A former appointee of President Bola Tinubu and political analyst, Mahmud Jega, has said that Rivers State Chief Judge, Simeon Amadi, is the obstacle before the state House of Assembly in the plot to impeach Governor Siminalayi Fubara.

Jega said this on Arise Television while analysing the political crisis rocking Rivers State and the involvement of the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, FCT, Nyesome Wike.

He noted that the lawmakers loyal to the FCT Minister were setting traps for the Governor, looking for a tangible reason to commence impeachment processes.

Recall that Wike on Saturday said he has no plan to stop members of the Rivers State House of Assembly from performing their constitutional duties.

DAILY POST can report that part of the legislative functions of the Assembly is to impeach the governor if he is found wanting.

The lawmakers, about 27 of them, have been at loggerheads with Governor Fubara as they try to maintain their loyalty to the FCT minister.

The lawmakers led by Martin Amaewhule recently obtained victory at the Supreme Court, which ordered that they should resume their legislative duties.

The governor was also ordered to re-present the 2025 budget to the full House of the Assembly and reconduct the local council elections.

When he arrived at the state assembly re-present the budget on Thursday, he was locked out by the lawmakers on the ground that they were not adequately informed of his visit.

There are speculations about the majority lawmakers plotting the governor’s impeachment.

“The Rivers State assembly members are loyal to Wike and bent on impeaching Fubara,” Jega said.

“The assembly members are setting traps for Governor Fubara to commit an impeachable offense.

“Their only obstacle is the chief judge of Rivers, who they are now going after,” he added.

DAILY POST also reported that the Rivers State House of Assembly had set plans in motion to investigate the state Chief Judge, Justice Simeon Amadi, for alleged falsification of age.

[DailyPost]

As the Premier League season reaches its climax, all eyes will be on the highly anticipated showdown between Arsenal and Chelsea — a match that would have major implications for the title race. 

Both teams have been in impressive form this season, and with only a handful of fixtures left, every point matters in the battle for Premier League supremacy. Here’s a detailed look at the key factors surrounding this high-stakes encounter:  

Title race implications 

Arsenal and Chelsea are both firmly in the mix for the Premier League title, with Manchester City also lurking close behind. Arsenal, seeking their first league title since the “Invincibles” season in 2003–04, have shown remarkable consistency under Mikel Arteta. 

Chelsea, rejuvenated under new management, have mounted an unexpected challenge after a rocky start to the campaign. A win for either side could tilt the balance of the title race, while a draw would open the door for Manchester City to close the gap.  

Head-to-head record 

Recent meetings between Arsenal and Chelsea have produced mixed results. Arsenal have enjoyed an edge in recent years, winning four of their last five Premier League meetings against Chelsea, including a convincing 3–1 victory earlier in the season at Stamford Bridge. 

However, Chelsea’s form has improved dramatically since then, with a more balanced squad and tactical stability under their new manager.  

Key players to watch

Ethan Nwaneri (Arsenal) : Ethan Nwaneri has impressed for Arsenal this season, scoring five Premier League goals and shining in the Champions League with a key goal against PSV. Troy Deeney has backed him for an England senior call-up, while Martin Keown has advised managing his workload carefully due to his young age.

Declan Rice (Arsenal): The summer signing has added steel to Arsenal’s midfield, combining defensive solidity with forward thrust. His ability to control the tempo of the game could be pivotal.  

Cole Palmer (Chelsea): Palmer has been a revelation for Chelsea this season, delivering key goals and assists. His movement and ability to find space between the lines make him a difficult player to mark.  

Enzo Fernández (Chelsea): The Argentine playmaker has grown in influence, dictating Chelsea’s play with his vision and passing range. His duel with Rice in midfield could determine the flow of the game.  

Tactical battle

Mikel Arteta’s Arsenal have built their success on a well-organized defense and a fluid attacking system. Their high press and quick transitions have troubled many teams this season.

Chelsea, under their new manager, have adopted a more compact defensive shape while relying on quick counterattacks and creative play from the midfield. 

The tactical battle between Arteta and his Chelsea counterpart will be fascinating, with both managers expected to adjust their approach based on the flow of the game.  

Injury concerns and squad depth 

Both teams have managed injuries throughout the season, but Arsenal’s squad depth has been a key strength. Gabriel Jesus and Oleksandr Zinchenko have recently returned to fitness, giving Arteta more options. Chelsea have also welcomed back key players, though concerns remain over the fitness of Reece James and Christopher Nkunku. Squad rotation and the ability to call upon game-changers from the bench could play a crucial role in deciding the outcome.  

Mental strength and pressure

Arsenal’s young squad showed signs of nerves in last season’s title race, ultimately falling short to Manchester City. This season, they appear more mature and composed, but the pressure of a title run-in is always intense.

Chelsea, despite being relative outsiders in the title race, have the experience of winning major trophies — a factor that could work in their favor in the closing stages of the season.  

What’s at stake

A win for Arsenal would keep them on course for their first league title in two decades, reinforcing Arteta’s project and marking a return to the top of English football. For Chelsea, a win would not only keep their title hopes alive but also serve as a statement of intent under their new leadership. A draw, meanwhile, would likely benefit Manchester City, who remain in striking distance of both teams.  

Conclusion

With so much on the line, the Arsenal vs. Chelsea clash promises to be a tense and thrilling encounter. Both teams have the quality to win, and the outcome could have far-reaching consequences for the Premier League title race. Fans can expect a high-intensity battle, with moments of brilliance and drama likely to define the contest.

Kick Off

2:00pm 

Predicted Arsenal XI to face Chelsea

Raya, Timber, Gabriel, Saliba, Lewis-Skelly, Odegaard, Partey, Rice, Nwaneri, Merino, Martinelli

Predicted Chelsea XI to face Arsenal

Jorgensen, James, Fofana, Colwill, Cucurella, Fernandez, Caicedo, Sancho, Palmer, Nkunku, Neto

Bet Predictions 

Over 1.5goals 

[TheNation]

Cardano (ADA) investors who invested in 2020 experienced lower than anticipated lucrative returns in the market. Some early supporters of Cardano now face frustration due to the project’s slow implementation of research-based development which represents major progress while delaying large market returns.

The newly formed token Remittix which sold close to 520 million tokens for $0.0734 has gained widespread attention for its speed to generate significant profits while experts predict an 18x growth within seven months of its launch.

Cardano’s Slow and Steady Path

Cardano attracted investors because of its methodical approach to major software updates which followed scientific discipline. The roadmap executes a slow yet efficient process which achieves excellent reliability alongside robust functionality yet frustrates those investors desiring rapid price increases.

The price appreciation of Cardano since its initial launch has not reached the peak expectations of 2020 investors. The expectations of institutional investors supporting ADA remain strong for the future yet proposed ETF listings encounter regulatory obstacles which decrease present-day market enthusiasm.

Research indicates that Cardano has built a secure network through its deliberate development process although its method slows down the price volatility that characterizes modern cryptocurrencies. ADA token investors from 2020 are probably unhappy because the token has grown only moderately while missing out on the dramatic price rallies characteristic of other crypto initiatives.

Remittix: An 18x Opportunity?

Remittix has emerged as a game-changer that breaks the long-term wait period for crucial catalysts which Cardano investors have been anticipating. The PayFi payment solutions platform helped Remittix establish a presale funding total of close to $13.9 million by selling nearly 520 million tokens at a price of $0.0734 each.

The crypto to standard money format currency exchange features of Remittix attract users because they eliminate complex obstacles that deter potential users from utilizing the platform. The seven-month period of successful partnerships and exchange listings will enable Remittix tokens to generate an 18x return on investment opportunity starting from their current price point according to advocates.

This bullish outlook hinges on Remittix’s practicality. The basic architecture of this altcoin creates opportunities through which merchants and freelancers together with cross-border deal users can connect with its features. Practical adoption of Remittix tokens extends to varied people in a brief time period because of this specific situation.

Market sentiment combined with limited use could decrease predicted growth projections even though the same token does not equate to success. Numerous investors expressed their commitment to Remittix through its successful pre-sale because it addresses fundamental financial requirements.

Comparing Both Options

Cardano maintains a stable development pace and grows a supportive community so it should gain enhanced long-term value through institutional deals. When investors must wait for returns from their investment funds this time delay creates frustration due to their need for immediate financial returns.

Quick adoption of Remittix depends on the successful implementation of regulatory frameworks and Point Of Sale integrations to take advantage of its direct payment system. Remittix demonstrates better pricing potential than ADA because it maintains different operating models where measured development contrasts with user-first speed.

Final Thoughts

Since 2020 Cardano’s price has shown moderate growth which has discouraged investors who joined early on. The execution of Remittix stands ready to realize fast price increases beyond its upcoming development targets. During these seven months a significant price rise has surfaced to show that practical cryptocurrency applications normally boost market enthusiasm.

Investors should consider the ongoing development with authentic community support to achieve success because these coins always carry significant investment risks. Investors must analyze how long they can wait for gains and how much risk they will take to decide whether instant growth from Remittix would be a better choice than waiting for Cardano’s future success.

[Punch]

Chinese internet search giant Baidu released a new artificial intelligence reasoning model Sunday and made its AI chatbot services free to consumers as ferocious competition grips the sector.

Technology companies in China have been scrambling to release improved AI platforms since start-up DeepSeek shocked its rivals with its open source and highly cost-efficient model in January.

In a post on WeChat, Baidu announced the launch of its latest X1 reasoning model — which the company claims performs similarly to DeepSeek’s but for lower cost — and a new foundation model, Ernie 4.5.

Baidu also made its AI chatbot Ernie Bot free for individual users more than two weeks ahead of schedule. Previously, users had to pay a subscription to access the company’s latest AI models via Ernie Bot.

Ernie 4.5 “outperforms” US-based OpenAI’s GPT-4.5 model in “multiple benchmarks”, while Ernie X1 features “enhanced capabilities in understanding, planning, reflection, and evolution”, Baidu said.

The Beijing-based company was one of China’s first to roll out a generative AI platform publicly, in 2023, but rival chatbots from companies such as TikTok owner ByteDance and Moonshot AI have since gained more users.

Baidu faces stiff competition in the consumer-facing AI sector where startup DeepSeek shook up the industry at home and abroad with a model that performed comparably to competitors such as US-made ChatGPT, but cost much less to develop.

Since then, Chinese companies and local government agencies have rushed to incorporate DeepSeek’s open-source model into their work, while other technology companies have been playing catch-up.

Baidu itself has integrated DeepSeek’s R1 reasoning model into its search engine.

In February, WeChat owner Tencent released a new AI model that it claimed answers queries faster than DeepSeek, even as it incorporated its rival’s technology into its messaging platform.

The same month, Alibaba, which has partnered with Apple to develop AI for the US company’s phones in China, said it would invest 380 billion yuan ($52 billion) in AI and cloud computing over the next three years.

Alibaba this month also released a new version of its AI assistant app powered by its open-source Qwen reasoning model.

Baidu has also announced plans to follow DeepSeek’s lead by making its Ernie AI models open-source from June 30.

[Vanguard News]

“Every generation must, out of relative obscurity, discover its mission, fulfill it, or betray it.” — Frantz Fanon

On February 26, 2010, Chude Jideonwo sent an email titled “Where is the outrage?” about the state of the nation to a few people. 

If the present government realises that it can do anything and get away with it, then we are doomed.

But how can we be doomed when we actually have the power to make our voices heard? At The Future Awards 2010, many young people heard clearly when the Keynote Speaker, Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, said, “In Nigeria, generation Y, 70% of our population of 105 million is under 30 years old.” We are in the majority. We have the power to actually make change happen. So what is our excuse? What will we tell our children – that we lay down and took whatever they hit us with?

No.

…………….

Listen guys, whatever industry we work in, no matter how much money we have, if Nigeria becomes a failed state, we will all suffer! We all have a stake in this! We will be unable to drive our flashy cars and have the great events and do fine dinners if we have no country!

This rally will be the first phase. Other things will come up later. But this one we have to do first. This is the one we need you for. This is one we have to make a statement with.

This is our country; our duty; our future.

I wasn’t one of the recipients, but the actions that followed that email would change the course of my life. Chude was 24 years old at the time and he couldn’t understand why young people were spending time on social media while Wole Soyinka, Femi Falana, and Tunde Bakare, under the banner of the “Save Nigeria Group (SNG),” were on the streets protesting a future that was less about them. President Yar’adua was MIA, there were killings in Jos, there was no electricity, and fuel scarcity had returned.

In 18 days, with heavy lifting from Adebola Williams, Chioma Chuka and a few others, the #EnoughIsEnough protest was organised to the national assembly in Abuja on March 16, 2010. The day was incidentally Chude’s 25th birthday. Omotola Jalade-Ekeinde, Waje, Dele Momodu, Stella Damasus, Audu Maikori, Omawumi, Charly Boy and Efe Omoregbe (2Face/2Baba’s Manager) were some of the pop culture icons that participated in the protest. I was invited to join the protests by my friend, Bisola Edun, and it sounded like good fun! Another protest followed in Lagos on April 13th. The #EnoughIsEnough protests in Abuja and Lagos led to the birth of Enough is Enough Nigeria, aka EiE Nigeria, aka EiE! I have now led EiE for fourteen years.

In October 2020, young Nigerians were frustrated with the Nigeria Police Force, especially the SARS Unit that harassed youth with tech gadgets and unconventional hairstyles, tagging them as fraudsters. An incident in Benin triggered the #EndSARS protests that would see a reincarnation of young Nigerians across all strata —  entrepreneurs, professionals, pop culture icons  — lend their voices, resources and time to express their frustration via street protests. The protests in Lagos, the epicentre were led by young Nigerians like Rinu Oduala, who was 22 years old at the time.

A prominent organising hub was the Feminist Coalition — young women in their twenties who mobilised and deployed financial resources to ensure the nationwide protests had legal support, food & water, and protection. The #EndSARS protests ended when the federal government opened fire and murdered innocent protesters. Some of the #EndSARS energy was repackaged to support a 3rd force — Peter Obi — in the 2023 presidential elections. The elections were unfortunately rigged when technology was jettisoned as legal guidelines were ignored.

It’s now March 2025, and the outrage is still there — expressed through content and conversations — but there’s a reduced appetite for street protests and governance-related matters.

Nevertheless, silence is not an option. During the #EndSARS protests, most young people were unaware of the #EnoughIsEnough protests, which had happened ten years before. The #EndSARS protests are still raw, but in another five, ten years, what will people remember? Maybe the increased use of technology and social media platforms would ensure the stories are not lost.

Beyond the stories of what young people did and the lives lost, how will young people respond to leadership that has no vision and consistently shows in words and actions that it is not interested in building a Nigeria that allows its citizens to maximise their potential and fulfill their dreams? It’s even more interesting because the current president knows civil society well. He has funded and participated in protests and opposition politics. And in a nation where even the “middle class” are struggling, from where will the resistance come?

Young people are finding ways to make things work despite the government, and we see it exemplified in the arts  — music, fashion, movies, and painting. But there are some things only the government can do at scale, education, healthcare, and infrastructure topping that list. Four states in the region with the poorest education outcomes have chosen to close down all primary and secondary schools for 5 weeks during Ramadan. Schools in Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) remain open. What exactly are we doing? Patients are dying at University College Hospital (UCH), Ibadan, because there is no electricity to power the hospital. UCH used to be Nigeria’s best hospital. Our institutions are another area that has been badly hit — the judiciary being a prime example. You don’t have to look further than the fiasco in Rivers and Kano states.

The list is endless, and the direct impact on our lives tells the story well. However, a government that receives no pushback and has no consequences to its “anyhow” behaviour will continue to behave “anyhow”. As in 2010 and 2020, the people who have the most to lose are Nigeria’s youth. In 15 years, EiE has tried to help citizens connect the dots and engage governance from their “Office of the Citizen” because public servants are servants of the public, the people. We have made some progress, but there’s still much more to do. From wards to local governments to states, young people must mobilise their numbers to understand that they still have the power to change Nigeria’s trajectory. Citizens who understand their power to elect and hold those in public office accountable can truly move mountains! No messiah is coming from anywhere, as current global affairs remind us.

How will you respond?

Evil is amplified when good people choose to be silent. I will not be silent. — Opeyemi

Opeyemi Adamolekun is the executive director of Enough is Enough (EiE) Nigeria (www.eie.ng), which she has led for fourteen years.

‘Love In Every Word’, a romantic movie produced by Omoni Oboli, premiered on YouTube on March 8.  

Over the past week, the film has sparked a lot of conversations across social media, so I decided to check it out for myself.

After watching, I’d say it’s a lighthearted, feel-good movie with plenty of cheesy moments. There was definitely room for improvement.

SYNOPSIS 

‘Love In Every Word’ follows the story of Chioma who navigates a new chapter after ending a relationship, faces pressure at work, and unexpectedly encounters a man who sparks a new possibility for love, all while attending a cousin’s introduction ceremony in Anambra.

STRONG POINTS OF THE FILM 

One of the film’s strongest points is how it tackles stereotypes, particularly the notion that Igbo men are inherently misogynistic or unwilling to marry independent, career-driven women. ‘Love In Every Word’ challenges this perception in a clear and refreshing way, offering a new perspective that feels both intentional and thought-provoking. Beyond that, the film also weaves in themes of love, friendship, and childhood trauma, self-awareness, adding depth to the story and leaving a lasting impression.

The performances in the film were quite impressive. This was my first time seeing BamBam in a movie, and I’d say she did a solid job portraying a woman torn between love and uncertainty. Uzor Arukwe, on the other hand, fully embodied his role as Odogwu, from his confident demeanour to his attire and accent. While his accent felt inconsistent at times, he still delivered a commendable performance. The chemistry between him and BamBam added to the film’s authenticity, especially in the way they looked at each other. The supporting cast also held their own, with standout performances from Iffy and Chioma’s mother, making the story feel even more believable.

THE WEAK POINTS OF THE FILM 

The biggest flaw in the film is its plot. To be fair, the storyline is relatable and unfolds straightforwardly—until the plot twist is introduced. While the reason for the character’s confusion is valid and understandable, its execution felt abrupt, almost like an afterthought. It would have been more organic and impactful if hints had been dropped earlier—maybe through a conversation with her friends, her mom, or even a flashback. Instead, it was suddenly thrown in, making it feel like the twist was inserted just to create last-minute drama rather than being an integral part of the story.

The cinematography is another flaw of the film. I get that it’s a YouTube movie with a limited budget, but the overall quality could have been better. In some wide shots, the subjects appeared blurry until the camera zoomed in, which was distracting. The lighting and colour grading also had inconsistencies. There was a particular scene with BamBam and Davies where the colour looked off—it had a dull, almost greyish tone that made it feel like a flashback when it wasn’t. A more refined visual approach would have elevated the viewing experience.

Some inconsistencies in the narration could have been avoided with more attention to detail. In the first scene where Chioma and Odogwu meet, he mentions her third name as “Gloria” which she doesn’t correct but, in later scenes, it suddenly changes to “Gift”. Also, the event she attended in Anambra wasn’t clearly defined. Was it an introduction or a traditional wedding? Both terms were used interchangeably, even though they don’t mean the same thing. These may seem like minor details, but they contribute to the overall storytelling and could have been handled better.

The movie also lacked character development. Aside from Odogwu being a wealthy man looking for a wife, there was little else known about him, not even what he does for a living. He remained a flat, one-dimensional character throughout. Most of the characters and the storyline felt linear, without much depth or growth. It seemed like the film was solely focused on delivering a feel-good love story.

FINAL VERDICT 

‘Love In Every Word’ gets a 6/10.

A lady identified as Ushie Rita has called out the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) for allegedly threatening her after complaining about Nigeria’s economic struggles.

In a TikTok post, Rita, who is also a corps member, expressed frustration over Nigeria’s rising cost of living.

She lamented that prices increase consistently, making it difficult for her to survive independently.

The corps member criticised President Bola Tinubu, calling him a “terrible president” and questioning what his administration is doing to address the economic crisis.

She also lamented the poor living conditions in Lagos and complained that the NYSC scheme is not “beneficial”.

“I genuinely feel overwhelmed. I feel like if a lot of Nigerians start speaking on what we’re going through, there might be changes,” she said.

“I just want to say to our president, I don’t know if there have been any president that is terrible but you are such a terrible president.

“I’m coming from the supermarket where I went to get foodstuffs and everything has gone up.

“Every single week, prices increase. I want to know if the government is doing something about the increment. Is the increment going to stop? I’m so overwhelmed because this is the first time I’m living independently.

“When I got home, my security officials gave me the NEPA bill, which has been doubled again. I can’t keep up with these bills, I’m overwhelmed and exhausted.

“Let’s not even add, Lagos stinks. You can’t even take a walk because the place smells. Being a corp member, there is nothing beneficial. The money I spend on transportation is more than the allowance the government pays.

“I wish we would start calling out the government heads on. Tinubu, you are a terrible president. What are you doing to help the economy.”

In another video, Rita shared a conversation with a woman she claimed to be an NYSC official, who demanded that she delete the post.

“Pull down that rubbish,” the woman said.

Rita claimed she was threatened by an NYSC official who accused her of insulting the government.

However, she argued that she only spoke about her struggles.

She urged the public to hold NYSC responsible if any harm befalls her.

Rita claimed the woman “threatened her for insulting the government” and she argued that she only spoke about what was “directly hurting her”.

She further urged people to hold NYSC responsible if any evil befalls her.

“Thirsty minutes ago, I received a call from the NYSC board and the woman was threatening me to take down the video,” she said.

“It is so bad that you can’t speak against the government because they feel like they have chains to hold you. NYSC board are already calling me to threaten me.

“The woman told me I was insulting the government which I never did. Why is the NYSC board calling to threaten me?

“Why is it okay that I can’t speak against something something that is directly hurting me? Why are they threatening me under 24 hours?

“…In case anything happens to me you know who to hold responsible.”

Rita shared screenshots from colleagues claiming the Lagos government is searching for her, adding that she is “terrified” for her life.

“Lagos State Government is looking for you. I know because my LGI just posted about it in our group chat. Careful dear. All the best,” one of the chat reads.

[TheCable]

My first encounter with the renowned poet and literary titan Professor Niyi Osundare was in 1996 through one of his masterful proses. I stumbled on an old copy of the famous Newswatch magazine — a 1987 edition — in my brother’s house in Lagos. Newswatch, as a magazine of both the elite and the hoi polloi, paraded the crème de la crème of Nigerian journalists led by the iconic late Dele Giwa in the days of yore.

As I was flipping through the magazine from the cover page to the last page where Prof. Osundare held a column, I felt like a I had found a goldmine! The prof wrote a moving, glowing tribute to the legendary Thomas Sankara, a pan-Africanist, revolutionary and iconoclastic military head of state of Burkina Faso who was assassinated by his friend, Blaise Compaoré in a military coup on October 15, 1987.

As an avowed lover of flowery words myself, I caught the bug of Osundare’s elegant use of words. And from that unforgettable encounter, I literally felt in love with his irresistible literary sophistication and his captivating writing prowess. From that day, the fire of my literary enthusiasm was further fueled. And I have not looked back. I eagerly look forward to consuming analytical and thought-provoking literary outputs which emanate from the literary icon.

Prof Osundare is not one to garnish the truth or call a spade any other name. He always tells the truth to power through his satirical, pungent poems which he fearlessly deploys effusively to hit the target like a dart. The Ekiti-born professor abhors mediocrity and like a revolutionary, he has used his pen to change our vast world to make it a better place. I once watched him on a TV show, saying in Ekiti dialect — ẹrun kàn i jẹ, kí ẹrun kàn a hò – meaning, it is an injustice for one person to be feeding and the other one to be starving. This underscores how concerned he is about the plight of the common man.

At 78, (two years shy of becoming an octogenerian), Prof. Osundare has never slowed down in his both literary and public engagement. I join your admirers to fete you as you celebrate your birthday. May your light continue to shine brilliantly and illuminate the dark recess of socio-political enclave. As a typical Ekiti intellectual, may your poetic pen always roar like a thunder!

Ọ̀rọ̀ọ́lẹ̀ Baba Òkè,
Oke rú yọ̀yọ̀,
Mi kí mi yà fọn’ná,
Oke ṣ’ọra d’uta,
Mọ yá ‘Lósunta,
Ọ̀run Ùkẹ́rẹ́,
Oke suan ṣ’orire,
Ọ̀ṣun Ukẹ́rẹ́, leèyí, r’aiye kete!

Happy birthday and many happy returns the literary icon!

Korede Abdullah is a lawyer, writer and public affairs analyst 

Adapted and excerpted from a Keynote Address at the 2025 Abia Think Tank Annual Lecture at the Lagos Country Club, Ikeja, on 1st March.

B

orn in a dictatorship and nurtured under a fledgling but untidy democracy, Abia state has had a tortuous encounter with statehood. Its citizens have hardly found cause or space to celebrate their sovereign rights let alone savour the entitlements that make citizens in a democracy  proud and confident.

On the contrary, Abia people have for over 24 years tumbled from one season of state capture to another. Democratic transitions have been for these people more of ritual migrations from one imperial rule to a feudal oligarchy, from one depressing season of exploitation to a more humiliating  fanfare of  deception in the name of governance. True, all manner of miscreants have come and gone, claiming electoral mandates that remain unverified. Extremely poor people  have been frightened off the bad roads by authorized hooligans blaring sirens with accompanying goons with horsewhips and assault rifles.

However, in the more recent period since after the 2023 governorship election, Abia has witnessed an unusually positive frequency of media mention than in the over two and half decades of its previous existence. On balance, good news from Abia  has far outweighed bad news.

We need  to put in context what the state witnessed for a whole two and half decades prior to 2023. In the period between 1999 and 2023, Abia state was an unusual political experience among the states of the federation. While it was guided and governed by the Nigerian constitution, Abia operated more like a feudal enclave and unregulated extractive colony with peculiar characteristics.

•It was synonymous with the name of whatever governor was in power as if it was a private estate

•Its most enlightened and illustrious citizens were consciously excluded from its governance  and mostly lived and earned their living outside the state. The state economy was so privatized that the commanding heights were controlled by the imperial governor, his family and cult of friends.

•Over the 24 year period under reference, the quantum of resources that accrued to the state from both the Federation Account and Internally Generated Revenue was not  matched in any way by the volume or tempo of development in the state.

•Even in the small area of the South East, Abia developed more negatively than all the other states in the region.

•  In the same period, an annual Google search of the economy of the state indicated that in each of those years, of the five richest people in Abia State on a year-on-year basis, three at the top of the list coincided with the most prominent political figures.

The inevitable conclusion therefore is that for whatever reason, Abia was essentially a feudal enclave for 24 years (1999 to 2023) and has only been struggling to free itself from feudal captivity since after the 2023 governorship election. Between 1999 and May 2023, the state does not qualify as a democratic sub sovereign part of the Nigerian federation. Politics and the democratic process were only deployed as instruments for state capture by different factions of the Abia political elite. Once captured, the state in each of these years was run more like either a private feudal enclave or an unregulated extractive colony.

As in a feudal dominion, Citizenship rights were in abeyance while citizen expectations of the good life were limited by the extent of the interests of the feudal oligarchy. The indices indicated a drastic deviation from the requirements of a democratic state. The rights of the citizens to fair treatment were grossly violated. The entitlement of the people to good government in terms of healthcare, education, security , infrastructure and emoluments could not be guaranteed.

The  governor was more of an emperor ruling above criticism and reproach. In 24 years, no Abia governor was taken to court by a citizen on account of rights infringement or acts of misgovernance. Like feudal emperors, our successive governors were more of imperial feudal overlords.

The machinery of state was ‘privatized’ as the separation of powers was observed mostly in default. The legislature ran the errands of the executive governor and seemed to have a duty to pass legislations ‘for’  the governor routinely. The legislations that rolled out of the State House of Assembly were more of feudal decrees and imperial edicts  than debated laws of a democratic assembly.

The judiciary had no independent voice as judges owed their appointments, promotions and general welfare to the benevolence of the imperial governor. Officials of the state judiciary were selected and hired on the basis of loyalty to the governor and the party cabal in power.

In  the public service, corrupt officials kept their jobs for as long as they knew on whose behalf they were eroding the state. Another way of putting this is to say that state officials were agents licensed to commit acts of criminal malfeasance on behalf of the presiding emperor governor.

Quit routinely, the imperial governor set up and empowered an assortment of task forces and mobile courts to collect sundry revenues and levies in the name of the state but account to no institution of public accountability. Public accountability was mistaken for creative accountancy.

From available records, between 1999 and 2007, the Governor’s Office issued and signed off on newspaper full page advertisements of the state’s financial statement compiled and “audited” by the same Governor’s Office. In other words, the governor authorized expenditure, spent the money,  ‘accounted’ for it, audited the expenses and informed the public accordingly that the audit had been certified!

Yet the same government had in its pay roll an Accountant General, an Auditor General and could easily have hired an external audit firm to look through its accounts. The regimes that followed were not so gracious. They rendered no accounts, had no public procurement routines that I am aware of nor bothered with the finer points of public accountability. They did what comes to thieves naturally: they kept silent on matters of financial accountability!

Rightly regarded, Abia in the years of feudal captivity could not be described as a feudal enclave, even one in desperate disrepair. It was not also an extractive colony. In a feudal estate, the manorial overlord cares about the state of the agricultural land, the welfare of the farm hands and the productivity of the feudal enterprise.  Similarly, in an extractive colony, the extracting authority may have the minerals and produce as his primary target. But he also realizes that the magnitude of his loot is a function of the state of the colony.

Under the colonial dispensation in Nigeria, for instance, it was in the best interest of the colonial enterprise to run an efficient railway system to evacuate the produce, maintain schools for the colonized to get educated, keep them healthy through health centres and generally maintain law and order through courts that dispensed justice according to colonial law.

In the Abia state in the years under feudal capture, the governments failed as both a badly run feudal enclave and as a dysfunctional extractive colony. The state failed as a government. It failed as an organized criminal cartel. It failed its people, failed itself as an organized syndicate of enlightened thieves (“there is honour even among thieves”, it failed the nation and failed the concept of democratic sovereignty.

Therefore, the  question  that Abia needed to answer with the outcome of the 20223 governorship election was simple: would the state correct course and return to the path of responsible democratic governance or continue  as a feudal enclave under the captivity of a political oligarchy.

The picture of the state on the eve of the governorship election in 2023 was sad and almost tragic. Abia was easily the most indebted state in the federation with a debt portfolio of over N189.9 billion. The then government that ratcheted up most of this debt inherited only a debt of about N35 billion from its predecessor.

On the eve of the election, Abia  was the state with the longest period of default in the payment of the salaries of staff in the public sector especially education and health. Doctors and teachers were owed anywhere between 24 to 30 months in salary arrears.  The state university ran consistently on upwards of an average of six months in arrears of salaries and allowances of staff. The state polytechnic at Aba was in default of salaries and allowances to the tune of over 30 months. The state polytechnic  had virtually lost its accreditation. Unpaid academic and administrative staff  supplemented their livelihood as Keke and Okada riders or petty traders in inconsequential merchandise.

Doctors in government health institutions went  without salaries almost indefinitely. The sick no longer bothered  to go to any of the state’s general hospitals or health centres knowing well that they were likely to come out feet first. Drug prescriptions are worthless since most pharmacies in state hospitals had a permanent sign on display: “OUT OF STOCK”.

The city of Aba was  in decay. Drainage was absent. Sewage system was unheard of. Aba was literally an inhabited refuse dump. Mounds of refuse greeted the eyes at nearly every inch of the city which had a permanent stench of something dead. Most roads in the town were in desperate disrepair. Some people had forgotten when some of these were roads as many had become deep gullies and waterways. Adjoining the many dilapidated roads were one or two uncompleted flyovers that the state government had been building and commissioning in bits for the better part of the last couple of years.

The sorry state of Abia state then was  inscribed boldly on the faces of most citizens. People were hungry, angry , poor, unkempt, aggressive and viciously frustrated. Hope and optimism were the most scarce commodities in Abia by May, 2023.

What the state needed urgently was not just a new occupant of whatever government house there was in Umuahia. What the state needed was a transformative leadership to rescue the state from feudal captivity and restore the social contract between the government and the people. The task was to make political power translate into the welfare of the people, and redefine the political space in terms of the real needs of real people .

Since the inception of the Otti administration, governance has been essentially about reestablishing trust, inspiring confidence and renewing hope in the state. 

From reports of public response to the efforts of the Otti government so far, people were initially a bit hesitant to embrace the modest achievements for fear that excitement could end up in a return of the betrayal of past decades. Two and half decades of serial betrayal and habitual disappointment have frightened people from something called government. Worse still, the long period of bad experienced has deepened the distrust to the degree that  when people began receiving their emoluments as and when due, they said it was “419” and did  not quite believe it. When street lights came back on in Aba, people were frightened for fear it might be a bad dream or ill omen.

Alongside the confidence rebuilding process, the government has proceeded with modest efforts to managing the state’s economy better and to address the scandalous infrastructure decay. From the reports since the last year and half, there is reasonable progress.

We have read the pleasant stories about the inauguration of the Aba power project by Geometrics Ltd leading to a commendable level of power supply, a plus for a place that depends on constant power to operate its small to medium manufacturing establishments.  Courageous urban renewal effort has proceeded with the clearing of refuse, reconstruction of some dilapidated roads.

In tandem, I understand that a series of micro credit and small business support programmes are being instituted to empower the people and reignite the latent entrepreneurial power of the state

I also understand that public sector workers like teachers and civil servants have begun receiving their emoluments regularly. So also have retirees and pensioners. The cries of anguish that used to emanate every month from relations in the villages  have subsided and been replaced by good wishes and prayers that the good days should persist.

However, there is an urgent need for caution. The social contract is not just about roads, bridges, drainages and street lights. It is about restoring the democratic essence of the sovereign state. Democracy was never defined as a system of landscape decoration.  While citizens in a truly democratic state expect efficient social services and infrastructure, they expect a sense of ownership of the state and the restoration of rights.

That reversal of direction and rescue from feudal oligarchy is the legacy that the political struggle ahead in the state is all about whether the feudal tradition will be allowed to return or not. The struggle ahead in Abia state is not just the retention of power by one clique or faction of the Abia political elite. It is not about which party retains the key of the uncompleted Government House in Umuahia.

The current administration will be missing the point if it limits its battle for political survival to the survival of the party in power. It is more. It is a protection of the fundamental rights of the people to own the government of their choice. It is the protection of the rights of people to receive regular salaries, to demand and get good healthcare, sensible education, reasonable infrastructure that works and the freedom to challenge the government if they feel that the  affairs of the state are not going well.

Let there be no mistake about it. The feudal state in Abia served certain interests. It was about growing and sustaining an unproductive  financial oligarchy in the name of politics. It was about continuing to grow a criminal tradition in government. That gang is still intent on returning to power. They will invoke all manner of crude methods and tools to return to power. Huge money, violence, blackmail, thuggery, judicial antagonism  weaponisation of sectionalism in order to upturn the new order.

The current opposition that is building up in the state is an attempt to recapture the state and re-entrench the feudal order. At the partisan level, it is a battle for familiar partisan supremacy through alignments and alliances for electoral prevalence. But the battle for power and supremacy in Abia in the years ahead is a battle for the hearts and minds of the people of Abia.

Beyond rescuing Abia state from feudal captivity, the state needs to claim a position of leadership  in the Nigerian federation. We have an unusual endowment as a people. Our entire populace is intrinsically entrepreneurial. We are an informal school of native capitalism. You do not need to teach  the Abia man, woman or child how to become a trader, a provider of goods and services and how to grow wealth.

The challenge of the moment is to harness the natural potential of Aba  into a regional trade and manufacturing potential. Abia needs to become a hub for made in Nigeria small to medium scale manufacturing. The position of the state on the north-south rail link and the intersections of federal highways from the South West to the Eastern heartland needs to become a logistical asset linking the state from the sea in Port Harcourt to the vast demand fields of the northern hinterland.

Above all, Education must remains the priority export of the state to the nation. But in today’s world, the emphasis must go beyond conventional classroom chalk and black board teaching and learning. Abia must aspire to lead the nation in the new digital learning. We must invest in manpower for tomorrow and leapfrog our education to prepare citizens for the new world of information technology and Artificial Intelligence.  One strategy is to embark on continuous teacher education through in- service training every vacation. Ultimately, the average Abia school teacher at every level must by law hold a minimum of a university first degree. Illiterates cannot train the work force of the future. Those from other states who want to teach in the Abia schools system in the future must meet a higher certification requirement if we must lead the nation towards the future.

The beckoning challenge of the new ABIA is to leap from the dark ancestry of superstitious origins to the brilliant light of new modern beginnings. There is no need to wait. Taiwan did not wait. Singapore did not wait. Malaysia did not wait. Nor did South Korea or even Dubai. Rwanda is not losing a second either.

Former governor of Kaduna State, Nasir El-Rufai caused a mild stir last week. Though the resignation of his membership of the All Progressives Congress (APC) and gravitation towards the Social Democratic Party (PDP) did not come as a shock, the ruckus that attended them has been instructive. Torrents of negative comments have been heaped up as reactions to his decamping. And they are expected. Brilliant politician, intelligent and renowned for his organizational ability, El-Rufai is one politician you would love to hate. Since 1999, he has been a factor, either for ill or good, in Nigerian politics. Many have glibly equated him with the proverbial species of rat Yoruba call the Eda. This rat is perceived, just like El-Rufai, to always be the central focus of mostly bad issues. Playing on the alliteration in this rat species’ name of “Eda” and cause, “da” as mutual causative factors, my people say the harbinger of every issue is always the Eda rat which often brings about the caused element (iyi). So, they say, the Eda is the rat that causes this (Eku t’o da’yi le ni je eda). With his eventual pitching of tent with the SDP and the resurgence of opposition activities in Nigeria in the last one week, what came to my mind is a philosophical concept called the beauty of nothing.

The “philosophy of nothing” is bothered about the nothingness in human existence. In articulating it, this philosophy tries to find out the role of nothingness in human existence, meaning, and the nature of reality. When you explore nothingness, you will be compelled to examine how “nothing” and “everything” intersect; how, from everything, you can get nothing and ultimately discovering that nothing is a fundamental aspect of something.

Asked why he left the APC for the SDP, El-Rufai blamed a system he alleged had gone to the sewers. He cited irreconcilable differences with the leadership of the APC and disappointment with the ruling party, as, in his words, in the last two years, APC had strayed from its progressive principles (as if the party ever had any). On what he would do in the SDP, he said, “I will focus on engaging with and persuading other opposition leaders and parties to join us and congregate under a unified democratic platform to challenge the APC in all elections and by-elections.”

With all the deluge of comments that have attended El-Rufai’s decamping into the SDP, the clear implication, as said by the party he is leaving and the government he has since been exposing its rump, is that the ex-Kaduna governor will be bringing nothing and is indeed an emissary of nothingness. The Nigerian presidency and the ruling APC had dismissed El-Rufai’s capability to galvanize opposition to unseat President Bola Tinubu in 2027. In their words, he is driven by what they called “an inordinate ambition that is destined to fail”. My immediate take is that, when the president began his political peregrination in 2022 or so, many of us said similar thing about his journey. Today, we are wrong and he is right, sitting comfortably in Aso Rock and picking his teeth like his predecessor. So, which of them is God enough to assume that El-Rufai’s political journey is a potential disaster?

Martin Heidegger, a renowned German philosopher with legendary contributions to the philosophy of existentialism, may want us to see the El-Rufai decamping from another prism; from the concept of nothingness and “nothing” being a fundamental aspect of being. Heidegger argued that “nothing” is the condition that allows for “being” to exist. There is however beauty of nothingness. It implies that even though nothingness brings about a state of emptiness or void, paradoxically, in it can be found immense potentials which may give a deeper appreciation of existence. In this regard, nothingness offers opportunity for creativity, peace among chaos, and renewed perspective into a logjam.

Let us now relate this philosophy of nothingness with our Nigerian reality. Other than the occasional flash-in-the-pan of individual critique and criticisms of the APC-led Nigerian government, no one can doubt the fact that Nigeria drifts towards a totalitarian state. Either real or imagined, there are facts which tend to support the allegation that the instability in the two leading opposition parties in Nigeria were cooked by the present government. According to Adeseye Ogunlewe in a television interview last week, Tinubu is the Master of Nigerian politics. Of a truth, only a fool would take his power of assembling and dissembling in politics with a pinch of salt. Being an old warhorse of Nigerian street politics, with octopodal tenterhooks to the nooks and crannies of the streets and institutions, causing institutional rifts in opposition political parties may just be a prologue in the handy playbook of the Master. While the PDP and Labour Party are engaged in a destructive angling for individual selves’ jugulars, with a Babelian voice that points at total irreconcilability, some hidden hands are said to have unhinged the screw of peace and amity in those political parties.

The above portends grave danger to Nigeria and her polity. Not minding whatever damage El-Rufai’s kind of politics might have done to political party politics in Nigeria in the past, we should look at his decamping from the above stated Heideggerian perspective. In the perceived nothingness of El-Rufai’s politics, Nigeria may benefit something in the opposition that El-Rufai’s SDP may bring to Nigerian politics. If you know the characters in today’s government and the APC very well, we might just enter the 2027 elections as a totalitarian state, with all the opposition parties mere scarecrows decorated by the APC government to pass off as opposition forces. As Heidegger argued, the El-Rufai “nothing” may just be the condition that will allow for our national “being” to exist.

While politicians may not agree with the above thesis as they benefit from the chaos of the polity, one thing it affords the people is a multiplicity of choice. In El-Rufai’s SDP, another choice is being handed over to Nigerians which must be adequately interrogated at every point.

My excitement at the potentials of SDP as a viable opposition suffered a momentary halt almost immediately that same last week. Adewole Adebayo, 2023 presidential candidate of the PDP had come on an interview session on a national television. I had heard of his trumped up brilliance from journalists who earlier interviewed him. At that interview session, gradually, Adebayo defrosted all those superlatives with which he was robed. By the time the interview session ended, in place of a huge turkey with huge feathers I expected to encounter, I was left with a species of hen Yoruba call “Adiye opipi”. This type of hen is known by a unique characteristic of featherless wings. Adebayo came across as this and much more. I saw a man who delights in a horse ride that takes place on the back of a cockroach. When you see such politicians, your mind races to a spent canister.