Incumbent President, Daniel Noboa, on Monday clutched onto a razor-thin lead in violence-hit Ecuador’s election, after a stronger-than-expected leftist challenger looked set to force a second-round run-off.

With more than 90 percent of the ballots counted, Noboa had 44.3 percent and rival Luisa Gonzalez 43.8 percent, official results showed.

Gonzalez, a 47-year-old lawyer and single mother of two, told elated supporters in Quito that they had achieved a “great victory” by forcing what she called a “statistical tie”.

“We have won,” she said. 

The telegenic lawmaker had trailed heavily in pre-election surveys.

Some exit polls had even predicted that Noboa would garner the 50 percent of votes needed to avoid a head-to-head contest in April.

But the election was seen by many as a referendum on the country’s stalled economy and on Noboa’s hardline security response in the face of record rates of murder, kidnapping and extortion.

In just a few years, cartels vying for control of Pacific ports and lucrative cocaine trading routes to Europe and Asia have transformed Ecuador from one of the safest countries in the world to one of the most dangerous.

During his 15 months in office Noboa has declared a state of emergency, deployed the army to the streets and gathered extraordinary executive powers to curb cartel violence.

He deployed heavily armed soldiers to polling stations across the country on election day, and the land borders with Colombia and Peru were closed.

Both Noboa and Gonzalez were shadowed at public events by a phalanx of special forces, hoping to avoid a repeat of the 2023 election, when a leading candidate was assassinated.

“We’re only human. Of course, you feel afraid,” candidate Gonzalez told AFP from her childhood home on the eve of the vote.

But this time round the only election-related incidents were about 20 people cited for breaking a strict three-day alcohol ban.

More than ten million votes have been counted so far, but it could be some hours before the full tally is known.

Still, Noboa’s supporters were in a jubilant mood, lighting fireworks in Quito and Guayaquil, the country’s two largest cities.

“We came to support the president, we want him to support us and change the country,” said 52-year-old secretary Myriam Medrano on the streets of the capital.

Gonzalez’s political mentor — polarizing exiled ex-president Rafael Correa — was also bullish about the prospects of victory.

“We are going to PASS Noboa,” he said in a social media post.

‘A bigger challenge’

At 37, Noboa is one of the world’s youngest leaders.

He has bet his political fortunes on a slick social media campaign that underscores his youth and vigour and a hardline approach to tackling crime.

On the eve of the vote, he posted a video of himself in a crisp white T-shirt and sneakers, strumming an acoustic guitar and crooning along in English — a striking contrast to his “mano dura,” or iron fist, security policies.

Human rights groups believe the aggressive use of the armed forces has led to abuses, including the murder of four boys whose charred bodies were recently found near an army base.

“Ecuador is in a very difficult moment, I think in the worst crisis since we returned to democracy,” said Leonardo Laso, a political analyst, referring to a period of deep crisis almost half a century ago.

‘Dark outlook’

The unrest has scared away tourists and investors alike, hitting an economy that likely entered a recession last year.

Noboa has been forced to turn to the International Monetary Fund to build a $4 billion fiscal war chest.

Easing fears that she may scrap that deal if elected, Gonzalez on Saturday told AFP that the IMF was “welcome” to help, so long as it does not insist on policies that hit working families.

Ecuador is also girding for the return of thousands of migrants who are expected to be deported by the administration of US President Donald Trump — meaning a drop in remittances, which total about $6 billion a year.

Gonzalez told AFP she wanted “appropriate” relations with Trump, while claiming Ecuador under Noboa “did not defend its citizens” against US mistreatment.

“I will always demand respect for our citizens. They cannot deport our brothers as if they were criminals, with chains on their legs and arms,” she said.

AFP

Portable is the stage name of Street-Hop rapper, Habeb Okikiola Badmus.   He is crass   in appearance and, ill-mannered    with apparent gaps in thought. Exhibiting outlandish behaviour, he divides his hair into parts each with a loud colour that gives the appearance of a cockerel head.

The tattooed Portable who styles himself as the leader of the Zen Movement, is known for street fights, encounters with the police and    failure to pay debts. Uncouth, full of antics and disrespectful to    people, especially women,    Portable’s philosophy    revolves around money.

When I reflected on the   disposition of    various   politicians in the country to either exhibit uncritical   loyalty to President Bola Tinubu or build an anti-Tinubu coalition   to    defeat him in the 2027 elections, I concluded that they are engaged   in the dog- eat- dog politics of Portable. Giving no regard either for the Nigerian people nor their future, many of our politicians either feel comfortable in the the Tinubu pool where they are being fed, or behave like orphans. For the latter group, their profession is politics and they live off government. Once out of power, they become quite    desperate and would do whatever is necessary to get back to power and continue their parasitic existence.  

The two wings of the political gladiators have the same programmes. They both agree and, are committed to fuel subsidy removal which has crippled the economy and imposed hyper-inflation on the country to the extent that there are Nigerians fighting to share    food from the dustbin. On the issue of fuel subsidy, the basic difference between the two groups of politicians is in   the style     of implementation not in the policy itself. Similarly, they are adherents of the uncritical economics of Naira devaluation that has witnessed    its    water boarding since the pretentious and unfeeling Buhari administration.  

They are also united in the continued imposition   of   unproductive and unprofessional   electricity generation and distribution companies on the country. When the fraudulent ‘privatisation’ of the electricity sector was carried out in September 2013, there was a clause that this   can be reviewed after five years. This is a dozen years later, no review nor reversal of that programme has been carried out. No major politician has campaigned for such review  not to talk about sanctions. Neither those in power nor their allies who are   temporarily out of power has insisted that government utilizes its 40 per cent shares in the privatised electricity companies to reform the sector. None has carried out    sustained protests against the frequent and  continuous   electricity tariff increases. How can the mainstream politicians, whether in or out of government, claim they care for the people, when they do not even raise a voice for them?

If they claim their silence and complicity is because they believe in so-called  market forces, they should tell us where    such    forces sanction fraud and unproductivity. The United States, US, is the biggest, strongest and most imperial capitalist country in the world. Yet, it occasionally   reverses itself when the existence of the country is at stake. For instance, California privatised its electricity sector. But when it started turning out like the Nigerian experience, it revoked the sale and took back the electricity sector.  Even in the face of the US running an America First policy which places the country’s interests above everything else, including   the imaginary market forces, the Nigerian government and mainstream politicians remain committed to    them. They remain faithful servants of the American and European international institutions like the International    Bank for Reconstruction and    Development, alias World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, IMF, and the contraption called World Trade Organisation, WTO.

  Is it that   the Nigerian   Government and opposition   politicians are   ignorant of the fact that the Uruguay Round of Talks, which was rechristened WTO, is a mere instrument    to subvert open and equal trade amongst all nations as promoted by the United Nations? Do they claim not to know that the world body for free and equitable trade is the United Nations   Conference on Trade and Development, UNCTAD? Perhaps, the main challenge we face is that after decades of being subjected to mass illiteracy, uncritical education, religious, ethnic and regional manipulations, Nigerians see themselves      as helpless. They have come to accept their state and, when pushed to the wall, rather than fight back, they allow themselves to be pushed through    the wall.  We have allowed ourselves to be so   intimidated as to accept that criticism of officials or, even private citizens, amounts to cyber stalking which leads to prison.  

On further reflection, perhaps our nationalists who fought for independence were too focused on the politics of getting the enslaving colonialists out of the country than examining the essence of the political independence they secured.  So, the populace got an independence    flag, a national anthem,   and a neo-colonial    political class without a deep thought for real power. Hence,    the country has degenerated from a productive, and import- substitution economy   to a wholly consumer nation with a parasitic political leadership.  Gone are most of the factories. The old   warehouses have become religious centres and we are no longer our neighbour’s keeper. Criminality festers as does insecurity. Even Generals with armed guards and, politicians led by columns of armed policemen, are no longer safe.  

Corruption has become so endemic that when $52.8 million looted funds were returned by    the United States, the ownership could not be identified, at least publicly.    A vast estate    in Abuja    measuring 150,500 square    metres containing 753 units of duplexes and other apartments    was forfeited to the Federal Government    with the identity of the    owner(s) concealed.    On February 5, 2025 the Chairman of the    Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission, Musa Aliyu,    revealed that government    made full payment five times for an hospital that was never built. Not surprisingly,  the identities    of the criminals remain concealed.

As citizens, we cannot even make constitutional demands  such as getting whosoever or whichever group in power to meet the basic constitutional requirements of guaranteeing the welfare and security of the citizenry.   As a people, we have failed to make the Fundamental Objectives    and Directive Principles    of State Policy as enshrined in the second chapter of      our Constitution  justiciable.

As Nigerians, we should not just fold our hands and wait for whoever is elected in 2027. If we do, it will be illogical to expect a change in our circumstances or a better country for our children.  

The least we should do is agree on broad demands, or a Charter of Demands   which all politicians, irrespective of colouration, must accept and implement.   After all,   the Constitution states clearly that sovereignty belongs to the Nigerian people from whom all power flows. We must not allow the  lumpen  politics of Portable to persist.

Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar is currently in a closed-door meeting with his former boss, former President Olusegun Obasanjo in Abeokuta, the Ogun State capital.

Atiku, who arrived Obasanjo’s residence, located on the premises of the Olusegun Obasanjo Presidential Library (OOPL) at exactly 12: 37p.m., was accompanied by the former governors of Sokoto and Cross Rivers State, Senator Aminu Tambuwa and Senator Liyel Imoke among other eminent political stalwarts from the northern region.

Upon arrival, Atiku alongside members of his entourage were received at the Obasanjo’s residence by the elder statesman, Oyewole Fasawe, before they all went straight into a private meeting with Obasanjo who had been waiting for his visitors.

Details of the visit could not be ascertained at the time of filing this report.

Details later……

[Vanguard]

The recent abduction and subsequent murder of Hon. Justice Azuka, a member of the Anambra State House of Assembly representing Onitsha North Constituency I, has cast a somber shadow over Anambra State. Azuka was kidnapped at gunpoint on December 24, 2024, along Ugwunaobankpa Road in Onitsha. After several agonizing weeks for his family and friends, his decomposing body was discovered near the Second Niger Bridge on February 6, 2025. It is the second of such gruesome killings involving members of the State’s House of Assembly, as Hon. Okechukwu Okoye from Aguata constituency was murdered under similar circumstances in 2022.

Those heinous acts are not isolated incidents in Anambra State which has in recent time gained a disturbing notoriety as the South East’s bastion of crime and criminality.

Once celebrated for its rich cultural heritage and economic vitality, Anambra State now grapples with a pervasive sense of violence, marked by kidnappings, assassinations, and general lawlessness. Like in the earlier days of Boko Haram in Nigeria’s North East, a large swath of the state, especially around Ihiala local government area, has been under the control of criminals and residents of communities like Okija, Azia, Lilu and and many others in the area were so terrorised that they relocated outside their homelands. Several months thereafter, most of them have still not returned.

It is in this light that the state government’s decision to launch an initiative to arrest the ugly trend, must be appreciated.

Governor Chukwuma Soludo, who has faced widespread blame for his seemingly ineffective handling of the situation since his assumption of office, last month came up with a detailed response. The government enacted the Anambra Homeland Security Law 2025 and introduced “Operation Udo Ga-Achi”, an initiative that aims to enhance community involvement in security and social re-engineering. As a specialized intervention force designed to complement regular policing efforts, its objectives include improving intelligence gathering, incentivizing whistleblowers, facilitating rapid response in order to swiftly eliminate criminal elements across the State. 

Soludo

The government’s elaborate plan includes operating a  command-and-control center that would integrate voice, video, and data for security management, and deployment of AI-powered surveillance cameras to cover communities throughout the state. It is also equipping the security personnel with advanced tools such as a state-of-the-art tracking system and walkie-talkies for real-time communication.

While many people in the state believe “Operation Udo Ga-Achi” signifies a robust commitment by the state government to restore peace and security and to foster a safer environment for residents and businesses, Prof. Obiora Okonkwo, a gubernatorial aspirant under the All Progressives Congress (APC) in Anambra State, has been vocal in his criticism of the initiative. In several statements credited to him, the business mogul and chairman of United Nigeria Airlines dismisses the governor’s efforts off-handedly, and insists that the new outfit was a mere political platform. In a recent interview with the Daily Sun, he describes the development thus: “It is obvious that what he has set up is not a security outfit but a political platform with full security apparatus…Soludo has simply unveiled an army of intimidation and occupation to run everyone out of town for his re-election”.

It is difficult to believe than an aspirant to the state’s highest office could be so insensitive as to reduce the issue of the people’s security to mere partisan politics, or to consider his political interest above the security of the cirizenry. It is in the light of this baseless criticism that the scathing remark must be condemned. Does the billionaire businessman appreciate the enormity of the state of insecurity in his state and has he evaluated its impact on the social, political and cultural life of the people? Every discerning mind, especially those not blinded by selfish political interests, knows that these criminal activities have so disrupted the state’s social fabric, deterred investment, and discouraged visitors. 

In recent times, many Anambra indigenes have been compelled to relocate significant ceremonies, such as marriages and burial ceremonies, to safer locations outside the state or even farther regions, seeking environments where guests can gather without apprehension. Traditional festivals, community gatherings, and other cultural events that once thrived have seen diminished participation or outright cancellations due to safety concerns. Not only do these acts dilute traditional practices, it has had profound cultural implications too numerous to mention. When one factors in the impact on the state’s economy and how businesses are forced to close or relocate due to threats and attacks, leading to job losses and decreased economic activities, the picture will look even more frightful. 

Okonkwo

The good news is that the positive impact of “Operation Udo Ga-Achi” is already being felt. In its first few weeks of operation, reports of criminals and their enablers being apprehended, and kidnappers’ hideouts being demolished, give a positive indication. Granted that it has faced its early challenges, examples being cases where innocent people were picked up but later released, a preponderance of public opinion in the state is optimistic that the free reign of criminals in the state is gradually coming to an end.

The state governments pledge to reward, on monthly basis, any Local Government Area that remains free of violent crimes with N10 million and ₦5 million for individuals or whistleblowers who provide information leading to the arrest of kidnappers and other criminals, has acted as a good incentive.

The fact that the ‘Soludo Solution’ will involve over 2,000 personnel drawn from the Nigerian Army, Police, Navy, and other security agencies, defeats Prof. Okonkwo’s argument that it will be comprised of elements that will be used to hunt down political opponents to the governor’s advantage. Needless to say, Okonkwo’s criticism is politically motivated, given his declared ambition to contest the governorship election against Soludo, but this attack on the state’s security policy is, to say the least, tactless, senseless and wrong-headed. It does his campaign no credit, neither does it bolster his political standing in any way. Rather, it projects him as someone who wants to feed fat, politically, on the miseries of the people.

In the fight against crime in Anambra state, there should be no place for self-serving comments from narrow-minded politicians. He should spare a thought for the scores of innocent people routinely kidnapped for ransom or gruesomely killed these past years. He should consider the dozens of dead bodies randomly dumped by the roadsides or in the rivers by ritualistic who are after ego mbute. He should think of the damage done to society when innocent citizens go missing only for their mutilated bodies to be discovered after their organs have been harvested. Any effort to reduce the carnage as well as the growing army of lawless people who have turned Anambra into a state of anarchy should receive support from well-meaning indigenes of the state. It is uncharitable for Okonkwo, or anyone else, to reduce such an issue that involves lives and the livelihood of the people to unnecessary political brinkmanship.

Sheddy Ozoene is Editor-In-Chief of People&Politics,

In an era where entertainment serves as both an escape and a mirror to society, there are few who have mastered the art of storytelling and comedy as brilliantly as Nkem Owoh. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, in his recent birthday tribute to the Nollywood icon, recognized this profound impact, acknowledging the immense joy Owoh has brought to millions. As the veteran actor celebrates his 70th birthday, it is worth reflecting on his extraordinary career, the laughter he has inspired, and the legacy he continues to build.

Without a doubt, Nkem Owoh’s career is steeped in excellence. This is as Nkem Owoh, fondly known as “Osuofia,” has spent decades enchanting audiences with his exceptional talent. His ability to blend humor with social commentary makes him not just a comedian but a master storyteller who captures the essence of Nigerian society. From the early days of Nollywood’s evolution to its global expansion, Owoh has remained a central figure, influencing both his peers and younger generations of actors.

Born in 1958 in Enugu State, Nkem Owoh’s journey into the world of acting was not accidental. With a background in engineering, he found his true calling in performing arts, making his mark in television dramas before transitioning to Nollywood. His breakthrough came with roles in classic movies that defined the industry’s golden era. Titles like Ukwa, Stronger Than Pain, and, most notably, Osuofia in London, cemented his status as one of Nigeria’s most beloved actors.

While many actors have graced Nollywood, few have captured the imagination of audiences like Nkem Owoh in Osuofia in London. This 2003 blockbuster was a landmark moment for Nollywood, introducing Nigerian cinema to a global audience. The film, which follows the adventures of a naive yet cunning village man navigating the complexities of Western society, was not only a commercial success but also a cultural touchstone. Owoh’s performance was both hilarious and insightful, highlighting the contrast between traditional African values and Western modernity.

Beyond Osuofia in London, Nkem Owoh’s filmography is filled with roles that showcase his versatility. Whether playing the comedic trickster, the wise elder, or the unsuspecting victim of his own mischief, his ability to embody different characters with authenticity makes him an exceptional talent. His performances are not just about making people laugh; they offer critical reflections on societal issues such as corruption, greed, and the struggles of the common man.

Given the undeniable fact that laughter is a unifying force, President Tinubu’s recognition of Owoh’s contributions highlights a fundamental truth: laughter is a powerful force that unites people. In a country often burdened by economic challenges, political uncertainty, and social unrest, humor serves as a much-needed relief. Nkem Owoh has provided that relief consistently, using his craft to bring Nigerians together across tribal, religious, and generational divides.

Comedy, when done right, is more than just entertainment; it is a commentary on life. Owoh’s unique brand of humor reflects everyday struggles, triumphs, and absurdities in ways that are relatable and memorable. His characters often embody the hopes, fears, and aspirations of ordinary Nigerians, making his work deeply resonant. Whether it is through his witty dialogue, exaggerated facial expressions, or impeccable comic timing, he has a way of turning even the most mundane scenarios into moments of brilliance.

In fact it is not a doubt that Nkem Owoh’s exploit in the Nollywood industry is a legacy that transcends generations. 

Without a doubt, the longevity of Nkem Owoh’s career is a testament to his talent and adaptability. Unlike many of his contemporaries who faded into obscurity, Owoh has remained relevant across different eras of Nollywood. His ability to reinvent himself while staying true to his comedic roots has allowed him to connect with both old and new audiences.

Moreover, his influence extends beyond film. As a musician, his song “I Go Chop Your Dollar” became an anthem, albeit a controversial one, highlighting the realities of fraud culture in a way that was both humorous and thought-provoking. Even though the song faced bans due to its sensitive subject matter, it showcased Owoh’s fearless approach to storytelling.

President Tinubu’s tribute serves as an important reminder of the role entertainers play in shaping national identity. While politicians craft policies and entrepreneurs build businesses, artists like Nkem Owoh shape culture and national consciousness. His ability to make people laugh in the face of adversity is a gift that deserves to be celebrated.

As he turns 70, it is only fitting that the nation honors him not just with words but with tangible recognition. The government, cultural institutions, and the Nollywood industry should ensure that his contributions are immortalized. From film festivals in his name to national honors, Nkem Owoh deserves to be remembered as one of Nigeria’s greatest cultural ambassadors.

Mr. President is right, Nkem Owoh has given Nigerians immense joy. Through his unparalleled acting skills, infectious humor, and deep understanding of society, he has created moments that will live on in the hearts of millions. As we celebrate his 70th birthday, we also celebrate a legacy of laughter, storytelling, and cultural preservation.

Nkem Owoh is more than just an actor or comedian; he is a symbol of resilience, creativity, and the enduring power of humor. As he continues to inspire new generations, one thing is certain, Osuofia will always be a name that brings smiles to Nigerian faces.

In her biography of Ayo Rosiji, one of the key politicians of Nigeria’s first republic, entitled Man With Vision, Australia-born historian, Nina Mba, citing a Holmes, called biographers “People who knead people.” In other words, biographers knead their subjects from raw flour into edible form. You then wonder what the late lecturer in the History department of the University of Lagos would have called autobiographers. Self-conjurers, perhaps. For, in the process of piecing together bits about themselves, those who write their life histories have been accused of selfishly adding together a mish-mash of two unrelated traditional soup recipes, (lúrú and sápá) falsifying realities and mis-painting the picture of truth. Last week, sidekick of the Nigerian president and former Chairman of the All Progressives Party, (APC) Chief Bisi Akande, chose to conjure the spirit of a dead dog. In a podcast interview with popular broadcaster, Edmund Obilo, which centered around his autobiography, My Paticipations, the 86-year old came under heavy shellacking on allegations of historical revisionism. The specifics were that he kneaded a wrong dough of history and made a wrong portrayal of himself. In that interview, Akande coasted home with a self portraiture as a man who sat by the edge of a smelly sewage but chose not to smell the rank odour of rot.

By the way, I passed Akande’s country-home, Ila-Orangun, Osun State, by about a week ago. I was on my way to the burial of the mother of Oba Adedokun Omoniyi Abolarin, the Orangun of Oke-Ila. You cannot fail to notice Akande’s house. Its arrogance and domineering spirit in the midst of abject poverty are worn on the mansion’s lapel. Architectured to sit imperially among natives’ poor houses, the mansion fittingly tells the story of a countryside-born boy made good. Don’t bother yourself with the architectural gaffe of such a mansion being surrounded with lock-up shops. It still doesn’t diminish the majesty you see in Akande’s home. Its outward finishing struck me as a repeat of same architecture of his house in Oluyole, Ibadan. Both bear similarities with the State Secretariat’s roofing and burnt brick finishing at Abere which I also saw. His government constructed the secretariat. So, when, in the Obilo interview, Akande kept referencing his retirement to his Ila country-home, planting pepper at his backyard and deliberately choosing not to live the posh life of a president’s consort in Abuja, do not be fooled to believe that the old man lives in less splendour.

Chief Bola Ige

Sorry, I digressed. Akande made two weighty assertions in his controversy-baiting interview. One is that the presidency under Olusegun Obasanjo allegedly killed Chief Bola Ige. The second was that the pan-Yoruba sociocultural group, Afenifere died with the assassination of the Attorney General of the Federation. As the Yoruba say of words in convoluted circumstances as this, they need to be surgically placed in their contexts (élá l’ọrọ ). In doing this, let me begin from Akande’s assertion on Afenifere’s purported death. There is no denying the fact that Chief Ige was the darling of Southwest Nigeria. At his death, the Yoruba lost its most valuable political leader who was famously referred to as Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s heir apparent. At campaign grounds, the evocative song sang to usher Ige into such arena was “Ige has arrived! Ige has arrived! Awolowo’s heir apparent has arrived!” (Ìgè dé, Ìgè dé o, Aróle Awolowo, Ìgè dé o!).

Ige was proud of his Yoruba heritage. He wasn’t one who prostrated on all fours to a cow for the sake of eating its protein. He never suffered fools gladly and belonged to the school of thought which says that every impulse a man strives to strangle broods in his mind and poisons him. So, he spoke his mind without caring whose ox was gored. A lawyer friend once told me of how Ige beckoned onto him and his friend at a public event and, in his usual lacerating words, tongue-lashed them for putting on other tribe’s cap, rather than the Yoruba’s. Though he spoke Hausa very fluently, having schooled in Kaduna, Ige took great pleasure in his mother tongue.

The truth however remains that the January 1999 D’Rovans hotel presidential primary election of the Alliance for Democracy (AD) which took place in Ibadan marked the beginning of the cracks in the wall of the AD and Afenifere. It has been alleged that Ige sponsored the creation of alternate sociocultural groups to get back at the so-called “Ijebu Mafia” who allegedly worked against his presidential aspiration. To that extent, Akande may be right that Ige saw the fractionalization of the original Afenifere. To however say that Afenifere died with Ige will be excessive hyperbole.

Again, after the death of Ige, there doesn’t seem to exist again, apart from the two factions of the sociocultural group – either Chief Reuben Fasoranti or Ayo Adebanjo’s – who deifies or factors in Yoruba’s recent ancestor, Chief Awolowo, in all they do as the two groups. I am sure the man Chief Akande is his sidekick, Tinubu, in his closet or among his coterie of Yoruba hangers-on, gloats, like Obasanjo did in his autobiography, that the presidency which Awolowo couldn’t  attain in his lifetime, was handed him on a platter. Since Tinubu became president, unless I missed it, I am yet to hear him pay tribute to Awolowo’s fabled sagacity in governance. I do not know if Bisi Akande, who is now mouthing Afenifere’s Catholicism, more than the Pope, has ever spoken to the president about this historical memory loss. It was good Obilo asked Akande if the Fasoranti who Tinubu visited in Akure as president wasn’t head of the same Afenifere he claimed was dead or if the members of the group Tinubu hosted in Aso Rock belonged to Ohanaeze Ndigbo. Such selective memory is said to be Akande’s stock-in-trade. When he engages in this kind of revisionism, his opponents remind us of his self-confession he made that he was never an Awoist until Chief SM Afolabi invited him to be a member of Awo’s Committee of Friends.

On the assassination of Ige in 2001, there is also no doubting the fact that the failure of the federal government to find the killers of this highly respected Nigerian is a blot on the Obasanjo government. On the list of assassins who possessed the raison d’être to kill Ige, the fact that the presidency ranks top is an unassailable fact. If you knew the awe with which Ige was held in Yorubaland, his resignation from the Obasanjo government would indeed have dented the Ota farmer’s second term presidential bid. However, with Ige’s obsession for his Yorubaness and the disdain and awe with which the north held an obsessive Yoruba in power at that time, Ige’s presidential aspiration could not have stopped Obasanjo’s second term bid. After all, even when the southwest refused to vote for him in the first term, Obasanjo still became president. If Akande was desirous of Ige’s killers being apprehended, why didn’t he factor in more theories on the assassination? For instance, could some persons, who nursed ambition to be Nigeria’s president someday, have stopped him, knowing that an Ige presidency in 2003 could put paid to their ambition? Yes, the theory of armed robbery has been eliminated due to the clinical planning of the assassination, but, is there any possibility that we cast our nets too narrowly?

It is of great importance for us to drill down further into Bisi Akande’s claim that the government headed by Senator Rashidi Ladoja, as Oyo State governor, demanded and got a nolle prosequi in the trial of alleged Ige murderers. Was it a deliberate attempt to play politics, attempt to even political score or share political banditry? Not only did Ladoja denounce this claim with facts, he went ahead to accuse Akande of a penchant for lying while threatening to drag Akande to court for defamation.

It should also be said that while Akande was enamoured of unraveling the killers of his mentor, Chief Ige, under his leadership and direction as governor of Osun State, his ‘boys’ supervised the impeachment of his deputy governor, Iyiola Omisore, allegedly so that the Ile-Ife-born politician could lose his immunity and be ready to face trial for the same murder. If I were Akande’s interviewer, I would have raised further question for his answer on what his government did to unravel the assassination, a few days before Ige’s murder, of an Osun State legislator, Odunayo Olagbaju. So, what moral right does he have to ask Obasanjo to find Ige’s killers when his own government equally looked the other way when Olagbaju was felled? In the interview, Akande made many other assertions on Ige’s death which should make the police ask him, instead of Ladoja, to come forward for interrogation so that the spirit of Bola Ige could get justice finally. He appeared to know more than he was telling the world, even by his own admission.

Let me go to another issue of importance in the Akande interview. Of recent, the power apparatchik that surrounds the Nigerian president must have discovered that the narrative that all his life, Bola Tinubu had wanted to become president, was flawed. At a meeting with some political operatives immediately after attending a Chatham House engagement in December, 2022, Tinubu was seen on video telling them that “Political power is not going to be served in a restaurant. They don’t serve it a la carte. At all cost, fight for it, grab it and run with it”. The vehemence with which then presidential aspirant Tinubu told these operatives of the cold-bloodedness of power had same cadence and grits with the vehemence with which a leopard pursues an impala. Tinubu sliced the words with his teeth with same clinical finish and precision with which the leopard slices the impala’s throat. So, when, a few weeks ago, some misguided fellows, without the president’s consent, impeached Mudashiru Obasa, erstwhile Lagos House Speaker who the Lagos Landlord installed by himself, they courted the wrath of a man who though shoulders the behemoth hunk of flesh of an elephant, is yet interested in the flesh of a grasshopper. Since 1999, Tinubu has held Lagos as a fief, his incisors tightened round the neck of the politics and economy of the state.

No political juggernaut in the Tinubu political clan had enough cognate sidekick ‘followership’ around the president to dissolve the above narrative in the minds of the world like Bisi Akande. Since they both left office as governors of Osun and Lagos in 2007, Akande has maintained his political ‘follow-follow’ role around Tinubu. He was the most qualified for the task. So, in the Obilo interview, Akande attempted to push a counter-narrative. Tinubu didn’t want to be president, he emphasized. There was a bedlam in the Tinubu camp when he told all the scroungers around him that he would not be contesting for the presidency, Akande said further. Pius Akinyelure attempted to convince him, yet he would not bulge. Akande then had to be enlisted to do the convincing. He then told Tinubu that his being Nigeria’s president was a clarion call which he must yield to. In other words, Tinubu was persuaded against his earlier wish to be Nigeria’s president.

But, as James Hadley Chase volunteered in one of his classics, a liar must have a very good memory. The interviewer then momentarily badged in. But, that same Tinubu told Nigerians it was his lifelong ambition to be Nigeria’s president? Obilo asked. In fact, at the famous but controversial Abeokuta campaign in June 2022 where it was believed he dared Muhammadu Buhari to do his worse, Tinubu actually told the world that he, the godfather, had come to take over a throne that rightly belonged to him. With that Emilokan pronouncement, Tinubu literally said he was tired of playing the second fiddle. When the interviewer confronted Akande with Tinubu’s claim of entitlement to the presidency, the Tinubu sidekick went into an incoherent waffle. With that Abeokuta speech whose summary was akin to “my feet are tired,” many of Tinubu’s followers have compared his audacity and self-entitlement mentality to the seat of Nigeria’s president to that of African-American rights activist, Rosa Parks, who refused to give up her seat on the American Montgomery City Lines on December 1, 1955.

As it is with politicians who play the ostrich with verifiable facts, in the interview, Akande also attempted to muffle the facts of Buhari’s opposition to Tinubu’s presidency. In the Abeokuta declaration, it was obvious that the “they” Tinubu knocked for putting barriers before his ambition were Buhari, Godwin Emefiele and their accomplices. So, why was Akande attempting to potato a glaring fact that is negative to his party, the APC?

The final issue of concern in the Akande interview is his claim that only lazy Nigerians are hungry. While the interviewer squared up with him admirably over this claim, Akande’s fabled gambit of playing the ostrich sprang up here. He couldn’t see hunger in the land, he claimed. To be fair to the ex-APC chairman, he may not see hunger if his impoverished kinsmen in Ila-Orangun have found him too insulated from their existential plights, so much that going to him for help is a waste. None of his children, it is obvious, with his role as consort of the Villa, would feel the hunger in the land. So, how could he see hunger? Even when confronted with palpable cases of hunger under the government of a man he claimed was next good news after the so-called discovery of River Niger by Mungo Park in 1795, he still defiantly claimed that the pepper he allegedly planted at his backyard was the antidote to the impoverishment sown by the Tinubu government. If I may ask, why did Chief Akande ask the president to put his daughter in charge of dollar-denominated National Agency for the Control of AIDS (NACA) and not ask that she heads Ogun Osun River Basin Authority so that she would plant “one grain of corn and reap a thousand cobs”?

All the above put together remind me that, in their daily fight for dominance and conquest, a fleeting nature of power and dominance exists among Nigerian politicians. It is the type of desperation found among the lion and a warthog. In Nigerian politics, there is an unending, constant and relentless struggle between preys and predators, with each seeking dominance and conquest. In doing this, politicians deploy worldly cunning to foist false narratives on the populace. Bisi Akande’s interview and a huge chunk of his autobiography are a further reinforcement of this frightening fight in the political wild.

After he lost his bicycle, the village elder was so distraught that he asked their Congregation pastor to preach about the Ten Commandments and dwell especially on the 8th commandment which says “Do not steal ” so that the message might touch the thief.

On Sunday during the church service, the Pastor taught about the 10 Commandments, when he mentioned the 7th commandment which says “Do not commit adultery” the village elder then remembered where he had left his bicycle.

Often, I say I believe the things I write about, are as important for our nation as they are for other countries, but when it appears to me, Nigerians especially those in authority do not react to these issues as people in other lands do, I repeat them in new essays to remind old readers and recruit new ones to participate in the continuing dialogue.

Sadly, this is Nigeria where nothing works and no one cares, when it works, it is because someone’s interest is about to be served and not the people’s interest. We talk about our institutions despairingly. Our leaders do not watch network news except when their faces are there on the occasion of their sons/daughters’ weddings or such. They do not need the newspapers anymore because it is full of their lies, or paid adverts exchanging banters together.

Government bashing remains a national past time and every drinking joint, and suya spot has a sitting parliament with an expert on every and any issue but we forget that no matter the input, if the politicians and actors in our national scene have questionable lives both on a personal and domestic level, nothing will change, the best government policy cannot change the individual. It is because the policies are formulated on a bad foundation and by people with warped thinking.

Again, Nigeria’s educational system, which has long been a subject of passionate debate, characterized by recurrent policy flip-flops and inconsistencies that have left lasting impacts on both its children and the nation’s future is on the front burner. The recent announcement by the Federal Government—scrapping all Junior Secondary Schools (JSS) and Senior Secondary Schools (SSS) in favor of a compulsory 12 years of uninterrupted basic education, and replacing the 6-3-3-4 system with a 12-4 structure—reflects an ambitious effort to align the country with global best practices. Yet, as laudable as these reforms may appear on paper, they also underscore the enduring challenges and systemic inconsistencies that have beleaguered Nigeria’s educational landscape for decades.

Historically, Nigeria’s education system has undergone multiple revisions. The 6-3-3-4 system once heralded as a structured pathway from primary education to tertiary institutions, was implemented with the intent of standardizing learning and promoting a well-rounded academic and vocational foundation. However, over time, the system revealed critical weaknesses. It inadvertently created segmentation and frequent interruptions in the academic journey, contributing to high dropout rates. Financial constraints, regional disparities, and systemic barriers—factors deeply entrenched in the fabric of the Nigerian education sector—compounded these problems, leaving many students unable to complete their education. Each policy revision, often introduced with great fanfare, has tended to offer a temporary fix without addressing the underlying structural issues.

The recent reform, as outlined by Minister of Education Dr. Tunji Alausa during the extraordinary National Council on Education (NCE) meeting in Abuja, represents a radical departure from previous models. By subsuming what was traditionally known as secondary education into a unified, uninterrupted 12-year basic education program, the government intends to offer Nigerian children a seamless learning experience up to the age of 16. In addition, the proposal to adopt 16 years as the minimum entry age for tertiary institutions is aimed at ensuring that students enter higher education with a more mature and robust academic foundation. Proponents argue that these changes are not only aligned with global educational trends but also positioned to reduce dropout rates by mitigating financial and systemic impediments. In theory, a consistent and longer basic education would allow for a more focused and uninterrupted development of cognitive and social skills, potentially leading to a more competent workforce in the long term.

Yet, while the vision behind these reforms is commendable, the execution remains fraught with challenges. The history of flip-flopping educational policies in Nigeria has bred a sense of skepticism among educators, parents, and even policymakers. The abrupt discontinuation of established school structures such as JSS and SSS could lead to transitional disarray if not managed with careful planning and adequate resource allocation. Teachers, who are the backbone of any educational system, must be retrained and equipped with new curricula and pedagogical strategies that fit the 12-4 model. Without comprehensive teacher training programs and curriculum reform initiatives, the shift may exacerbate existing issues, further disenfranchising students who are already vulnerable.

The ripple effects of these inconsistencies on children are profound. Frequent changes in the structure of education often lead to curriculum discontinuity, leaving students confused about expectations and learning outcomes. Moreover, families that have already invested in the old system might find themselves facing financial uncertainties and logistical challenges during the transition. Children in rural or economically disadvantaged areas, who already contend with limited access to quality education, might be disproportionately affected. In the long run, these challenges could undermine the quality of human capital that Nigeria needs to drive its economic growth and social development.

Beyond the immediate impact on students, these policy inconsistencies have long-term implications for Nigeria’s socio-economic fabric. A robust educational system is foundational to national progress. When students are caught in a cycle of discontinuity and systemic barriers, the country risks cultivating a generation that is less prepared to meet the demands of an evolving global economy. The potential talent drain, coupled with the frustration and demotivation of capable youth, could impede innovation and competitiveness on both the national and international stages.

Now for me, these are the issues, I doubt if comprehensive stakeholder engagement took place, policy reform must be inclusive. Engaging teachers, school administrators, parents, students, and community leaders in the planning and implementation process will help ensure that reforms are responsive to on-the-ground realities.

Where are the teachers, do we currently have a robust teacher training and curriculum development programme? Are we ready for Investment in curriculum development that focuses on integrating technology, critical thinking, and vocational skills, ensuring that students are prepared for the demands of the 21st century?

Educational reforms must be matched by commensurate financial investments. We know the reality on the ground regarding our education budgets.

In conclusion, Nigeria’s journey toward a reformed educational system is both a bold opportunity and a formidable challenge. The recent announcement to replace the traditional 6-3-3-4 model with a 12-4 system, coupled with the adoption of a 16-year minimum entry age for tertiary education, is a reflection of an earnest attempt to align with global educational standards and reduce dropout rates. However, the historical inconsistencies and frequent flip-flops in policy have left deep-seated scars that threaten to undermine these well-intentioned reforms.

For Nigeria to truly harness the potential of its youth and create a sustainable, forward-thinking society, policymakers must approach reform with a holistic, inclusive, and well-resourced strategy. Only by addressing the systemic issues that have long plagued the educational landscape can Nigeria hope to transform its human capital into the long-term driver of national prosperity and innovation. We must find who stole our bicycle or remember where we left it—May Nigeria win!

Prince Charles Dickson PhD

Former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar has warned the federal government that the $1.07 billion allocated to the health sector in the 2025 budget should not be misused.

Atiku in a statement in Abuja asked that mechanisms must be put in place to ensure the funds are used to improve healthcare services rather than vanish under suspicious circumstances.

The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) presidential candidate in the last election noted that claims that animals such as snakes, termites, and monkeys were responsible for the disappearance of public funds should not befall the allocation to the health sector.

He also called for a transparent and accountable framework to track how the allocated money is spent for the benefit of the people.

Atku said, “To this end, the Federal Government has to be deliberate about putting mechanisms in place for public audit and accountability in its US$1.07 billion budgetary appropriation in the health sector.”

The former Vice President specifically queried the Federal Government for not providing comprehensive information on how it plans to expend the over one billion dollars in the primary health sector.

Atiku noted that while healthcare, especially the primary sector deserves rapid investment in order to promote access to quality and affordable health services to Nigerians, “it will be immoral of the government not to provide extensive details of how the money allotted for the purpose would be dispensed.

“We have read that the Federal Government has a plan to expend a whooping sum of  $1.07 billion in the primary health sector. This amount is in addition to the N2.48 trillion, which had earlier been proposed for the health sector in the initial draft of the budget.

“This development gets even more troubling when the government equally announced that the $1.07 billion it is adding to the health sector at the sub-national level was mainly sourced through foreign loans and a fraction of it being provided through an international donor agency.

“In other words, Nigeria is expected to pay these loans back and it is required that the Nigerian people know the details of these loans and that its expenditure must be conveyed in a policy envelop that will explain how it will be spent,” Atiku noted.

He said further that the ”failure of the Federal Government not to commit to a single physical infrastructure in expending the budgetary provision smacks of fraud”, warning that  claims  “of animals such as snakes, termites, gorillas and monkeys swallowing public funds must never be the fate of the funds budgeted for the critical sector of health in the 2025 Budget.”

[DailyTrust]

…recalls sending Iyabo back home for lateness at Ota farm

Former President Olusegun Obasanjo has advised the newly appointed Chairman of the Board of Management, Federal Medical Centre (FMC) Idi-Aba, Abeokuta, Dayo Israel, to brace for challenges ahead and be prepared to step on toes if necessary to ensure a successful tenure.

Obasanjo noted that no effective leader he has encountered ever succeeded without making tough decisions.

“If you’re doing a job and you’re not stepping on toes, then you’re not effective,” he emphasized.

According to a statement by the hospital’s Head of Public Relations, Dr. Segun Orisajo, Obasanjo made these remarks while hosting Dr. Israel, who visited him alongside the hospital’s Medical Director, Prof. Adewale Musa-Olomu, and other management team members.

Recalling a personal experience, Obasanjo shared how he once fired his own daughter from his farm for arriving late to work, underscoring his stance on discipline and effective leadership.

“Shortly after I left Office as Head of State, my first daughter, then at University of Ibadan studying Veterinary Medicine was engaged on my farm to gain some practical experience during long vacation.

“On day one , she resumed a quarter past seven in the morning as against the usual 7 O’clock. I warned her, reminding her that she has an obligation to be of good example to other workers. I told her I will not hesitate to wield the big stick should the same be repeated going forward.

“To my amazement, the following day she was late to work again. I did not hesitate to send her back right from the gate.”

“Not surprisingly, this had an indescribable effect on all my employees, saying ” if Baba could do this to his daughter, who are we?”

Chief Obasajo however advised the new Chairman to be ” just, fair and humane” even when it became obvious that certain toes have to be stepped on.

He applauded the Medical Director Prof Musa-Olomu for the monumental achievements of his administration over the past seven and half years at the Centre.

Earlier, the FMCA Board Chairman, Dr Israel had described Baba Obasanjo as an international Colossus, full of wisdom and wits.

“Meeting Baba Obasanjo is always so much fun. As we begin this journey of transformation at FMC Abeokuta, Baba’s wisdom and experience are invaluable.”

The Chairman reiterated his lofty ambition of transforming the Centre into a world class health institution where people from far and near will visit the Centre to receive comprehensive medical care.

He also renewed his determination to support the hospital Management in taking ” FMC Abeokuta to the next level, attract needed equipment and help build relationship for sustainability.

“My first priority is to help us move us away from national grid to renewable energy. We are open to partnership ” the Chairman added.

Apart from the former President, the Chairman’s familiarization trail took him to the Palaces of Alake, Osile and Olowu where the royal fathers blessed him and prayed for a successful tenure.

The Chairman also visited the former Commandant General of the Nigerian Security and Civil Defence Corps ( NSCDC ) Dr. John Ade Abolurin.

[TheNation]

Former Adamawa State Resident Electoral Commissioner (REC), Barrister Hudu Ari, has reiterated his claim that Senator Aisha Binani, the All Progressives Congress (APC) candidate in the 2023 gubernatorial election, was the rightful winner of the poll.
Speaking to journalists at his private residence in Bauchi State on Saturday, Ari swore by God that his actions were based on truth and evidence.

He insisted that he possessed documentary proof showing Binani defeated the incumbent governor, Umaru Ahmadu Fintiri of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

Ari, who was suspended in 2023 and officially dismissed last week following National Assembly approval, expressed frustration that his evidence of electoral irregularities was ignored by both the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and the Adamawa State Governorship Election Petitions Tribunal.

He alleged that he and other electoral officials were pressured to declare Governor Fintiri the winner under threats to their personal safety.

Ari further accused INEC’s Head of ICT in Adamawa State, Bala Aji, of manipulating the election process by handing over about 20,000 election documents to the governor.

He claimed that, alongside the Commissioner of Police and other security agencies, he raided a private residence allegedly linked to the governor, where electoral malpractices were taking place.

“It took time to open the door, and when we finally gained access, we found the Secretary to the State Government (SSG) and other officials working with election documents that covered the entire state,” he alleged.

Additionally, Ari accused Aji of distributing BVAS machines and bribing INEC staff with foreign currency on Election Day.

“This was a clear abuse of responsibility, and I took immediate steps against these actions, expecting INEC headquarters to intervene. Instead, my reports were ignored,” he lamented.

He maintained that he was denied a fair hearing by both INEC and the Tribunal, stating that his evidence in support of Binani’s victory was dismissed without proper consideration.

According to him, his biggest concern was not his dismissal by the President but the “media trial” that had damaged his reputation.

Addressing allegations that he received a ₦2 billion bribe from politicians, Ari flatly denied the claim.

He stated that he was consulting his family on whether to pursue legal action, adding, “Nigeria belongs to all of us, and it is up to us to either make it or mar it.”

Reflecting on his tenure in Adamawa, he noted that he successfully conducted the 2023 Presidential and National Assembly elections without controversy.

However, he claimed that irregularities in 69 polling units during the gubernatorial and State Assembly elections led to the crisis that ultimately resulted in his dismissal.

[DailyPost]