (2017) 49 WRN 82. The respondent was the only woman in the House of Assembly of 31 members. She was suspended indefinitely for criticising the relocation of the Tafawa Balewa Local Government Area. As far as the House members were concerned, her speech was considered "derogatory". 

In setting aside her indefinite suspension from the House, the Bauchi Chief Judge held that her suspension beyond 14 days was illegal and uncomfortable. But the Court of Appeal declared that the House lacks the vires to subject her to any form of suspension from the House as it was a denial of the rights of the.people of her Bogoro Constutuency to be representated in the government.

 In the leading judgment of the Court of Appeal, Tur JCA held inter alia that the acts of the Appellants violated articles 8 and 9 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights Act which guarantee the respondent'a fundamental rights to "freedom of conscience, the right to receive and disseminate information and to express opinions within the ambit of the law....Not even the military would have behaved in this dastardly manner. This is a flagrant abuse of the constitutional powers vested in the Speaker and members of the Bauchi State House of Assembly which no right thinking member of the society ought to tolerate."

Finally, it is public knowledge that the Senate President, Senator Godswill Akpabio had accused Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan of embarrassing the Government and people of the Federal Republic of Nigeria by reporting her suspension by the Senate to the Inter Parliamentary Union. 

 Contrary to the jaundiced views of the Senate leader, it is the official probe of the circumstances of her trip by security forces that will expose Nigeria to needless embarrassment and undeserved ridicule

 Therefore, the SSS and NIA may study the report of the investigation of our illegal travelling by the Sani Abacha military junta before embarking on the futile attempt to probe Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan for having the temerity to externalise the "internal affair of the Senate". In fact, the probe will particularly embarrass some top officials of the Bola Tinubu administration who were once accused of travelling out of Nigeria to embarrass the defunct military junta. 

.

As we commemorate the 70th anniversary of the Nigeria Union of Journalists - NUJ from 15th March 1955 to 15th March 2025, it is imperative that we pause to acknowledge and honour our fallen colleagues, tragic victims of impunity. Every act of violence against journalists – be it intimidation, harassment, or murder – constitutes a fundamental assault on the very principles of democracy and freedom of expression that we hold dear.

As the esteemed journalist and advocate for press freedom, Anna Politkovskaya, astutely observed, “Without journalism, there are no freedoms.” The courageous pursuit of truth by journalists, alongside their unwavering commitment to exposing corruption and injustice, must not be forgotten or overlooked.

The deafening silence surrounding these appalling acts emboldens those who seek to suppress dissent and obscure the truth. Therefore, we stand resolutely in solidarity with the families of those who have lost their lives in the line of duty, and we must collectively demand justice. Our commendation also extends to the fortitude of survivors, who bear the scars of impunity yet continue their vital work.

It is crucial that we advocate for enhanced protections, accountability, and a culture of safety for journalists. Unless we confront and dismantle this culture of impunity, the future of journalism in Nigeria hangs precariously in the balance. We must remember the sacrifices made and reaffirm our unwavering commitment to upholding their legacy in the fight for truth and justice.

According to the report "State of Media Freedom in Nigeria" by the Media Foundation for West Africa and the Nigeria Union of Journalists, for the period from 2016 to 2020, Nigeria recorded some of the highest levels of violence targeting journalists. These statistics serve as an indictment of the deficient record on democracy and the rule of law in Nigeria, where a lack of transparency, corruption, and the politics of exclusion frequently culminate in frustrations and violent rivalries, creating perilous environments in which journalists become easy targets for powerful forces intent on suppressing dissent.

Acts of impunity against journalists in Nigeria manifest in diverse forms, from murder to harassment and intimidation. The following outlines some of the most concerning instances of acts of impunity perpetrated against members of the press in Nigeria:

Minere Amakiri: A reporter then for the Nigerian Observer, the former Bendel State newspaper, had his head forcibly shaved with broken glass in Port Harcourt. This was done on the orders of Alfred Diette-Spiff, the Military Governor of Rivers State. His 'offence' was reporting on the 30th of July, the Governor's 31st birthday regarding the grievances of local teachers( 1973).

Chris Okolie: Chris Okolie, the founder of the defunct New Breed magazine, frequently encountered opposition from the country’s military leaders. In 1977, following the publication of an article deemed unacceptable by the authorities, he was detained. Thousands of copies of the magazine were confiscated, and a publication ban was imposed in June 1978. After a nine-year hiatus, publication resumed.

Jonathan Ishaku: He was Editor of The Nigerian Standard in Jos, and later it’s General Manager. He was dismissed, at the instance of the Federal Military Government seven days to his wedding for the newspaper’s unrelenting criticisms of the Military President- General Ibrahim Babangida’s Administration (1985).

Dele Giwa: Dele Giwa, a prominent Nigerian journalist and founding editor of Newswatch magazine, was renowned for his incisive investigative reporting, which exposed corruption and human rights abuses during General Ibrahim Babangida's military regime. He was killed by a parcel bomb detonated at his Lagos home. It is widely believed that Giwa's murder was orchestrated by the military government. Nearly four decades later, no one has been charged or convicted for this heinous act. The shocking nature of his death resonated throughout Nigeria's media and human rights communities, marking a pivotal moment in the ongoing struggle for press freedom and democracy in the country. His legacy continues to inspire journalists and activists both in Nigeria and internationally(1986).

The Liberian Tragedy: In a stark reminder of the perilous conditions faced by journalists, four Nigerian reporters were tragically killed in Liberia in 1990 while covering the civil conflict. They were Tayo Awotunsin and Krees Imodibe of The Guardian, Sunny Taylor ( of the then Channels), and George Onyemobi (affiliation unspecified). These journalists were victims of violence inflicted by Charles Taylor's National Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL) forces. Their untimely deaths underscore the grave risks that reporters encounter, particularly in conflict zones, and highlight the urgent need for enhanced safety measures and protections for those who courageously report on the realities of war(1990).

The News Magazine Founders: The News magazine, established in January 1993, played a critical role in Nigeria’s struggle for democracy during the military regimes of Generals Ibrahim Babangida and Sani Abacha. The publication was spearheaded by Bayo Onanuga (Editor-in-Chief), Dapo Olorunyomi, Babafemi Ojudu, Kunle Ajibade, and Seye Kehinde. These journalists risked their safety and livelihoods to reveal the abuses and injustices of the military government. Their committed reporting and resolute editorial stance incited the ire of the authorities, leading to harassment, intimidation, and detention. Despite the considerable obstacles they faced, The News magazine remained steadfast in its commitment to truth and democracy, continuing to publish impactful stories at significant personal risk. Their bravery not only motivated others to join the fight against military rule but also contributed to the eventual transition to democracy in Nigeria(1993).

Tell Magazine Editors: Further illustrating the suppression of press freedom during Nigeria's military regime, the police raided the offices of Tell magazine and arrested Editor-in-Chief Nosa Igiebor and Editors Kola Ilori, Onome Osifo-Whiskey, and Ayo Akinkuotu, holding them for 12 days .Tell magazine was recognised for its investigative reporting, which consistently exposed the military government's abuses and excesses. The detention of its senior editors represented a blatant effort to intimidate and silence the publication, aiming to stifle press freedom in Nigeria(1993).

The Nigerian Standard 7: Emma Gogwim Kayi (twice editor), Gideon Mitu, Cyril Ogah, Harris Dawurang, Wilson Yale, Usman Abu, and Danjuma Abah resigned in protest after writing a front-page commentary entitled "This Is Our Stand" against the annulment of the 12th of June 1993 election. The commentary called upon the government to safeguard the democratic process from forces seeking to destabilise the nation. The seven were later reinstated after a year(1993).

Bunmi Aborisade: Bunmi Aborisade is a well-known Nigerian journalist, author, and activist who played a key role in the struggle surrounding the annulled 12 June 1993 presidential election. As editor of June 12 Magazine, he championed the validation of the election results. His courageous journalism led to his arrest and detention during this period. Following his release, he fled Nigeria and sought refuge in Ghana. However, the Rawlings regime expelled him, forcing him to relocate to the United States. While in exile, Aborisade continued to advocate for democracy and human rights in Nigeria, leading Nigerian Journalists in Exile and the US-based Nigeria Democratic Liberty Forum. Tragically, his mother, Emily Omope Aborisade, was attacked with acid in Ado-Ekiti in 2002 and died from her injuries in 2003. Aborisade has received numerous awards for his journalism, including the 2000 awards for Profile Writing and International News Reporting from the New York Association of Black Journalists. He has also authored several books, including "The Citizen Reporters" and "Everybody Say Ye’ Ye": An organic novel on Fela’s Communication with humour(1993).

Founding Editors of Newswatch Magazine: Ray Ekpu, Dan Agbese, and Yakubu Mohammed were arrested in connection with an article based on an interview with a retired senior military officer. The article described General Abacha’s coup as a “putsch against democracy”. They were charged with “sedition and criminal intent to cause fear and alarm to the public and disturb the public peace”. General Abacha later ordered that the charges be dropped, advising journalists to exercise “discretion and self-restraint” in future(1994).

Bagauda Kaltho: Bagauda Kaltho was imprisoned and tortured under the Abacha regime. He is believed to have been killed in detention for publishing critical reports about the government. His experience exemplifies the courage of Nigerian journalists who faced considerable dangers in their pursuit of truth during a repressive regime. Kaltho's story serves as a stark reminder of the necessity of safeguarding press freedom and advocating for human rights, both in Nigeria and beyond( 1995).

The Treason Decree: Kunle Ajibade - The News, Chris Anyanwu- Classique Magazine, George M'bah- TSM, and Ben Charles-Obi- TSM. The Treason and Treasonable Offences Decree No. 29 of 1993, enacted during Nigeria's military era, broadened the definition of treason, targeting any actions or views deemed disruptive to the nation's fabric. This decree was used to convict the four Nigerian journalists for reporting on an alleged coup plot. They were accused of being "accessories after the fact to treason" and sentenced to 15 years' imprisonment, although they were subsequently released by General Abdulsalam Abubakar following the death of General Sani Abacha. The decree, part of a broader strategy by the military government to silence dissent and stifle opposition, faced widespread condemnation from human rights organisations and press freedom advocates, who viewed it as a blatant attempt to muzzle the media and suppress criticism of the government. The case of these four journalists highlights the inherent risks media professionals faced in Nigeria during this oppressive era and underscores the vital need for press freedom and the rule of law to protect citizens' rights(1995).

Osa Director: Osa Director, the Kano Correspondent for Dateline, a sister publication of Tell magazine, was arrested after publishing a story entitled “Buhari, Abacha at war over oil money”. Director was held in solitary confinement in Kano. He was charged in Kano after 34 days in detention, appearing before the magistrate in leg irons and handcuffs. He was charged with inciting discontent by publishing “false reports” contrary to sections 416 and 418 of Nigeria’s Penal Code. He was denied bail until October 1995. When bail was granted, he was ordered to report to the State Investigation and Intelligence Bureau’s office monthly and prohibited from publishing any material that could embarrass the government(1995).

Godwin Agbroko: Godwin Agbroko, Chairman of ThisDay newspaper’s editorial board, and former editor for Newswatch and ThisWeek magazines, was arrested and briefly detained twice in 1995 for his editorial work. In December 1996, he was apprehended by State Security Service members and detained for five months. He was released shortly after receiving the PEN/Barbara Goldsmith Freedom to Write Award in 1997. He was fatally shot in his car in Lagos by unknown assailants (2006).

Ladi Olorunyomi: Ladi Olorunyomi, a staff member of The News and the wife of Dapo Olorunyomi, was arrested at her home by armed military intelligence agents. She was questioned about the whereabouts of her exiled husband and her boss, Bayo Onanuga(1997).

Tunde Oladepo: Tunde Oladepo, the Ogun State bureau chief for The Guardian, was assassinated in his home by masked gunmen. The targeted nature of the attack, carried out in front of his family, strongly suggests that his murder was related to his extensive coverage of political affairs in Ogun State(1998).

Fidelis Ikwuebe: Fidelis Ikwuebe, a freelance journalist contributing to The Guardian, was abducted and murdered while reporting on the clashes between the Aguleri and Umuleri communities in Anambra State(1999).

Ben Adaji: He was the Taraba Correspondent of The News/TEMPO magazine, who was apprehended following a manhunt for a story detailing a factional conflict in Taraba State. He was also arrested again and detained for his critical reporting (1997& 2003).

Cyril Mbah: Security Service (SSS) agents escorted Cyril Mbah, a correspondent for "The Monitor" newspaper based at Aso Rock, Nigeria's seat of government, from the presidential villa. No explanation was provided by the SSS for this action. However, it is believed to be linked to Mbah's column of 14 September, entitled "OBJ Compels Ministers to Pray", which was perceived to be critical of the president (2003).

Tunde Akinleye: The case of Tunde Akinleye provides a stark illustration of the dangers faced by journalists in Nigeria. Akinleye, a photojournalist with the Daily Independent, was brutally assaulted by 12 mobile police officers from Vice-President Atiku Abubakar's security detail in Abuja. The attack rendered Akinleye unconscious, highlighting the risks journalists encounter when reporting on sensitive issues or powerful individuals (2003).

Funmi Komolafe and Rotimi Ajayi: Funmi Komolafe, a labour editor, and Rotimi Ajayi, a reporter, both from The Vanguard newspaper, were assaulted by police officers during a protest rally in Abuja (2003).

Ogun Six: Six journalists tragically lost their lives along the Abuja-Lokoja Highway while returning from official duties with the former Governor of Ogun State, Gbenga Daniel. They were: Doyin Sokoya, Wole Adebari, Deji Onajobi, Sola Bakare, Semiu Oyetunji and Adesina Durosomo (2003).

The Plateau Eight: Eight journalists perished in a catastrophic accident while travelling in a convoy with the then Governor of Plateau State, Chief Joshua Dariye, namely: Musa Nuhu (News Agency of Nigeria, NAN), Isaac Agbo (The Nation), Judith Adama (New Nigerian), Chiwo Avre (Leadership), Emmanuel Adinoyi (African Independent Television), Reuben Emeje (Federal Information), Sudan Lar (Nigeria Television Authority), and Moses Ezulike (The Daily Champion). The accident was attributed to the poor condition of the bus tyres, which was owned by the Plateau State Government. Those who survived with various degrees of injury are Audu Ojogbane- Daily Independent, Agada Okopi - AIT, Seriki Adinoyi - ThisDay, Asile Abel - Reality Newspaper, Andrew Agbese - Daily Trust , Aminu Manu - Voice of Nigeria , Monday Goteng - NAN and Solomon Gujor of the State Information. This tragic incident highlights the risks and sacrifices made by journalists in Nigeria (2007).

Adamu Abubakar Gwarzo: A journalist with Radio France Internationale (RFI), he was detained by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC). Gwarzo's arrest and subsequent detention stemmed from a report he authored, which was critical of the EFCC and its then-chair, Farida Waziri . The EFCC levelled accusations of libel and cybercrime against Gwarzo; however, the detention was widely perceived as an attempt to suppress journalistic criticism(2009).

Akin Orimolade (National Life): Abducted and detained for eight days on the orders of the Bayelsa State Governor over a news article, which the Governor felt uncomfortable with (2009.)Gbenga Aruleba (African Independent Television) and Rotimi Durojaiye (Independent newspaper). The two journalists, were held by the State Security Service and faced up to two years' imprisonment if convicted. They were detained over a report concerning a presidential aircraft (2009).

Bayo Ohu: He was an assistant news editor with The Guardian, who was brutally murdered at his Lagos home. He was shot by assailants who gained entry by knocking on his door. While a laptop and cell phone were taken, the prevailing belief among his colleagues and family was that he was targeted for his investigative reporting, particularly his work on alleged fraud within the Nigerian Customs Service. This sensitive investigation likely placed him in the crosshairs of powerful individuals. The subsequent police investigation and trial were heavily criticised for their perceived shortcomings. In May 2012, three suspects were acquitted due to insufficient evidence, leaving Ohu's murder unsolved and further eroding public trust in the justice system. The case highlighted the dangers faced by journalists investigating corruption and the persistent issue of impunity(2009).

Lagos Journalists Abducted: Four journalists from the Lagos State Council of the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ) were abducted by armed men in Abia State. They were: Wahab Oba, Chairman , Adolphus Okonkwo, Zonal Secretary, Sylvester Okereke, Secretary , Sola Oyeyipo,Lagos-based journalist and Azeez Abdul Rauf, the driver. They were seized on their return journey from a union conference in Uyo, Akwa Ibom State. The conference had focused on matters pertaining to the state of the union, with particular emphasis on the safety and security of journalists. They were held captive for five days(2010). Nathan S. Dabak, deputy editor, and Sunday Gyang Bwede, a reporter for the Church of Christ in Nations(COCIN) monthly newspaper, The Light Bearer were brutally murdered in Jos, Plateau State. They were on assignment, attempting to interview a national Parliamentarian regarding the escalating violence between Muslim and Christian communities. While traveling by motorcycle, they were attacked and fatally stabbed by a militia group. Jos had become a battleground for sectarian conflict, and the journalists' deaths underscored the extreme risks faced by those reporting from the region. The violence in Plateau state created a hostile environment for journalism, making it extremely dangerous to report the facts (2010).

Lemmy Ugbegbe (The Guardian): Handcuffed and threatened by a Magistrate, Zainab Bashir in Abuja , who had insulted and ordered journalists out of her court, after which she singled out Ughegbe for arrest for allegedly not moving out immediately. She consequently ordered her police orderly to handcuff Lemmy Ughegbe and ruled that he be committed to prison. It took the intervention of some lawyers to make her have a change of heart (2010).

Muhammad Abdulkadir (NTA Abuja): Endured numerous near-fatal encounters as a defence correspondent embedded with troops in counter-terrorism operations in the North East (2010-2016).

Lawal Ogienagbo, Dapo Olufade, Yusuf Alli, Yomi Odunuga (The Nation): These Journalists were arrested and detained over a cover story concerning a letter from former President Obasanjo to the then President, Goodluck Jonathan( 2011). Zakariya Isa, a reporter and cameraman for NTA Maiduguri was killed in Maiduguri, Borno State. Boko Haram claimed responsibility for his murder, alleging that he was "spying" for Nigerian security forces. Isa's death occurred during the height of the Boko Haram insurgency, a period of extreme violence and instability in northeastern Nigeria. The group's statement served as a chilling reminder of the dangers faced by journalists reporting on the conflict, where they were often caught between warring factions. His death added to the growing list of journalists killed by the terrorist organisation(2011).

Desmond Utomwem (FreshNEWS/CABSOJA): He was assaulted by the police and Staff of GTB Abuja. He then sought redress in Court in Abuja and was awarded the largest legal settlement in a Nigerian journalist case (N100 million) for that incident, with the court ruling police violated his human rights. Again the Police CID in Area 10 Garki, Abuja, arrested and detained Desmond , at the instance of a then serving Customs officer, Inspector Umaru Faru. Desmond was working on a story which allegedly was critical of the said officer. He was released following the intervention of the then Police AIG Usman Shehu who received a complaint from the NUJ. The Union demanded for a thorough investigation by the customs of the alleged corruption by Umaru Faru, but to no effect( 2009&2017).

Enenche Akogwu: Enenche Akogwu, a journalist with Channels Television, was tragically killed during a terrorist attack amidst a Boko Haram offensive in Kano. This account underscores the ongoing sacrifice of journalists committed to uncovering the truth, even when confronting formidable challenges(2012).

Lagos/Ibadan Disaster: Three officials from the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ) were killed in a tragic road traffic accident. The incident, which also resulted in ten injuries, took place on the Ilesha-Ibadan Expressway. A blow-out on the rear tyre of the bus transporting the journalists to Ibadan and Lagos caused the vehicle to veer off the road and overturn multiple times before coming to a halt in the bushes. This heartbreaking incident shocked the nation as the journalists were returning from a meeting at the Union's National Secretariat in Abuja, where discussions had centred on journalists' welfare. The deceased were: Adolphous Okonkwo of VON and the National Financial Secretary of the Union, Olatunde Ojenike of FRCN and Chairman of FRCN Ibadan Network Centre Chapel and Kafayat Odunsi of the NTA Channel 7 Lagos. Nine other journalists and the bus driver survived the crash, with various degrees of injuries. They included : Abdulkareem Fatimah, National Treasurer of the NUJ, Deji Elumoye, Chairman of Lagos State Council and staff of ThisDay newspaper, Gbenga Opadotun, Chairman of Oyo State Council and staff of the Nigerian Tribune, Silva Okereke, Secretary of Lagos State Council and staff of the Champion newspaper, Bimbo Oyetunde, Chairperson of FRCN Lagos Network Centre Chapel, Momoh Adamson of Voice of Nigeria Lagos, Banji Oluwalana of NTA, Victoria Island Lagos, Uzogbu Christopher of Voice of Nigeria Lagos and Bolaji Akeem of NTA, Channel 7 Lagos(2013).

Ebere Wabara: An Associate Editor with The Sun newspaper, he was arrested by the police from Abia State who stormed his house in Lagos and abducted him to Umuahia, Abia State. He was held, then released on bail after the Inspector General of Police intervened. Wabara was ordered to report back to Abia police. He was arrested based on a petition against him, claimed the police. Colleagues believed he was arrested and detained at the instance of Abia State Governor who was not comfortable with Ebere’s writings (2014).

Ubale Musa: He was the Correspondent of Deutche Welle Radio attached to the State House Abuja whose accreditation was withdrawn. Ubale was expelled from the State House for asking the visiting Chadian President,Idris Derby a question on the relationship between the Multinational Joint Task Force fighting Boko Haram and South African mercenaries fighting with the Force(2015).

Yomi Olomofe: The Executive Director and Chairman of the Editorial Board of Badagry Times, was brutally beaten and left for dead by customs-assisted smugglers for daring to investigate a story. This grievous incident occurred within the premises of the Nigeria Customs at Seme Border Command(2015).

Chizoba Ogbeche (Blueprint): Manhandled and detained for her report at the Police Force Headquarters and Garki Police Station Abuja (2016).

Friday Ogungemi (Policy and Law Magazine): Arrested and detained by the State Security Service at the instance of the Kogi State Governor over an editorial(2016).

Charles Otu: The Publisher of Peoples CONSCIENCE Newspaper in Abakaliki, was violently attacked by thugs allegedly sponsored by certain agents of the Ebonyi State Government. He was later rescued from Kpirikpiri Police Station in Abakaliki by sympathisers, where he had been abandoned by his attackers and falsely accused of mischief. Otu had thereafter received multiple threats from thugs and government agents( 2017).

Luka Binniyat: He faced arrest and detention in Kaduna over a piece he wrote in the Vanguard Newspaper which did not go down well with the Kaduna State Government . He was subjected to stringent bail conditions by the court and remained incarcerated for 83 days until those conditions were relaxed by the Court (2017).

Emmanuel Ogbeche ( Editor, Abuja Inquirer): He was physically attacked and arrested following the publication of a story deemed detrimental by a lawyer (2017).

Ikechukwu Ibe (Daily Trust): He was attacked and had his camera seized by an army captain in Abuja for daring to take pictures (2017).

Jacob Onjewu (New Nigerian): Assaulted by soldiers while covering a polo tournament in Kaduna, (2017).

Lawal Mohammed (NTA Kaduna): Beaten and his camera damaged by political thugs at the NUJ Press Centre, Kaduna, during a Press Conference (2017).

Emmanuel Antswen (NAN): Arrested and detained at the behest of the Benue State Commissioner of Water Resources over a report on Internally Displaced Persons- IDPs, in Makurdi (2017).

Sunday Nwakanma (Daily Times), Chidi Asonye (Authority), Boniface Okoro (Oracle Today): Attacked by soldiers for covering military operations during Operation Python Dance in Umuahia, Abia State (2017 ).

Moses John Akwashi (Blueprint): Detained by police (2007), assaulted by security operatives (2008), and detained again for taking photos of a police raid (2017).

Midat Joseph (Leadership/kakaakireporters.com): Arrested at the instance of Kaduna State Government and detained over alleged comments on a WhatsApp group and taken to court but case dismissed due to lack of diligent prosecution (2017).

Olalekan Adetayo (The Punch): Expelled from the State House Abuja for reporting on President Buhari's health, (2017).

Dapo Olorunyomi, Evelyn Okakwu (Premium Times): They were arrested by police the following a complaint from the Chief of Army Staff, Tukur Buratai. This action came after PREMIUM TIMES refused the army's demand to retract articles concerning the Army and its operations (2017).

Adebola Brookslyn Sunday (NTA): Attacked by a religious group while covering a protest in Abuja, (2018).

Samuel Ogundipe (Premium Times): Harassed and arraigned by police in Abuja over a news article, (2019).

Jones Abiri: The Editor and Publisher of the Weekly Source newspaper, was re-arrested by armed men while meeting with six colleagues at the Bayelsa Federated Newspaper Publishers Association, Yenogoa. Abiri had previously endured two years of detention without trial by the Department of State Services (DSS), facing allegations of connections to rebels in the Niger Delta and claims of threatening oil companies(2019).

Obinna Don Norman: The Publisher of Realm News was arrested and detained in prison on the orders of a Magistrate. Don Norman was charged in Umuahia Under the 2015 Cybercrime act. He was alleged to have defamed and harassed Senator Theodore Orji (2019).

Agba Jalingo, the publisher of CrossRiverWatch, was arrested over a report alleging the diversion of N500 million belonging to Cross River State by Governor Ben Ayade. The Cross River State government had taken over the prosecution of Jalingo's case from the police. He was granted bail after spending an arduous 174 days in detention across both police custody and Calabar prison ( 2019).

Precious Owolabi: He was a reporter with Channels Television, who was killed while covering a protest by members of the Islamic Movement of Nigeria (IMN). The peaceful demonstration demanding the release of their leader, Sheik Ibrahim El-Zakzaky, turned violent, prompting the police to open fire indiscriminately. Tragically, Owolabi succumbed to bullet wounds sustained during the protest. The identity of the individual who fired the fatal shots remains uncertain ( 2019).

Pelumi Onifade: He was a 20 year old Trainee Journalist with Gboah TV, an online broadcast platform who was found dead in a morgue in Lagos, six days after being shot during a protest he was covering in Lagos. Those responsible for his death have never been identified( 2020 ).

Alex Ogbu: A reporter with Regent African Times, he was struck and killed by a stray bullet fired by police during a clash between the Islamic Movement of Nigeria (IMN), and the police in Abuja( 2020).

Jaafar Jaafar: The editor of the Daily Nigerian, Jaafar Jaafar, fled Nigeria after publishing a video allegedly showing Kano State Governor Abdullahi Ganduje accepting bribes. He relocated to the United Kingdom due to reported threats to his life (2021).

Adekola Bamgbala: Bamgbala, a street photographer, was detained for eight months following a fatal incident during a joint operation with the Lagos State Traffic Management Agency (LASTMA). Despite having no involvement, he was arrested after a traffic stop resulted in a driver’s death. The NUJ Lagos Council provided legal and financial support, securing his release (2022).

Gabriel Idibia (Daybreak Newspapers): Idibia was arrested and charged with defamation, intimidation, and inciting religious contempt over a report on the Kaduna Hajj camp. He was later granted bail.
Additionally police officers in Kaduna, arrested Gabriel Idibia, while he was photographing officers herding cattle across a road(2023 & 2024).

Godwin Tsa (The Sun): Tsa was arrested by Federal Capital Territory Administration security officers while reporting on a protest against shop demolitions in Abuja. He was detained, his phone was seized, and he was coerced into deleting protest footage. The Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ) FCT Council secured his release ( 2023 ).

Tayo Ikujunni (News Agency of Nigeria): An Assistant Editor-in-Chief, Ikujunni was physically assaulted by Ondo State Commissioner for Youths and Sports Development, Saka Yusuf Ogunleye, while covering the APC governorship primary. At Eji-Oba High School, Yusuf Ogunleye punched Ikujunni, seized and discarded his mobile phone, and ordered thugs to confiscate his tablet after Ikujunni enquired about electoral materials. Yusuf Ogunleye verbally abused Ikujunni, before security personnel intervened(2024).

Jide Oyekunle: A Photojournalist with the Daily Independent newspaper, and Kayode Jaiyeola, a Photojournalist with Punch newspaper, were arrested in Abuja by Police as they covered protests (2024).
The Enduring Legacy of Valiant Journalists:

These accounts, while not comprehensive, underscore the profound sacrifices made in the tireless pursuit of truth and justice. As we commemorate those journalists tragically lost in the course of their duties, and those who have endured various forms of impunity, we must reaffirm our unwavering commitment to safeguarding press freedom.
It is imperative that we pursue accountability for those who perpetrate violence against journalists. Only through dedicated and persistent endeavours can we truly honour the legacy of our fallen colleagues, ensuring their sacrifices serve a meaningful purpose. The Nigeria Union of Journalists must resolutely uphold its mission to defend journalists and champion the fundamental principles of a free and independent press.

Let us unite, inspired by their fortitude, as we strive towards a future where equity prevails and truth is vigorously protected. As we mark this pivotal milestone in the NUJ's history, let it serve as a rallying call for all stakeholders in Nigeria—journalists, media organisations, civil society, and the government—to pledge to safeguard journalists' rights, ensure their safety, and foster an environment conducive to free expression and responsible reporting. Through concerted action, we can pave the way for a more just and equitable Nigeria, where the pursuit of truth is recognised as a fundamental right for all citizens. This is a salute to men and women of courage.

Shu'aibu Usman Leman,
National Secretary,
Nigeria Union of Journalists,
November 2002 – April 2024

Kogi Central Senator, Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan, has provided a detailed account of how she successfully attended the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) meeting in New York, despite not being officially nominated by the Nigerian government.

In an exclusive interview with PREMIUM TIMES on Sunday, Mrs Akpoti-Uduaghan explained that she registered for the meeting online as a senator and secured her accreditation because she was already on IPU’s mailing list as a past attendee.

The senator noted that she personally funded her trip to the global parliamentary gathering after receiving approval to attend.

“I registered online as a senator. The suspension does not remove my legitimacy as a senator. I registered online and got a pass. I attended the same programme last year and was already on the mailing list. After I got a pass, I bought my own ticket and funded my trip and participation at the event,” she told PREMIUM TIMES.

This is not her first attendance at an IPU event. She accompanied the Senate President, Godswill Akpabio, to the 148th IPU General Assembly in Geneva, Switzerland in March, 2024 as part of Nigeria’s official delegation.

Cross-River South Senator, Ekpenyong Asuquo, and the Deputy Speaker, House of Representatives, Benjamin Kalu, were also part of the delegation.

During the assembly, Mr Akpabio, called for a humanitarian ceasefire in Gaza and the unconditional release of all hostages. He also called for access to humanitarian aid for victims of the war conflict zone.

Clarifying her mode of access, Mrs Akpoti-Uduaghan explained that she attended the recent IPU event through her past participation in a meeting organised by the Commission on the Status of Women (CSW). Her presence at an IPU event in Geneva in 2024 as part of Nigeria’s delegation also helped, she said.

She added that the IPU event is not exclusive to government officials but also open to individuals and civil society organisations as well.

Mrs Akpoti-Uduaghan clarified that she travelled to New York with a visa on her ordinary Nigerian passport and not with an official passport.

Legitimacy of her attendance despite suspension

Mrs Akpoti-Uduaghan described her suspension from the Senate as illegal, saying that did not, however, take away her legitimacy as an elected senator.

However, her six-month suspension explicitly prohibits her from identifying herself as a senator, both locally and internationally, during the suspension period.

Despite this restriction, she insisted that she attended the IPU meeting in her official capacity and spoke as a legitimate representative of her people.

Alleged plans to arrest her

During the interview, Mrs Akpoti-Uduaghan also alleged that plans are underway to arrest her upon her return to Nigeria.

“… I’m aware there are plans underway to have me arrested as soon as I arrive Abuja,” she said.

“The Senate President Akpabio sent three staff headed by the Chargè D’Affairs of the Nigerian embassy in New York to evacuate me from the United Nations premises right after my speech. I was rescued by parliamentarians from other countries and the security.”

The senate president could not be reached for comment. His spokesperson, Eseme Eyiboh, has yet to respond to multiple telephone calls made to him by this reporter. His response to a text message sent to him is still being awaited.

Meanwhile, the telephone number of the Senate’s spokesperson, Yemi Adaramodu, was not reachable Sunday morning.

Nigeria launches probe into her participation at the IPU meeting

Mrs Akpoti-Uduaghan’s attendance at the IPU meeting has triggered a government investigation.

PREMIUM TIMES had earlier reported that Nigeria’s internal and external intelligence agencies have launched a probe into how she gained access to the meeting without official nomination.

A high-ranking administration official and two top security officials involved in the inquiry confided in PREMIUM TIMES that the State Security Service (SSS) and the National Intelligence Agency (NIA), are working to determine how Mrs Akpoti-Uduaghan attended the international meeting without approval, who facilitated her trip and accreditation, and whether her participation was orchestrated by interest groups to embarrass Nigeria, its government and its people.

Nigeria believes Mrs Akpoti-Uduaghan did not follow the required diplomatic protocols before gaining access to the IPU meeting on 11 March, where she addressed her suspension from the Nigerian Senate, alleging that it was politically motivated to silence her for speaking out against misconduct in the legislative chamber.

Additionally, she raised allegations of sexual harassment against the senate president.

[premiumtimesng]

Former President Olusegun Obasanjo has decried bastardization of Nigeria’s traditional institution, saying there are criminals, drug addicts, vagabonds, bandits and kidnappers occupying several royal thrones as monarchs across the country.

Obasanjo said this in one his two books released recently to mark his 88th birthday.

The book is titled “Nigeria: Past and Future.”

In chapter 14 of his new book, the former President lamented that the dignity, honour and distinction associated with Nigeria’s traditional institution in the colonial days and early post-independence days, have been “diluted and polluted.”

Obasanjo said, “Today, there are criminals, drug addicts, vagabonds, bandits and kidnappers as so-called traditional rulers.

“This is a great pity, and it has greatly contributed to the problems of Nigeria by traditional rulers. How do we account for a traditional ruler snatching a ballot box at an election polling station and running away with it?

“The class of traditional rulers with their distinction, honour and dignity, as we knew them in the colonial days and early post-independence days, has been diluted and polluted.

“That dignity, aura and respect should be brought back and traditional rulers should be an asset to Nigeria’s development and greatness and not a liability.

“There is a need for moral re-armament among the traditional rulers – the ancient and historic ones. And they can and should make meaningful contributions to the Nigeria of our dreams that will serve the purpose and interest of all.”

Obasanjo also warned that Nigeria may experience violent change of power if the country continues in the current trajectory of maladministration.

He said the country is blessed with talented and hardworking youths, but the young population is disenchanted with the mismanagement of the nation’s commonwealth, large-scale corruption, and leadership ineptitude.

He said “Current trends on the continent portray a more assertive, younger population, intolerant of abuses of power and in search of the dividends of good governance, such that whether or not we accept it, an inevitable shake-up is in the offing.

“In what manner that happens is left for the current operatives of government to decide or fashion out. That is why my clarion call for a domesticated system of governance that reflects our temperament, context, content, culture, and exigencies is urgent.

“We are currently sitting on a ticking time bomb partly because of the system we practise, how corruptly we practise it, and how exclusively we practise it with impunity, callousness, brazen outrage and total disregard for any element of righteousness, integrity, accountability, sensitivity, compassion, inclusiveness and the fear of God.

“If the incumbent leaders do not shape up and satisfy the yearnings and demands of their people, especially the youths, who are disappointed, dissatisfied, bitter, hungry, angry, unemployed and unempowered, then the future is indeed very bleak, with no light at the end of the tunnel.

“These young people watch helplessly as their leaders tell them blatant lies unabashedly, while continuing their orgies of vulgar and ostentatious lifestyles rather than investing the money from the nation’s commonwealth in SMEs to create jobs and generate wealth.

“Should we have the misfortune of pushing these young people to the point of crossing the Rubicon, the country will pay a very high cost because a chain of events will be unleashed, the end of which no one can predict.

“We have no better time for change than now before change is forced upon us. It was JF Kennedy, former president of the United States of America, who, in 1962, said that those who make peaceful change impossible will make violent change inevitable. I am not calling for violent change, but it will become a reality if we continue on the present trajectory.

“Let us set aside lies, illusions, delusions, dishonesty and scapegoatism. Let us face reality and deal sincerely with ourselves, among ourselves, by ourselves and for ourselves.

“Sadly, for Africa, this grave and worrying concern is not just a Nigerian phenomenon but an entire African malady.

“It is now in its autumn of incubation, and if it does not receive serious attention, it will metamorphose into a destructive pandemic in its winter and spread across the continent.

“To ignore the warning and the writing on the wall is to continue to dance slow foxtrot while our trousers are burning. The day of reckoning may not be too far, but like the Biblical second coming of Jesus Christ, who can tell when that will happen?”

[DailyTrust]