Tighter immigration rules appear to be on the horizon as Keir Starmer, UK prime minister, has promised tougher measures to address the growing number of illegal foreign workers in the country.

Since becoming prime minister last July, Starmer has initiated reforms to the UK’s immigration policies.

Analysts say his approach is “firm but fair” compared to Rishi Sunak, his predecessor, and Kemi Badenoch, leader of the Conservative Party.

However, stricter immigration measures proposed by the Tories, and Reform UK, a political party gaining traction, have forced the prime minister to apply more pressure on his policies to retain his popularity.

“Too many people are able to come to the UK and work illegally. We are putting an end to it,” Starmer tweeted on Monday.

Starmer’s tweet came as the Home Office said it is launching a fresh wave of immigration raids for illegal working.

The UK agency also boasted that it had a record number of deportations, saying both illegal working visits and arrests since Labour came to power had soared by about 38 percent compared with the previous 12 months.

“They drove up immigration numbers; we will get them down,” he said.

[TheCable]

The prolonged financial dispute between Nigerian banks and telecom providers over unpaid USSD fees has reached a crisis point. Telecom operators, including MTN, Airtel, Glo, and 9mobile, are owed a staggering N250 billion by banks, a debt that has accumulated over six years. This unresolved issue threatens not only the financial viability of USSD services but also places additional cost burdens on consumers through increased telecom tariffs.

To say that it is a growing debt crisis cannot be pooh-poohed by mere waves of the hands as the USSD debt issue dates back to 2019, when telecom companies initially reported that banks owed them N32 billion. By March 2021, the debt had grown to N42 billion, and by November 2022, it had reached N80 billion. In June 2023, the amount doubled to N120 billion, and by October 2024, the debt had exceeded N200 billion, eventually ballooning to the current N250 billion.

Despite this, banks continue to make massive profits from USSD transactions. In the first half of 2024 alone, the total value of USSD transactions reached N2.19 trillion, accounting for 45.3% of the total transaction value of N4.84 trillion recorded in 2023. While banks benefit from this service, telecom operators remain unpaid, leading to increased operational costs.

Without a doubt, the debt crisis is affecting consumers. For instance, telecom providers have been forced to raise service charges to offset their losses. The rising cost of network maintenance, coupled with the increasing prices of diesel, equipment, and other essential materials, has driven telcos to seek ways to remain profitable. This has resulted in higher call, data, and SMS tariffs, ultimately transferring the burden onto Nigerian consumers.

With inflation at 33.95% as of June 2024, and the cost of living already unbearably high, the last thing Nigerians need is a further increase in telecom service charges. Many low-income earners rely on USSD for essential transactions such as money transfers, bill payments, and airtime purchases. If telecom operators keep raising tariffs due to unpaid debts, the most vulnerable Nigerians will be priced out of financial services, undermining the financial inclusion efforts the government has championed over the years.

Against the foregoing backdrop, the role of USSD in financial inclusion cannot be said to have being overstated in this context.  This is as USSD technology plays a critical role in Nigeria’s financial ecosystem, enabling millions of Nigerians, especially those in rural and underserved areas, to access banking services without an internet connection. According to the Nigeria Inter-Bank Settlement System (NIBSS), over 44 million Nigerians use USSD-based banking services regularly.

For many Nigerians without smartphones or internet access, USSD is the only means of accessing financial services. If telecom operators continue to raise tariffs, the cost of performing simple banking transactions will increase significantly, discouraging many from using formal banking channels. This could push more people into the informal cash-based economy, reversing the progress made in driving financial inclusion.

At this juncture, it is expedient to ask about the way forward. To not a few Nigerians, particularly those who are conversant with the issue, regulatory interventions is the way forward. 

It will be recalled at this juncture that the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC) and the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) have made several attempts to mediate between banks and telecom operators. In May 2023, when the NCC granted telecom providers permission to disconnect banks from USSD services due to non-payment of debts. However, this move was reversed after CBN intervention.

Despite regulatory efforts, banks have yet to clear their debts. As the imbroglio seemingly remains irresolvable, it is not a misnomer to opine that there is a pervading fear among Nigerians that telecom operators might be forced to suspend USSD services entirely, affecting millions of Nigerians who depend on it for financial transactions.

Without a doubt, it would be a huge relief for consumers if banks pay the debt as soon as possible as the debt is a growing debt that keeps mounting by each passing day. 

If banks fulfill their financial obligations and settle the N250 billion debt, it would provide immediate relief to telecom operators, allowing them to stabilize or even reduce tariffs. This would directly benefit Nigerian consumers in several ways. For instance, there would be reduced cost of transactions. This is as telecom operators would no longer struggle to compensate for unpaid debts through higher service charges. Not only that, USSD transaction costs could stabilize or even decrease, making banking more affordable for all Nigerians.

In a similar vein, there would be improved financial access for low-income earners as millions of Nigerians, particularly those in remote areas, rely on USSD for banking. Without a doubt, settling this debt would prevent further price hikes, ensuring financial services remain accessible to the most vulnerable populations.

Also, there would be enhanced banking efficiency. This is as banks also stand to benefit from continued USSD service, as it enables seamless transactions for their customers. In fact, if USSD services become too expensive or get suspended, many Nigerians would be forced to visit physical bank branches, increasing congestion and reducing efficiency.

In a similar vein, there would be increased mobile penetration and digital growth. The reason for the foregoing cannot be farfetched as Nigeria’s digital economy relies on affordable telecom services. Therefore, by settling their debts, banks can contribute to the broader goal of expanding digital access and fostering economic growth.

Given the foregoing backdrops, it will not in this context be considered a misnomer to plead to banks to act responsibly over this growing and lingering debt. 

Banks must prioritize the settlement of their USSD debts to ensure the sustainability of digital financial services in Nigeria. By paying what they owe, they will not only ease the financial burden on telecom providers but also prevent unnecessary tariff hikes that hurt consumers.

As financial institutions benefiting from the USSD ecosystem, banks have a moral and financial responsibility to support the system that has helped drive financial inclusion across Nigeria. Failure to do so may lead to service disruptions, higher telecom tariffs, and greater financial exclusion for Nigerians.

In fact, the ongoing USSD debt crisis is not just an industry issue, it is a consumer issue. Millions of Nigerians depend on USSD services for financial transactions, and the rising costs of telecom services due to banks’ refusal to pay their debts is a burden they cannot afford. As inflation continues to rise, and Nigerians struggle with the high cost of living, it is only fair that banks step up and clear their outstanding obligations.

The CBN, NCC, and other regulatory bodies must ensure full compliance and hold banks accountable for settling this debt. Only then can telecom operators operate without passing unnecessary costs onto consumers, and only then can Nigerians continue to access affordable financial services.

Without resort to exaggerating the issue, it is expedient banks act now before the situation worsens. The longer they delay, the more Nigerian consumers will suffer. It is time for banks to pay up and ease the burden on telecom providers and consumers alike.

When Joe Michael needed a loan in 2021, he approached his bank to inquire about the process and requirements.

He was surprised by the extensive documentation needed for a personal loan, which included a completed application form, employee status verification, employment ID, valid means of identification, BVN, credit checks, and more.

Unable to meet these requirements promptly, Michael turned to a loan app, where the process was much simpler and faster.

After downloading the app, he completed his registration the same day and received the approved loan within 48 hours.

This experience is shared by many Nigerians who now prefer fintech companies and loan apps over traditional commercial banks for loans.

Disrupting the banking experience 

Fintech companies have emerged as a transformative force in the financial industry, redefining how people access and interact with banking services, including loans.

Their focus on technology and user-centric design has made them a critical part of the modern banking ecosystem.

Fintechs operate as digital-only financial institutions, often without physical offices.

By leveraging technology, they provide streamlined banking services, including payments, savings, and loans, sometimes at lower costs and with greater transparency.

They enable users to manage finances entirely online, eliminating the need for traditional in-person visits. Their digital-first approach significantly reduces operational costs, leading to competitive fees and better rates for customers.

Demand for fintech solutions is growing rapidly as more consumers prioritize digital-first experiences, and businesses seek platforms to simplify payroll, streamline transactions, and gain access to real-time financial data.

With features like multi-currency accounts and seamless international transactions, fintechs appeal to a globally connected audience. In underserved regions, fintechs bridge gaps and foster financial inclusion.

“Loan app is easier. You don’t need to see anybody; it’s strictly online. You just download the app and apply, and they easily give out loans,” Michael, a school teacher, told Nairametrics.

The typical requirements for fintech loans include phone numbers of guarantors or relatives, BVN, and employment details.

More insights

In contrast, accessing a business loan from commercial banks involves rigorous pre-approval requirements, such as registering the business entity, providing full KYC documents, evidence of the company’s interest in the product, BVN and TIN of the promoter, proof of business existence for at least one year, and a minimum three-month relationship with the bank. Additionally, banks often demand collateral, such as property or car documents.

Sunny Udoka, a grocery store operator in Lagos, shared his brother’s experience with a top-tier bank, which required a property worth N25 million as collateral for a N4 million loan, with a repayment of N6 million within six months.

“I don’t like collecting loans because it gives me high blood pressure, but I have a brother who collected a loan of N4 million from a bank. They demanded that he repay with six million, that is N2 million interest on the loan, it was so difficult that they asked for documents of his property that is worth N25 million.

“They first find out if the property belongs to him before they then approached the Lagos State government to know the value of the property before approving the loan, and the condition is that the loan has to be paid within six months. How much are you making that you pay N6 million within six months? You can imagine now this January and February there is no market (sales). If I collected a loan in maybe October last year and I have six months to pay, how will I do it when there are no sales?” he said. 

Challenges faced in providing retail loans

Commercial banks face several challenges when providing retail loans, including strict regulations like KYC and AML requirements, thorough credit risk assessments, and maintaining minimum capital adequacy ratios. These factors can increase the cost and complexity of lending.

“As commercial banks, we conduct thorough credit risk assessments, which can be time-consuming and costly. Also, traditional banks require collateral, especially for huge amounts which makes it difficult for individuals who do not have tangible assets to access loans, different levels of authorisations which are required also slow down the process. However, the traditional banks still hold an advantage because we offer long-term, lower interest, and larger loans which the fintechs don’t,” said a senior staff of a top-tier bank. 

• Conversely, fintechs and loan apps have more flexible business models, lower operational costs, and greater agility in technology adoption. However, they also face challenges, such as regulatory uncertainty and competition from established players.

Michael noted that some fintech employees might continue deductions from accounts even after loan repayment, highlighting the need for physical offices for complaints.

“There is no challenge in the performance of the loan app, the only challenge is that some dubious workers in these loan apps can continue to deduct from your account even after you have completed repayment because they have your pin, BVN and account number, and unfortunately, there is no physical office to go and complain, you only complain on the app and most times it does not change anything. Also, the interest is too high and the refund period is too short. Some of them are seven days, while some are one month,” Michael said. 

Way forward 

Esther Ugwumba, a POS agent in Lagos, suggested improvements for fintechs, such as allowing customers to choose repayment schedules, incorporating non-traditional data sources, protecting customer data, offering financial management resources, and keeping customers informed about loan status and promotions.

“They should always protect customer data and ensure secure transactions, offer resources and workshops to help customers manage finances effectively, and keep customers informed about loan status, repayment schedules, and promotional offers.” 

Fintechs have disrupted the traditional banking landscape, prompting banks to invest in digital transformation to remain competitive. The success of fintechs has led traditional banks to improve their online and mobile banking services.

To remain competitive, commercial banks now need to rethink their strategies and innovate. They also need to invest in digital transformation, improving their online and mobile banking services.

[Nairametrics]

The presence, operations, and compensation of certain women hired by Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) Governor Olayemi Cardoso have sparked controversy within the Apex bank.

Senior staff members across the CBN’s 29 departments have expressed concerns over the influence these women—brought in by Governor Cardoso as consultants—wield within the institution. According to insiders, they have amassed significant power, to the extent of issuing directives to departmental directors.

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Additionally, widespread frustration has emerged over what some staff members describe as “excessively high and unjustifiable” compensation for the consultants, who reportedly receive hefty monthly salaries.

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Cardoso assumed office as CBN governor on September 22, 2023. Some sources claim that the women arrived at the bank with him on the same day, while others say they joined shortly after. Their continuous presence has fueled speculation regarding their roles, contributions, and the justification for their large paychecks.

The individuals at the center of this controversy include Nkiru Balonwu, founder of The Africa Soft Power Group, and Daphne Dafinone, a chartered accountant and chief operating officer of Crowe Dafinone, a Nigerian accounting firm.

A third consultant, Shola Phillips, formerly of Citibank, is also part of the group, but sources indicate that her presence has not been as disruptive or controversial as that of her colleagues. Details regarding her terms of engagement remain unclear.

Within the bank, the consultants are now referred to as the “Cardoso women.” One official, when Premium Times asked about the meaning behind the nickname, implied that it was self-explanatory.

Several directors have alleged that Cardoso hired the consultants arbitrarily, bypassing standard procedures and without setting clear terms of reference, deliverables, or timelines for their consultancy roles.

For instance, questions have been raised about the appointment of Ms. Balonwu as a corporate communication consultant, despite the CBN already having a well-equipped corporate communication department led by a director responsible for overseeing internal and external communication.

Similarly, insiders say that Ms. Dafinone’s consultancy role remains undefined, as she reportedly takes on any responsibility assigned to her by Cardoso. One of her recent assignments was overseeing a controversial early exit program aimed at encouraging at least 1,000 employees to opt for voluntary retirement. The governor allegedly entrusted her with this task while bypassing the bank’s human resources department, which is officially responsible for managing employee policies and processes.

The CBN has four deputy governors: Emem Usoro (Corporate Services Directorate), Muhammad Dattijo (Economic Policy Directorate), Philip Ikeazor (Financial System Stability Directorate), and Bala Bello (Operations Directorate). However, staff members now mockingly refer to Ms. Balonwu and Ms. Dafinone as the fifth and sixth deputy governors, suggesting that their influence rivals that of the officially appointed deputies.

According to some directors, the consultants have begun writing memos on CBN letterheads and issuing directives despite having no official role within the bank’s established structure.

“They claim to be consultants, but they have permanent offices in the bank with no set duration for their consultancy,” one director told Premium Times. “They even have offices on the eleventh floor alongside the governor, while the deputy governors are housed on the tenth floor. They bypass the deputy governors and issue instructions directly to directors.”

Another insider corroborated this, recalling an instance where one of the consultants allegedly boasted that even the governor could not challenge her authority.

Allegations of Exorbitant Salaries

Concerns have also been raised about the consultants’ salaries, which some staff members describe as excessive. Reports indicate that Ms. Balonwu earns N50 million per month—higher than the salaries of the governor and deputy governors combined. Her monthly pay also surpasses the combined earnings of 15 directors, who reportedly earn less than N3 million each.

Similarly, Ms. Dafinone is said to earn N35 million monthly, an amount greater than the combined salaries of 10 directors.

A staff member criticized the governor for awarding such salaries to his associates, stating that even former CBN governor Godwin Emefiele, despite his controversies, did not engage in such practices.

“These women contribute nothing to the bank,” the staff member claimed. “The governor is simply enriching his associates. There are 29 directors, 170 deputy directors, and over 400 PhD holders at the CBN—there is no need for in-house consultants.”

Hiring Procedures Under Scrutiny

Nigeria’s Public Procurement Act 2007 stipulates that government agencies must follow a transparent and competitive process when hiring consultants.

The law mandates that consultancy positions be publicly advertised in at least two national newspapers and the official procurement journal, with clear submission guidelines, defined terms of reference, and structured evaluation criteria.

Proposals must be evaluated based on technical expertise and cost-effectiveness, ensuring that only qualified candidates are selected through a fair and accountable process.

However, the hiring of the so-called consultants at the CBN appears to have circumvented these procedures, raising concerns about transparency and the proper use of public funds.

Legal Troubles Surrounding Dafinone

Meanwhile, Ms. Dafinone is facing legal proceedings related to an alleged N100 million fraud case. She is set to appear before Justice Ibrahim Kala of the Federal High Court in Lagos on March 4.

Her company, CEDDI Corporation Limited, is also named in the case, with allegations that she conspired to defraud real estate developer Lukman Adeleke in a 2019 property transaction.

Court records show that Mr. Adeleke paid N100 million for a property at 93 Broad Street, Lagos Island, but Ms. Dafinone allegedly sold the property to another buyer.

Attempts to resolve the dispute outside court failed, prompting Mr. Adeleke to seek legal redress.

According to reports, Ms. Dafinone was absent from the most recent court hearing, with her lawyer, Dapo Akinosun, informing the judge that she was receiving medical treatment in London.

Despite her ongoing legal battle, Ms. Dafinone continues to serve in her role at the CBN and was also appointed to the board of the Nigerian Incentive-Based Risk Sharing System for Agricultural Lending (NIRSAL)—a CBN-owned financial institution tasked with managing agribusiness-related credit risks in Nigeria.

Silence from CBN and Consultants

Attempts by Premium Times to reach the consultants for comments were unsuccessful.

Ms. Dafinone did not respond to phone calls, WhatsApp messages, or text messages. Similarly, efforts to contact Ms. Balonwu proved futile, as her phone line was unreachable, and she did not respond to a WhatsApp call or an iMessage.

Meanwhile, CBN spokesperson Hakama Ali was also unreachable, and she did not respond to inquiries via phone, text, or email.

[NaijaNews]

Like other liberal democracies, Nigeria’s democratic system thrives on the existence of a vibrant and functional opposition. However, the current state of our political parties, as I discussed in a recent television appearance, is concerning. One of the key parameters to measure the efficacy of a political party is its organisational capacity and policy choices. Unfortunately, these elements are acutely lacking both in the ruling party and the opposition. Today, this column addresses the opposition’s role in deepening democracy. 

An effective opposition serves as a watchdog, providing checks and balances to the ruling party while offering alternative policies that enhance governance. However, in the nearly two years since the 2023 general elections, Nigeria’s opposition has been largely dormant, fragmented, and ineffective. This situation demands immediate attention and action. 

The absence of a strong opposition has left Nigeria’s democracy vulnerable to unchecked executive power, resulting in governance that often lacks accountability. The ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) has faced minimal resistance in executing its policies, which has, in turn, weakened democratic engagement. The lack of credible opposition has led to a decline in democratic norms and a slide to “electoral autocracy.” This is neither inthe best interest of democratic consolidation nor the Nigerian people. 

In contrast, in other African democracies, such as South Africa, the opposition has played a more significant role in holding the ruling party accountable. The Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) and the Democratic Alliance (DA) continuously challenge the African National Congress (ANC), demonstrating the impact of a functional opposition. The Nigerian opposition must regain footing to ensure a balanced and competitive political landscape. A diverse political landscape is not just a luxury; it’s a necessity for a healthy democracy. The potential for change is within reach, and it’s up to the opposition to make it a reality.

Opposition parties have failed to articulate distinct policy alternatives, leaving governance unchallenged and unresponsive to citizens’ needs. Without meaningful policy debates, decisions are made that lack depth, often without proper scrutiny or public engagement. For example, when President Bola Tinubu removed fuel subsidies in 2023, opposition parties failed to present an alternative plan, leaving civil society groups to lead protests against the consequential economic hardship.

The opposition space in Nigeria has remained fractured, allowing the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) to operate with little or no alternative voices and cruising as the political Octopus. APC has effectively established itself as the dominant political force, often unchallenged in policymaking and governance. The failure of opposition parties to unite under a common goal has further entrenched APC’s political control, making governance almost a one-party affair.

One of the most frequently cited reasons for the opposition’s weakness is Nigeria’s patronage-based political culture, often referred to as ‘stomach infrastructure.’ This term encapsulates the tendency of politicians to prioritise personal gain and short-term benefits over long-term policy engagement. In such an environment, voters are more likely to support politicians who provide immediate material rewards rather than those advocating for institutional reforms. This system disproportionately favours the ruling party, which controls state resources and uses them to maintain loyalty. A 2022 survey by Afrobarometer revealed that over 40% of Nigerian voters admitted to receiving financial or material incentives from politicians before elections, underscoring the deep entrenchment of patronage politics. This trend is evident in many states, where political parties rely heavily on financial inducements to secure electoral victories.

The PDP, once Nigeria’s dominant political force, has suffered from internal divisions, sabotage and ineffective leadership. Under Umar Damagum’suninspiring leadership, the party has become factionalised, with many state chapters experiencing disunity. Instead of acting as a formidable opposition, the PDP appears to be an extension of the ruling party, unable to mobilise effectively against APC’s policies. Defections by key PDP figures to the ruling party have further weakened its national standing and influence. 

LP and NNPP, which emerged as alternative forces in the 2023 elections, are embroiled in leadership crises. The Labour Party, which garnered significant support from young and urban voters, struggles with internal disputes, legal battles, and power struggles. Similarly, NNPP faces significant internal crises at the national and Kano state levels. The absence of institutional structures and the prevalence of patronage politics have weakened these parties, making them ineffective in consolidating opposition forces. 

There is widespread suspicion that APC uses state resources to co-opt opposition leaders through inducements or coercion. Some opposition figures are believed to have been compromised, leading to a lack of trust in the opposition’s leadership. When opposition leaders are seen as moles or agents of the party in power, it undermines their ability to present a serious challenge to the ruling party. 

The National Assembly, which should serve as an oversight body, has become a “rubber stamp” for the Executive. Opposition lawmakers have failed to challenge government policies effectively, allowing even the most controversial bills to pass without robust debate. The gale of opposition lawmakers’ defections to the ruling party has further exposed our opportunistic politics. 

Additionally, the APC-controlled National Assembly drowned out any form of alternative voices. This has further entrenched the APC’s dominance, as policies are implemented without meaningful alternative options. In 2024, the National Assembly passed multiple overlapping supplementary budgets with minimal scrutiny, raising concerns about the legislature’s independence. 

Despite the current dormancy, there are emerging signs of opposition figures regrouping. Recent socio-political gatherings have brought together opposition leaders and dissenting voices within the APC who share common criticisms of President Bola Tinubu’s neoliberal policies.  One of such events was the two day national conference on strengthening democracy organised by Centre-LSD and other civil society organizations. These events indicate the potential for new alliances ahead of future elections. If effectively mobilised, this could begin a stronger, more unified opposition movement, which would be good for democratic consolidation. For example, former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and Labour Party’s Peter Obi have recently been seen attending similar political events, sparking speculation about a possible alliance for the 2027 elections. The recent meeting between Kwankwaso and Aregbesola has been argued as being unsettling to the ruling party. 

PDP seems to be bending the corner in its perennial internal conflicts. The parties BOT and the governor’s forum have jointly taken a stance on the crisis of who the National secretary is. They are working hard to resolve the many cases in court and gain the public’s confidence as a serious party, but whether this will succeed is another matter. The Labour Party, the country’s second leg of strong opposition, faces a significant internal crisis. Abure-led Executive and the party’s galvanising forces led by the party’s personality emblem, Peter Obi, are on different lanes. There is no love lost between all key actors in the party. Today, the Labour Party is a shadow of its 2023 form that rattled the ruling party. 

For the opposition to be taken seriously, it must bring together reform-minded elements from the PDP, progressive factions of the Labour Party and NNPP, and disillusioned APC members. This coalition should not be built on personal ambition but on a shared vision and clear ideological principles that differentiate it from APC.

Beyond mere criticism of the ruling party, the opposition must invest in policy research and articulate superior governance strategies. Highlighting the failures of APC is not enough; opposition leaders must provide viable alternatives that resonate with the electorate. This requires intellectual rigour and extensive economic, security, and governance engagement. A 2023 report by SBM Intelligence indicated that 70% of Nigerians believe that opposition parties fail to present clear economic policies, reinforcing the need for a well-articulated alternative governance strategy.

Additionally, smaller parties, which currently lack the national reach to be impactful, must be incorporated into a broader opposition framework. Although these small parties represent distinctive voices and ideologies, they must align under a bigger opposition ideology that will be sold to the people to challenge the ruling party at the centre. That is the only way they can make a meaningful impact on politics at the centre. 

A successful opposition must go beyond elite politics and engage directly with the grassroots. Without a strong grassroots presence, any opposition movement will struggle to gain widespread legitimacy and support.

The opposition’s survival and relevance in Nigeria depend on unity, strategic policymaking, and grassroots engagement. A fragmented and ineffective opposition only strengthens APC’s dominance, undermining democratic accountability. However, the signs of reawakening provide hope that a more vigorous opposition could emerge in the coming years. For this to materialise, opposition leaders must prioritise coalition-building, develop apparent policy alternatives, and engage in extensive grassroots mobilisation. Only through these efforts can Nigeria’s democracy be revitalised, ensuring a governance system that is responsive to the needs of its people.

It happened one sunny day in mid-May 2003. I was preparing to go to the office around noon when Tayo, the editor’s secretary, called me. “Mr Olagunju, don’t come to the office, Baba Adedibu is here looking for you. He came with his boys.” There were no two birds bearing ‘hawk’ in the skies of Ibadan at that time. Alhaji Lamidi Adedibu was the strongman of Ibadan politics. He earned that appellation in practical terms on the field of battle. Adedibu was death that thundered before killing; he was lightning that shrieked before striking. Alhaji Adedibu was the buyer who entered the market, bought all and paid for none. Before him, there was none so hard; after him, there has been none so dreaded.

What did I buy on credit from Alhaji Adedibu’s tray? If you offended him and he wanted you, you would surrender to him or find yourself in his presence. That was the man who came looking for me. He had enough big, street boys who made things happen for him and they were with him on that visit. I quickly checked the gate to my house and the door to my flat. I did a mind check of my recent activities. There was nothing that should make me a candidate for Adedibu’s trouble.

Tayo’s voice on the phone brought me back. “Baba said there is a report against him in the paper today and that you wrote it. He said someone in Tribune hinted to him that any story published without the author’s name was written by you, the news editor.” I laughed at that conclusion. I remembered that report. ‘Adedibu demands 12 out of 14 commissioner slots.’ The headline was something like that. I didn’t write the story. A colleague did. But I passed the story for publication because the source was very credible. The godfather didn’t like the report. He was livid at the audacity of the writer, and possibly wanted to use his visit to get a hint on who spilt the beans.

Chief Adedibu came fully prepared for me, the supposed writer of the story. He was adequately briefed on when I would arrive at the office. But he didn’t meet me. He couldn’t have met me. My masquerade did not put on its costume in the city centre and so would not suffer Adedibu’s rending effect. Eégún t’ó bá tì’gboro se l’aso won máa nya. Before that moment, I had spent all my years in Ibadan avoiding having anything to do with the old man. As a reporter, I always had excuses for not going for official duties at his popular palace at Molete, a place noted for anything and everything. Yet, Alaafin Molete’s palace was just five minutes’ drive from Tribune House and of the same distance to where I lived.

The story we published was correct. Adedibu, Ibadan’s kingmaker, wanted more than enough from the governor he made just three weeks earlier. The godfather wanted to govern the new governor and run the coming government from his home. Adedibu’s godson, Senator Rashidi Ladoja, who had just won the governorship had not even been sworn in when Chief made that demand. Fortunately, both were Ibadan – very heady, crafty and stubborn – and so were a perfect match for each other in the unfolding war. Godfather wanted everything as fruits of his labour; godson thought he could be independent of the kingmaker. The result was that they fought. If Ruth Watson’s ‘Civil Disorder is the Disease of Ibadan’ was acted as a drama, one of the two would be the hero, the other the anti-hero. Ibadan had them and felt them. Limbs were broken; heads got cracked; there were accidents at home and on the road; lives got lost; tenure got truncated. The rest is history.

Four years earlier in Maiduguri, a similar incident had opened the floor for godfathers to drag godsons. Governorship elections were held across Nigeria on Saturday, 9 January, 1999. For Borno State, Mallam Mala Kachalla of the All Peoples Party (APP) won the seat with 388,058 votes. His opponent, Baba Ahmad Jidda of the PDP polled 348,800 votes. The victor and his followers started preparing for the swearing-in ceremony scheduled for May 29, 1999. But, amid all the preparations, the state’s outgoing military administrator felt a storm gathering. He got a troubling intelligence report in March that there were plans to impeach the man who had not even taken the oath of office. It was funny; it was not funny. But it was true.

Ali Modu Sheriff, born 1956, was Kachalla’s godfather. Kachalla was born in 1941, 15 years before his godfather was born. Before the election, Ali Modu Sheriff called Kachalla ‘Baba’. He was his father’s friend. During the election, there was a reversal of role; Kachalla worshipped the 43-year-old Sheriff. It is never by age, it is a matter of cash and Ali Modu Sheriff had it and gave plenty of it in service of Kachalla’s ambition. Godson won. Godfather wanted returns from his investment; he allegedly drew a list of cabinet members for the governor-elect. Godson reportedly said no; he picked some and dropped some. He flapped his wings and thought he could fly independent of the godfather who bought him the throne. He paid dearly for it. There was turbulence. His plane fatally suffered loss of altitude. Sheriff had his boys; Kachalla countered with his own boys. But if iron hits iron, one will bow to the other. Kachalla’s iron got bent and broken; the earth quaked. The next election, power changed hands, kingmaker made himself king. Godson lost everything. Life continued.

The godfather is the consummate ego tripper. Phillip Athans, author of ‘Devils of the Endless Deep’, describes the godfather as the “invader” who is determined “to be in charge of something, from the entire universe down to some back alley in the thieves quarter of the city.” The characterization is right. Even when they know that no king wants to share his throne, they still make a dash for power and the palace. Take Olusegun Obasanjo as an example. He was made president by some people in 1999; some people picked the bills. He became president and announced that if anyone thought his presidency was an investment, they had lost that investment. And for eight years, he did exactly as he promised. The same Obasanjo picked his successors in 2007 and 2011. Did he let them be? He wrote in his ‘My Watch’ (Volume 3, page 3): “I have learned from the Yoruba adage that ‘the kingmaker who does not hide his head after the installation of the king will be the first victim of the king’s wrath.” Now, did Obasanjo “hide his head after the installation of the king” as preached by him? He didn’t. The result is the long list of complaints we read in most of the pages of his three-piece memoir. It is the nature of power. The godfather is the kingmaker. He is never satisfied with half measures. The reason they are endangered and in perpetual state of war. It is the reason those very deep in Yoruba power-play say that the kingmaker’s blood provides the canvas for the king’s coronation dance (eni bá fi wón j’oyè, èjè rè ni wón máa ntè wo’lé). I heard that from my late father.

Nasir el-Rufai is fighting two wars at the same time. He is fighting the power caucus in Abuja and fighting local with Governor Uba Sani, his protégé in Kaduna. He tried to link the two fronts in a social media post last week. El-Rufai is angry because he lost his investment in Governor Sani to a more wily partner who has chased him out of a profitable partnership in Abuja. He spanked his governor for his undisguised support for President Bola Tinubu: “Every day I see this governor embarrassingly and sycophantically rambling, I used to wonder why? However, confirming that Federal Government ‘reimbursements, interventions, and grants’ in excess of N150 billion have been given selectively to Kaduna by Tinubu in the last 18 months now explains everything. By all means, defend Asiwaju for the conditional cash transfer. Asiwaju has earned it, coming from you. The people of Kaduna State will judge at the right time and place. Have a nice day,” the former governor wrote on X.

El-Rufai is (or was) godfather in Kaduna; he thinks he deserves that title too in Abuja – he, after all, led northern governors’ 2023 rebellion against Buhari’s from-north-to-north succession agenda. He thinks the revolt provided the wings for Tinubu’s eagle to fly into the northern space and into power. Truly, Bola Tinubu’s 2023 victory dress was sewn by a large confederation of provincial godfathers. El-Rufai was just one of them. Now, he, like many of the kingmakers, is down, locked out of the luxurious palace since May 2023. His lockout will be two years in May this year. He is very hurt and very angry. And justifiably so. If you eat gbì, you must be ready to die gbì. Watch him. He won’t stop until he is done. He has just started.

Follow closely the Mudasiru Obasa saga in Lagos. It is a tragedy that closes and unfolds like abracadabra. Some agents are said to have usurped the powers of the principal. They crossed the red line and are digging in. It is the digging in that intrigues me. Does it mean the palace eunuchs have grown balls, and boys have become men? Whatever answer that question attracts, I see this matter having very profound implications for politics at the national level. I see slithering snakes waltzing into the yawning walls of Lagos.

The noise over Lagos’ speakership today is because a pride of cats thought they could barbecue Mr Jones’ bull in the Animal Farm and get away with it. Imperial Lagos is a mafiadom. There are rules governing every mafia’s operations. The bojúbojú removal drama of Obasa as Lagos speaker resembles more an operation by the Mafia of Sicily. Norman Silverstein says in ‘The Godfather- A Year After’ (1974) that “What makes the Mafia frightening is its creeping secrecy, its being a closed society, its weapon (of) secret terror – defending and offending.” That reads like Lagos’ conclave. It is an elaborate structure that diminishes the intelligence of those who contrived democracy as the best form of government. What next for Lagos? Read Orwell’s 1984: “If you want a picture of the future, imagine a boot stamping on a human face — forever.”

The godfather may also have a godfather to whom he does not say no. The senior godfather may not necessarily be a politician. He may be the king’s son, his brother or, more insidiously, his marabout, babalawo, pastor or Imam. In the south, pastors and Alfas call the shots; in the north, the clerics hold the yam and the knife.

Now, how did we arrive here? A northern Nigerian story gives some insights:

Northern region’s first and only premier, Alhaji Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto, had this young Islamic scholar called Sheikh Abubakar Gumi. Sheikh Gumi was the father of the Sheikh Ahmad Abubakar Gumi that you are very conversant with today. The older Sheikh Gumi, who died in September 1992, did humanity a lot of good by documenting his everything in an autobiography. ‘Where I stand’ is the title he gave that book of enlightenment, and I wish we all read it to understand how the Nigerian rain started and why it is still pouring.

The Sardauna loved Gumi, his brilliance and his ways and took him as his son. Godfather confided in godson on almost all matters. One day, the two had a deep discussion that changed radically the course of the Sardauna’s political career and the direction of (Northern) Nigeria’s politics.

“I was with the Premier in his house one day when he began to lament to me openly about the money he spent in the course of his political campaigns,” Gumi writes on page 101 of his ‘Where I stand’. He writes that the Sardauna lamented further that “he had spent whatever personal money he had almost to the point of bankruptcy.” The premier was disappointed in some of his lieutenants who were not as committed as he was to their joint political journey. And what was Gumi’s response? I quote Gumi in the book:

“But if it costs you personally and the party so much, why don’t you do something that would make you more popular, not only with the people but also with God?” I suggested to him.

“What could that be?” he asked.

“You see”, I explained, “if you spent, say, ten percent of the money you now lose to politics to promote the religion, it would earn you more supporters. This is beside the fact that it would be more directly in the service of God.” Gumi said the Sardauna “listened carefully and I explained to him further.” Gumi did not state what his further explanation was but he believed that was the point the Sardauna began to “pay more attention to Islamic matters”, courting local Imams for his politics, and giving “them some money, whenever he went out on campaign visits” (page 102). Mighty oaks from little acorns grow. From that point, Gumi became the guide, the godfather showing the leader the way.

Today, religious leaders play godfathers to the godfather. Behind the crisis in Kaduna and Lagos are some prophecies and predictions about 2027. The clerics are the prophets. They are the gods to appease if there will be peace.

Zamfara State governor, Dauda Lawal55, has said he would negotiate with bandits only if they stop killing people and surrender their arms.

Earlier, the governor had maintained a firm stance against reconciling with bandits.

In July 2024, Alhaji Faruk Ahmad, the Senior Special Assistant to the governor on Media and Mobilisation, declared that no internal or external pressure would force the administration to negotiate with bandits.

Noting that the measures taken by the government were yielding positive results, Ahmad reaffirmed that the administration would not reconcile with any bandit leader but would continue to fight them.

“I am confident that, gradually, God Almighty will vindicate the present administration. I want to reaffirm our position: we will not reconcile with any bandit leader. We will continue fighting them. Those willing to surrender should do so, and those who are not will be fought.” he had said.

But speaking in an interview with BBC Hausa service, Governor Lawal said dialogue with bandits was not entirely off the government’s table.

He, however, emphasised that any talks must be anchored on truth and honesty.

He said, “A number of people have been harmed, others have lost their parents and wives. Therefore, it is important to take into account their plight and mull over how to come to their aid, considering the losses they recorded, rather than always solely focusing on the bandits.”

He disclosed that the government is recording success in the fight against the bandits.

“More than 50 terrorists have been killed on Friday in Tungar Fulani, a the my ylong Zurmi/Shinkafi axis.”

Other bandits’ kingpins loyal to Bello Turji have also been eliminated, including Sani Mainasara, Sani Black, Kachallah Auta, Audu Gajere, Kabiru Jangero, Dangajere, among the 65others I. They have all been killed.”

He maintained that the momentum would continue to be sustained until banditry is tamed, adding, “they should either lay down their weapons or we continue with our decisive action against them.”

[DailyTrust]

A Dubai court has slammed a Nigerian billionaire, owner of Rahmaniya Filling Station, Ultimate Oil and Gas, Abdulrahman Bashar, with a one-year jail term over financial crime, according to a report.

Premium Times reports that Bashar bagged the jail term due to financial crime involving his dealings with CI Energy Company.

According to documents, the UAE court gave the verdict on 30 January 2025.

The sentence document showed the UAE charged the businessman for issuing seven cheques with a combined value of 126.45 million dirhams, drawn on an Emirates Islamic Bank account with a mismatch in his signature.

The prosecution accused the Nigerian billionaire, Bashar, of issuing the checks by “deliberately signing and drafting them in a way that prevents their cashing,” consequently asking that Mr. Bashar be punished under extant laws.

The court, relying on evidence presented to it, including statements by Jamal Awad Nasser Hussein (the agent of CI Energy), duplicates of the cheques, and statements of account, noted that the cheques were returned unpaid on presentation at Emirates Islamic Bank because of disparity in Mr. Bashar’s signature.

“It is established that the crime of issuing a cheque is realised merely by giving the cheque to the beneficiary knowing that there is no balance available for withdrawal,” the court said during the proceeding led by Judge Hussein Hamdi.

Unfortunately, the Dubai sentence is the second time in five years Bashar has been punished for a crime abroad.

Recall that Justice Butcher of the England and Wales High Court, in a verdict issued in February 2020, sentenced Mr. Bashar to a jail term of ten months for flouting several orders of the court in a case initiated by Sahara Energy Resources.

The basis of the sentence was that Mr. Bashir had committed continuing breaches of the order of Mr. Justice Robin Knowles of 1 August 2019 and of the order of Mr. Justice Bryan of 6 September 2019,” Justice Butcher said.

Consequently, Rahmaniya was fined £500,000, while Adebowale Aderemi, the manager of the company, was asked to pay a penalty of £10,000.

Meanwhile, Bashar and his company have remained silent over the latest jail term.

[DailyPost]