Barcelona goalkeeper, Wojciech Szczesny, has told his teammate, Robert Lewandowski, not to give up on winning the LaLiga Golden Boot.

Lewandowski has netted 25 times this season and trails with three goals behind Real Madrid superstar, Kylian Mbappe, who leads with 28.

The Blaugrana have already claimed the La Liga title with their 2-0 win over Espanyol to complete a domestic treble under coach Hansi Flick.

Szczesny spoke during celebrations for their title. He said to Barca One via GOAL, “All that’s left is for Robert to win the Pichichi. Don’t worry, there’s two games left for Lewy to overtake Mbappe.”

Lewandowski failed to add to his tally when Barcelona lost 3-2 to Villarreal on Sunday.

The Polish marksman is now left with the final matchday against Athletic Club on May 25 to score at least four goals.

He will, however, hope that Mbappe, who has been unstoppable in his debut season for Los Blancos, does not add more goals to his 28 league tally.

[DailyPost]

Lofty promises allegedly by the Presidency and the national headquarters of the All Progressives Congress (APC) are some of the reasons why legislators, high ranking elective office holders and chieftains of other political parties are defecting to the ruling party, Daily Trust learnt.

In most of the instances, the defectors cite internal party wrangling or performance of the ruling government as reasons for dumping their political parties, under whose backs they rose to power.

Though political defections are not new in Nigeria’s democratic landscape, the rate and scale at which they have swept through the ranks of the opposition in recent months—less than two years into President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration—have triggered growing concerns.

Many observers are now questioning the motives behind the wave of cross-carpeting, especially amid worsening economic conditions.

These concerns have been amplified by the belief that, given the severe economic crisis following President Tinubu’s removal of fuel subsidy and the devaluation of the naira, and the worsening security situation, opposition leaders would rally together to present Nigerians with a viable alternative ahead of the 2027 general elections.

Yet, instead of strengthening the coalition efforts championed by former vice president and 2023 Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) presidential candidate, Atiku Abubakar, the reverse has been the case.

Apart from the defection of the former Kaduna State governor, Nasir El-Rufai and a few others from the ruling APC to the Social Democratic Party (SDP), which is being touted as the potential vehicle for the coalition, the APC has been harvesting defections from the PDP and other opposition parties at an alarming rate.

The gale of defections has permeated the political terrain as already a serving governor has moved to the APC and others reportedly only marking time.

Besides, many legislators at the national and state levels have moved to the APC, while the number of ex-governors, deputies, former legislators, among others has continued to swell.

But beyond citing the problems in their parties, Daily Trust learnt from multiple sources that some of the defectors were allegedly approached with mouth-watering offers to defect.

The essence, according to our sources, is to improve the chances of President Tinubu to get a second term in 2027.

The carrots being offered

There are allegations that a lot of money is being shared to opposition politicians especially in the Senate and House of Representatives to defect to the APC.

The allegation is the same against some politicians seen as powerful in their constituencies even though they don’t hold any political office, either elective or appointive.

Daily Trust could not independently verify this claim, as the presidency, the APC and those who have defected have denied the allegation.

Besides alleged financial inducements, there are accusations that most of the legislators that have defected so far have been assured of automatic ticket to return to the National Assembly in 2027, irrespective of how long they have been in the hallowed chambers, or the level of their performance.

It was suspected that the same offer has been made for some first-time governors from the opposition parties.

So far, only the governor of Delta State, Sheriff Oborevwori, has dumped the PDP, under whose back he rode to power in 2023, and joined the APC.

It is not clear whether the remaining opposition first-term governors would defect to the APC or not, but the actions and utterances of some of them showed that they are favourably disposed to what President Tinubu, and by extension the ruling party, are doing.

The first-time governors include Alex Oti (Labour Party, Abia), Umo Eno (PDP, Akwa Ibom), Peter Mba (PDP, Enugu), Abba Kabir Yusuf (NNPP, Kano), Caleb Mutfwang (PDP, Plateau), Siminalayi Fubara (PDP, Rivers), Agbu Kefas (PDP, Taraba) and Dauda Lawal (PDP, Zamfara).

Specifically for legislators at the National Assembly who are popular in their states, it was alleged that they are also being wooed with multi-billion naira projects, in addition to promises for automatic tickets for return.

But when contacted, some of them denied the allegations while others refused to talk at all. In retrospect, many of them during the announcement of their defections alleged that their former political parties were incurably enmeshed in crises and they have no option but to move on to the APC.

For instance, Senator Kawu Sumaila, who represents Kano South in the Senate under the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP), is one of those who recently migrated to the APC.

Soon after his defection, rumours were rife that he defected to the ruling party because he was given a project worth over N90 billion to reactivate some dams in Kano under the Ecological Fund.

When asked during an exclusive interview with the Daily Trust to comment on this allegation, Kawu Sumaila said the projects approved for his senatorial zone were true, but that they were awarded long before he and other legislators from Kano defected to the APC.

He also said there was no any condition attached to their movement to the APC or the dam projects in question.

He added that the contract, which was approved by the federal government to the tune of over N90 billion, was not influenced by him alone, or awarded directly to him, saying they worked together with some members of the House of Representatives to attract the project.

“We influenced it (the constituency project) for our people. I am not a journalist. I am a representative of the people. I made promises during my campaign—one of them being to revitalise the agricultural and irrigation systems in Kano South. Our region has three major dams—Tiga and Challawa among them—which are among the largest in West Africa. These dams even support irrigation in parts of Kano Central, Yobe, Bauchi, and up to Maiduguri.

“For instance, Challawa in Karaye has been idle for 34 to 35 years after its completion. Reactivating it would impact at least 30,000 people.

“So, as a responsible representative, should I reject that kind of opportunity just because of political party differences? Should I say no to a project that benefits my people simply because of alphabetical differences in party names?” he asked.

In Katsina State, the only three members of the House of Representatives elected on the platform of the opposition PDP have defected to the ruling APC.

They are Hon. Salisu Yusuf Majigiri, representing Mashi/Dutsi federal constituency; Abdullahi Balarabe Dabai, representing Bakori/Danja, and Hon. Aliyu Ilyasu, representing Batsari/Safana/Danmusa federal constituency.

Both Dabai’s and Ilyasu’s phone numbers seem to be on call forwarding for days, such that they could only receive calls from the numbers they have saved. And the messages of inquiry sent to them yesterday on the allegations that they were influenced with either financial inducement, contracts, or automatic tickets, were not replied as at the time of filing this report.

For Hon. Majigiri, who picked up his call yesterday, he said he was about to collect his membership card of the APC at his political ward and would not be able to respond to the inquiry.

However, a former PDP ward chairman, Manawa ward of Batsari Local Government Area of Katsina State, Sani Muhammad popularly known as “I know”, told our reporter that he dropped his leadership position in the APC and defected with his house member.

“Actually, he (Hon. Ilyasu) defected to the APC before even consulting us, but the moment he called me to intimate me about the move, I decided to move with him, so I defected also.

“It is indeed the crisis in the PDP, especially in Katsina State, that forced him to leave.  He is not the kind of person who likes crisis. We have not heard of any inducement, but we know that the APC were calling them to join them, so he decided to join,” he said.

In Kebbi, prior to the defections of Senators Adamu Aliero, Dr. Yahaya Abdullahi and Musa Mai Doki to the APC at the floor of the Senate Chambers in Abuja, plans for their movement started last year in Birnin Kebbi when Senator Aliero nominated some known political figures considered as his foot soldiers to dialogue with the APC-led administration under Governor Nasir Idris on alleged sharing formula for elective and appointive offices.

The group, led by his junior brother, Alhaji Abba Aliero, had met with Governor Idris and other APC chieftains at the Government House chambers in Birnin Kebbi where they discussed the modalities for their defection to the ruling party.

After coming out of the meeting, Abba Aliero said they were invited for a tete-a-tete, and the public would be informed of whatever decision was reached later.

He said “We, the supporters of Senator Aliero were summoned to a friendly discussion with His Excellency, Governor Idris, which we obliged. We sought for time to return to our constituencies for further consultations with our grassroots supporters before deciding on the best course of action.”

On his part, Dr Yahaya Abdullahi has been in the Senate since 2015. Up till the time of filing this report, Dr Abdullahi has not responded to calls to comment on the alleged reasons why he defected to the APC.

However, Abdullahi had earlier offered a more nuanced rationale for his defection. He recalled his resignation from the APC in June 2022, when he also stepped down as the 9th Senate Leader, following political disagreements in his state.

According to him, those disagreements had since been resolved under the current Kebbi governor’s leadership.

“For me, this is a homecoming. It is also politically imperative that I join President Bola Tinubu,” he added.

In Zamfara, there are allegations that the likes of Senator Ikra Bilbis, who represents Zamfara Central in the 10th National Assembly on the platform of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), would defect.

But in an interview with the Daily Trust, Senator Bilbis debunked the claim even though he admitted that he had succeeded in attracting projects to his people under the Tinubu administration.

“I’m not one of them (defectors). I’m not thinking about that. That’s not my priority,” he said.

When asked if he had attracted any project to his senatorial district, he said, “Of course. Have you forgotten? Recently, my bill has passed; it has gone through all the legislative processes from the Senate to the House of Representatives, and Mr President has even assented to the bill. That is the establishment of the Federal University of Health, Science and Technology.”

But when told that there were allegations that these are some of the things that the president is using to induce legislators, he said, “No. To be honest with you, to be fair to him, he has not even seen me.”

Rep. Adamu Tanko representing Suleja/Gurara/Tafa of Niger State, who defected from the PDP to the APC, denied being promised anything in return for his defection. He said it was out of his personal conviction and what he thought was the best for his people.

Rep. Tanko defected earlier in March alongside Rep. Husseini Mohammed Jallo, the member representing Igabi Federal Constituency of Kaduna State, who also joined the APC.

Rep. Tanko who spoke to Daily Trust over the phone on Sunday, said, “There was no promise of anything. There was none.”

Similarly, Donatus Matthew representing Kaura federal Constituency of Kaduna State, who dumped Labour Party (LP) for the ruling APC in February, also dismissed purported reports about enticing him with automatic ticket or any other thing by the ruling party.

The lawmaker, who also spoke to our reporter on phone, on Sunday, said the reports were mere political speculations. He told our reporter to contact the leadership of the ruling APC about whether or not there was any promise.

“Please, ask the leadership of the APC. That is the best place to get the answer to what you are asking. Thanks you,” he said.

It could be recalled that as at last week, 30 members of the House have defected since the inauguration of the 10th Assembly.

Out of the 30 that defected, 27 left the PDP, Labour Party (LP), African Democratic Congress (ADC), and the NNPP and joined the ruling APC while one left LP and joined PDP. Two left LP and joined APGA.

There’s no coercion – Senate leader

Amid the backlash trailing the gale of defections, particularly the fears of a creeping one-party state, Senate Leader Opeyemi Bamidele, dismissed claims that the APC was coercing or inducing opposition lawmakers to defect.

Bamidele insisted that the decisions were voluntary and motivated by the spirit of national unity.

He described the senators’ defections as an act of patriotism and a necessary step toward building a cohesive front to address Nigeria’s deepening economic and security challenges.

“This is the time for all of us to work together to take Nigeria to the next level,” he stated, urging political actors to eschew grandstanding and focus on collaborative governance.

Bamidele also pushed back against the narrative that the APC was plotting a one-party state, maintaining that the defections should rather be seen as an alignment of political forces toward a government of national unity, not an attempt to suffocate the opposition.

His comments, however, have done little to calm fears among critics and civil society organisations who insist that the pattern of defections, coupled with statements by APC leaders such as Ganduje, reflect a broader agenda to entrench the ruling party’s dominance ahead of the 2027 polls.

They’re moving to realise their ambitions – APC

Contacted for a response to the allegations, the APC National Director of Publicity, Bala Ibrahim, told Daily Trust yesterday that the defectors were joining the ruling party to realise their political ambitions.

He said those who defected to the ruling party felt they couldn’t achieve their ambitions in their former parties, stressing that APC has done no wrong in providing them the platform to thrive.

Ibrahim, who challenged those making the allegations to provide proof, said “People go into politics for a purpose, and in achieving that, you look for the right vehicle to convey you.

“If you get that vehicle, you won’t care or worry about how you get there; the most important thing is to actualise your dream through that vehicle.

“If the APC is providing the platform for them to actualise their ambitions, I don’t see anything wrong with that in politics. People change camps in politics.

“If you are in a camp where you feel your vision will be frustrated, where you feel there won’t be a level-playing field, you move to where there is going to be democratic demonstration of a level-playing field. That is the purpose of politics,” he said.

Villa mum

The Presidency is yet to comment on the latest allegations of inducing politicians to defect.  Efforts to reach out to Bayo Onanuga, the Special Adviser to the president on Information and Strategy were not successful as he was said to be in Rome.

Also, the Special Adviser to the President on Policy Communication, Daniel Bwala, could not be reached, and he was yet to respond to a WhatsApp message sent to him.

Earlier in April, the presidency had denied pushing for a one-party state, insisting that defections were voluntary.

It insisted that democracy under President Tinubu remained vibrant and unthreatened.

In a statement titled “Democracy Strong and Alive in Nigeria,” Onanuga rejected accusations that the Tinubu administration was edging towards authoritarianism through an orchestrated wave of defections.

Reaching out to second-term govs?

Daily Trust also learnt that the support of first-time governors and those who are serving their second term, irrespective of party leaning, is also being sought after, considering their control of party structures in their states, among other advantages.

But a source said the APC-led government is not actually fixated that the governors should be lured to its fold.

“As we all know, the ultimate goal is for the APC to have the majority of votes, especially in the presidential election during the next election. Therefore, the other kite that is being flown by those pushing for the Tinubu second-term bid is for the first-time governors to give a serious commitment that they would support the president to win.

“Once they keep to their words, they would also be supported in different ways to win their second term. This could be through big federal government projects through the budget or other interventions.

“They would be given the right of first refusal by the party. It is almost the same thing with the legislators. They would be supported through various means to win their primaries and the main election,” he said.

On second-term governors, another source said, “Even though most of them might not want to defect at this time, they, nonetheless, want to remain relevant in the scheme of things.”

“While some of them would like to go to the Senate, others would not want to be disturbed with questions after leaving office on May 29, 2027…So, the kite being thrown at them is to support the APC project so that at the end of the day, it will be a win-win situation,” the source said.

The second-term opposition governors are Ahmadu Umaru Fintiri (PDP, Adamawa), Bala Mohammed (PDP, Bauchi) and Seyi Makinde (PDP, Oyo).

Second-term governors who are members of the APC are Babajide Sanwo-Olu (Lagos), Dapo Abiodun (Ogun), AbdulRahman AbdulRazak (Kwara), Abdullahi Sule (Nasarawa), Muhammad Inuwa Yahaya (Gombe), Babagana Zulum (Borno) and Mai Mala Buni (Yobe), amongst others.

First-term governors who are members of the APC includes but not limited to Ahmad Aliyu (Sokoto), Dikko Umaru Radda (Katsina), Hyacinth Alia (Benue), Umar Namadi (Jigawa), Francis Nwifuru (Ebonyi), Uba Sani (Kaduna), Bassey Otu (Cross River), Nasir Idris (Kebbi) and Umar Bago (Niger)

Govs not under duress – Gombe gov

When contacted by one of our correspondents on whether they were influenced by President Tinubu or the National Chairman of the APC, Dr. Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, the Chairman of Northern Governors Forum and governor of Gombe State, Inuwa Yahaya, who commented through his spokesman, Ismaila Misilli, said there is no governor that is under pressure from any quarter.

“Our governor, who is the chairman of the northern governors and a strong member of the APC, has said it again and again that they are not under any influence,” he said.

“He has told the BBC in a recent interview, and I want to repeat what he said. Yes, big wigs are defecting and they would continue to defect to our party because of the good work we are all doing at the state level and at the national level.

“There is no directive or suggestion from the presidency for the governors to forcefully influence the defection of anybody. And there is no arrangement that the governors would be supported to have their way.

“However, what is certain is that the governors are on the same page with the president. Those that are joining the APC are simply being appreciative of the wonderful things the president and the governors are doing,” he said.

Asked if they are not scared that the party might implode at the end of the day, considering that those that are defecting mostly have the ambition of contesting for offices that are currently occupied by other politicians, Misilli said, “The APC structure is big enough to accommodate everyone. We have the federal government and we have many states, there is no problem at all.

“APC is a big house for everyone, and it is not about entrenching a one-party state; it is about providing good governance for the citizens which is gradually becoming visible.”

The most striking of the defections

The most striking of these defections was the movement of Atiku’s 2023 running mate, Ifeanyi Okowa, and Delta State Governor Oborevwori, alongside the entire PDP structure in Delta State, to the APC.

This cascade of defections soon extended to the Senate, where apart from Kawu Sumaila, formerly of the NNPP, three PDP senators from Kebbi State— Aliero (Kebbi Central), Abdullahi (Kebbi North) and Maidoki (Kebbi South)—also crossed over to the ruling party.

They were not the first. Earlier, Senators Ned Nwoko (Delta North), Francis Onyewuchi (Imo East), and the late Ifeanyi Ubah (Anambra South) had defected from the PDP, Labour Party (LP), and Young Progressives Party (YPP), respectively.

Onyewuchi, who was among the earliest defectors in July 2024, attributed his decision to the deepening factional disputes within the LP at both national and state levels. Similarly, in February 2025, Nwoko cited entrenched divisions within the PDP as his reason for embracing the APC.

Fractured opposition and unresolved leadership crises

At the heart of these defections lies the deepening disarray within Nigeria’s leading opposition parties. In the PDP, the leadership crisis festering since the fallout of the 2023 presidential election has remained unresolved, leaving the party fractured along regional and factional lines.

The prolonged stay of acting national chairman, Umar Damagum, and the crisis over the national secretary’s position deepened by the persistent push-and-pull between the camps loyal to Atiku Abubakar and Rivers State’s former governor, Nyesom Wike, have further weakened the party’s unity and national appeal.

Efforts to convene a decisive National Executive Committee (NEC) meeting have been consistently stalled, fuelling suspicions of deliberate sabotage by entrenched interests keen on maintaining the status quo. The power struggle in the PDP has not only paralysed decision-making at the national level but also trickled down to the states, with many local chapters thrown into chaos.

The Labour Party has faced its own internal crisis. The party, which rode on the popularity of Peter Obi in 2023 to secure seats in the National Assembly, has since become engulfed in leadership tussles at both national and state levels creating a fertile ground for aggrieved lawmakers to jump ship.

Similarly, the NNPP, once projected as an emerging third force, has been battling bitter supremacy wars between its presidential candidate, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, and other key stakeholders, leading to multiple court cases and leadership squabbles.

For many lawmakers, these crises have provided both a pretext and a political shield for their defections as internal crisis within a party is the only reason recognised by the constitution as grounds for defection.

Experts blame lack of ideology, rising materialism for defections

Meanwhile, political experts and civic groups have attributed the spate of defections to the ruling APC to a deep-rooted absence of political ideology within Nigeria’s party system, warning that the trend poses grave risks to the country’s democratic health.

Professor Tunde Adeniran, a political scientist and former Minister of Education, told Daily Trust that the unchecked appetite for material gains and the vacuum of ideological commitment among political actors have been major drivers of the ongoing defections.

“There is the rush at different levels and by various politicians to join the ruling party because of lack of ideology,” Adeniran said, adding that “Ideology should ordinarily serve as a compass to guide members of the political class and their followers. In its absence, the majority of politicians act without integrity, principles, or value-guided direction. They are, therefore, prompted by materialism in their actions.”

Echoing similar concerns, renowned political analyst, Professor Kamilu Sani Fage, described the defections as a reflection of Nigeria’s transactional politics, where political parties are seen merely as platforms for personal ambition rather than vehicles for ideological pursuits.

“It is always an easy decision for politicians in Nigeria to switch parties because most of them only see political parties as vehicles to achieve personal ambitions,” Fage observed.

“It is difficult to identify parties based on manifestos or ideologies, which makes it easier for politicians to move freely from opposition to ruling parties, and vice versa. Because of these personal goals and the lack of ideology, most politicians find it difficult to remain in the opposition,” he said.

Further amplifying the concerns, the Resource Centre for Human Rights and Civic Education (CHRICED) warned that the mass defections, particularly from the National Assembly, were eroding political pluralism and risking a slide toward one-party dominance.

CHRICED’s Executive Director, Comrade Ibrahim Zikirullahi, while addressing a recent press briefing, acknowledged the constitutional right of politicians to associate freely but raised alarm that the current wave of defections was endangering Nigeria’s democratic equilibrium.

“This mass defection is gradually turning the country into a one-party state,” Zikirullahi warned. “Such a scenario diminishes the effectiveness of opposition parties, stifles political discourse, and limits the electorate’s choices.”

He cited the crisis in Rivers State, where the defection of 27 lawmakers loyal to the immediate past governor, Nyesom Wike, has plunged the state into political turmoil, creating a ripple effect that has emboldened further defections at the national level.

“This shift raises significant concerns about the health of Nigeria’s democracy and the principles of political pluralism,” Zikirullahi added.

Ganduje’s comments fuel fears of one-party dominance

Amid the wave of defections, comments by APC National Chairman, Abdullahi Ganduje, have further heightened fears of a creeping one-party agenda. Ganduje, a former Kano State governor, openly boasted that the APC was on course to becoming the only viable political platform in the country, as more opposition politicians continue to defect to the ruling party.

Ganduje’s remarks, delivered during various defection ceremonies and most recently after he and the three Kebbi senators had a meeting with President Tinubu, have been widely interpreted as a confirmation of the APC’s strategic plan to weaken the opposition ahead of 2027, consolidating its grip on the political space.

Civil society groups and pro-democracy activists have since raised the alarm over the implications of Ganduje’s comments, warning that a lopsided political environment could erode democratic competition and further stifle dissent.

Critics point out that while party-switching is a familiar feature of Nigeria’s politics, the current pattern of mass defections—coupled with the ruling party’s overt declarations—could tip the country towards de facto one-party dominance, with all its attendant risks to electoral integrity, accountability and democratic vibrancy.

Power dynamics that could boomerang on APC

Yet, beneath the euphoria of the APC’s growing influence lies the undercurrent of festering internal rivalries that could, if not carefully managed, undermine the party’s cohesion in key states. Former Jigawa State governor, Sule Lamido, is one the key proponents of this viewpoint.

Nowhere is this undercurrent more evident than in Kebbi and Delta, where the struggle for supremacy among the APC’s power blocs threatens to fracture the party from within.

In Kebbi State, the recent defection of the three PDP senators, including political heavyweight Aliero, is believed to have rekindled an old rivalry between Aliero and former Governor Atiku Bagudu, who currently serves as Minister of Budget and Economic Planning. The two leaders, both founding fathers of the APC in Kebbi, fell out during the 2022 primaries, leading Aliero to defect to the PDP and contest the senatorial seat.

While Aliero has now returned to the APC, analysts say the wounds from their bitter 2022 showdown remain fresh, with both camps still jostling for dominance. There are fears that if the national leadership fails to broker a genuine reconciliation, Kebbi APC could once again implode ahead of 2027, especially with Aliero still commanding significant grassroots loyalty across the state.

In Delta, the dynamics are even more complex. The defection of Governor Oborevwori, alongside the entire PDP structure, into the APC was seen as a political masterstroke by the ruling party. However, the move has set the stage for an intense turf war within the Delta APC, pitting Oborevwori against his former arch-rival and APC 2023 governorship candidate, Senator Ovie Omo-Agege.

Sources within the party say while both leaders may currently project a united front, their underlying mistrust and competition for the party’s control—especially in anticipation of 2027—could destabilise the APC in the state. Oborevwori’s entry into the APC has also reignited the political influence of former Governor James Ibori, a political ally of President Tinubu, who is believed to be working behind the scenes to protect his loyalists and retain relevance within the new power structure.

This three-way contest between Oborevwori, Omo-Agege and the Ibori political family has already polarised the party’s grassroots, with many warning that unless the national leadership steps in early to harmonise the interests of the various factions, the APC may suffer the same fate that befell the PDP in 2023, when its internal disunity paved the way for APC’s gains in the state.

Thus, while the APC may appear to be consolidating power at the national level, the emerging internal rivalries in strategic states like Kebbi and Delta could pose significant headaches for the party, if not carefully managed ahead of the 2027 general elections.

[DailyTrust]

The Monetary Policy Committee (MPC), the highest policy-making organ of the Central Bank of Nigeria(CBN), begins a crucial two-day meeting today with a decision on the benchmark interest rate as the main agenda.

Many analysts expect the CBN to leave the benchmark interest rate, the Monetary Policy Rate (MPR), unchanged at 27.50 per cent, in preference for a more discernible consumer price trend.

The MPC, headed by the CBN governor, traditionally provides monetary policies and benchmarks, which determine the direction of the financial services sector and the economy to a large extent.

The National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) last week released its latest Consumer Price Index (CPI) report, showing that the headline inflation rate dropped by 52 basis points from 24.23 per cent in March 2025 to 23.71 per cent last month.

On a month-on-month basis, inflation also declined to 1.86 per cent in April, compared to  3.90 per cent recorded in March.

The decline in inflation rate was driven by a broad-based decrease in the prices of food items. Food inflation slowed by 53 basis points from 21.79 per cent in March 2025 to 21.26 per cent in April 2025. On a month-on-month basis, food inflation eased by 12 basis points from 2.18 per cent to 2.06 per cent.

Core inflation-which included all items excluding farm produce and energy, also declined by 105 basis points from 24.43 per cent in March 2025 to 23.39 per cent in April. On a month-on-month basis,   core inflation dropped by 239 basis points from 3.73 per cent in March 2025 to 1.34 per cent last month. 

Experts and sources close to the CBN said the MPC would rely on the side of caution and hold the rates and other parameters unchanged.

Analysts at Bismarck Rewane’s Financial Derivatives Company (FDC), Cordros Capital Group, Afrinvest West Africa and Arthur Steven Asset Management, among others, expect a cautious stance that would leave the MPR and all parameters unchanged.

However, analysts at Futureview said the apex bank could reduce the benchmark interest rate marginally. They expect inflationary pressure to reduce further in the next period.  

Cordros Capital analysts said: “Since the last MPC meeting, the global economic landscape has grown increasingly volatile and uncertain, primarily driven by persistent trade protectionist policies in the United States.

‘’In our view, the MPC is likely to take these developments into account, particularly the elevated global uncertainty and its adverse implications for naira stability, despite a positive real rate of return, given the current inflation rate. 

‘’Against this backdrop, we expect the MPC to adopt a cautious stance, leaving the Monetary Policy Rate (MPR) unchanged, alongside retaining all other policy parameters in a bid to anchor inflation expectations and maintain the naira’s attractiveness,”

The analysts said inflation risks were still tilted to the upside, particularly as the naira continues to experience gradual depreciation, reinforcing the need to anchor inflation expectations.

US President Donald Trump said Monday he would launch a “major investigation” into his 2024 election rival Kamala Harris over celebrities who backed her failed run for the White House.

“Candidates aren’t allowed to pay for ENDORSEMENTS, which is what Kamala did, under the guise of paying for entertainment,” he posted on his Truth Social platform.

“I am going to call for a major investigation into this matter.”

Harris sought to harness star power from celebrities such as Beyonce and Oprah Winfrey in the election race.

Winfrey defended a $1 million payment to her production company from the Harris campaign to covers costs associated with the talk show legend hosting the presidential candidate.

Harris’s team, meanwhile, denied rumours that she paid pop megastar Beyonce $10 million to appear at a rally.

The Harris campaign listed one endorsement-related expenditure for $75 in its financial reports to an environmental advocacy group.

Trump, who won the election comfortably, received scant support from the entertainment industry at large but tapped into a targeted subset of well-known, hypermasculine influencers including podcast host Joe Rogan.

The president on Monday took aim at Beyonce, Winfrey and Bruce Springsteen, accusing Harris of paying the legendary rock star to perform at a rally in Georgia weeks before the election.

“How much did Kamala Harris pay Bruce Springsteen for his poor performance during her campaign for president?” he wrote.

“Why did he accept that money if he is such a fan of hers?”

Trump last week took to Truth Social to feud with Springsteen after the star told a British concert audience that his homeland is now ruled by a “corrupt, incompetent and treasonous administration.”

In return, the 78-year-old Republican said the star, nicknamed “the Boss,” is “Highly Overrated.”

Springsteen is an outspoken liberal critic of Trump and turned out for Harris after she replaced Democratic president Joe Biden in his abandoned reelection bid.

AFP

I anticipated  lots of reactions  to my April 12, 2025 column titled  “How the military taught Nigerians the art of looting.” However, I did not expect an avalanche. It was as if I had made a monumental discovery  on corruption. I have not!  

Some of the reactions suggested that multi-party democracy in a  diverse religious  and multi-ethnic  polity with competing  interests like Nigeria, requires compromises which make corruption unavoidable. This assertion, as explained    by Chief Tunde Fanimokun,  in his 2009 book, “Jakande: His Story Is History”, is a fallacy. In  using the example of former Lagos State Governor  Lateef Kayode Jakande, Fanimokun, the pioneer Permanent Secretary for Land Matters in the state, demonstrated  “the practicability  of  incorruptibility under a democratic dispensation, given a good leader.” Jakande, by his policies, pronouncements, actions, example and body language, left nobody in doubt that a cardinal sin anybody in his government could commit was to be corrupt in any way or form.  As he said: “Where there is light, there can be no darkness.”

Jakande  shocked the citizenry when from the podium  he was sworn in, he headed for his private one-story residence    at    2, Bishop Street, Ilupeju rather than the palatial State House.  When he was told it was impracticable, he asked what could be done to make it practicable.  When told a ‘State House’ could not  be in darkness, and he had no generator, he went out to buy one on hire purchase. When the security services said  closed-circuit television is  a necessity, he borrowed one from a friend. The emphatic message Jakande  sent out was that he  sought public office in order to serve and not be served.  At his own expense, he modified his residence and lived there throughout his terms in office, and  for the two years from 1993 when he was  the Minister of Works and Housing.

When his administration built an average    21  new houses everyday for the four years he was governor – making a total of over 30,000 new houses – he did so at the lowest possible cost. This included  making bulk purchases of building materials and fittings using the    state    Building Materials Company, BMC, “at the most competitive prices from all available sources.” Fanimokun wrote that the Jakande administration also    made direct “strategic  importation    of building materials  as and when  necessary”.  These included iron-rods and cement from Spain and flush doors from countries like Cote d’ Ivoire and Taiwan.

  This way, the houses were affordable for the poor and the possibility of corruption in awarding contracts, was highly  minimised. Fanimokun wrote that in awarding contracts, Jakande’s “tender award procedure  was ideal – open, competitive, and very strictly  guided by due process.” Also, there could have been no cases of corruption in the allocation system, as there were far more houses  available than the number of applicants. He said under Jakande,  the annual budget was like an holy book. It was  used as an effective tool  of management, for fiscal discipline, financial prudence and full compliance.  The issue  of ‘unspent budget’, he said, would have been strange under Jakande because  strict budget implementation  was a standard  antidote  for any end-of-year rush for  unspent  balances. Fanimokun posited that  the practice of unspent budget  is by itself “an open invitation  to fraudulent  manipulations, most especially in the absence of any effective control to clean the balance sheet.” He  suggests Jakande’s method of taking steps to prevent  corruption rather than tackle it after, because: “It is a notorious fact  that Nigerian governments  have a penchant  for endless probes  without prosecution  to logical conclusion.”

He also argued that while  new agencies to fight corruption  such as the  Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC, and  the Independent    Corrupt Practices    and Other Related Offences Commission, ICPC,    have been established after the Jakande era to fight corruption,  the country seems to be moving in a circle.  He said even when  such agencies recover looted funds, there are claims that some of such funds are re-looted. The military coup of  December 1983 which overthrew the Shagari administration and ended the Jakande administration in Lagos State, came with a vengeance to deal ruthlessly with leaders of the  overthrown administration. It assumed the former leaders were corrupt. But Fanimokun said the military regime found Jakande to be spotlessly clean.

  Based  on his experiences under Jakande, Fanimokun  made  eight recommendations.  First, is the power of example.    Referring to innovative projects like the Banana Island land reclamation project, he said as governor, Jakande created land from water “without  allocating one single plot of land to himself or his family.”

A second suggestion is that an upright leader should not be found in the midst of villains and treasury looters.  Thirdly,  that a visionary leadership is an irreducible minimum.  Fourthly,  that a good administration must keep    faith with its policy pronouncements. Fifth, that good governance should not under any circumstance be compromised. This, he says, requires  the promotion of the greatest good for the greatest number of the people.  Six,  is a total rebirth  of the country’s value system built on a people-oriented  mass movement  against corruption.  Seven  is a continuous  auditing of public accounts and use of watchdogs  operating    in the form of fund and financial review committees.  Lastly, a demonstrable  ‘zero tolerance’ for corruption.    

While delivering the 2025 Distinguished Personality Lecture of the Lagos State University, LASU, Fanimokun noted: “It is a notorious  fact that corruption remains a recurring decimal in the history of Nigeria. It is widely  acknowledged  as a monster with ferocious  fangs/claws; and an endemic problem of gargantuan dimensions.” He  said it is disheartening    that  Nigeria, the sixth  largest oil producer on earth, has the third largest    concentration of poor people.  Corruption, he added,  has held back economic growth and development in the country.

In gazing across his audience  and, reflecting  on  his life, he said:    “At  80, I feel greatly elated  about a rebirth in Nigeria as imminent regarding the anti-corruption crusade.”    Some of the reasons for his elation are the high profile cases involving    the former  Governor of the Central Bank, Godwin Emefiele; the immediate past Governor of Kogi State, Yahaya Bello; and the final forfeiture of assets by Mrs    Deziani Allison-Madueke, former Petroleum Minister under the Jonathan administration.

Fanimokun  said his presumption is that  the younger generations as leaders of tomorrow  are listening to the clarion call  for salvation: “If other wise, Nigeria is irredeemably doomed forever!” To assure the country survives, Fanimokun advocates that the crusade against corruption  should  be elevated to the  status of a war in which drastic measures can  be taken. One direction he directs his gaze is China,  where the wages of corruption is the death penalty.

The immediate past Deputy Speaker of the Enugu State House of Assembly, Dr. Ikechukwu Ezeugwu, has resigned from the People’s Democratic Party (PDP).

In a resignation letter addressed to the Chairman of his Udunedum Ward in Udenu Local Government Area of Enugu State on Sunday, Ezeugwu cited several deliberate wrongdoings by the PDP against its members, describing the party’s operations in the state as “Deceitocracy.”

“For the records, the breaking point for me was, but not limited to, the events during the build-up to the 2023 general elections. The party leadership, with their allies, driven by selfishness, arrogated to themselves the responsibility and clumsily selected candidates for the elections against the advice of well-meaning members of the party,” he stated.

Ezeugwu further lamented that “in many instances, merit was glaringly sacrificed on the altar of mediocrity, and deceit was ingloriously elevated to unimaginable proportions.” He expressed gratitude for the wisdom to reject what he described as a “Trojan Horse,” adding that he was targeted for economic suppression and political ridicule, but persevered.

He also criticized the party for sidelining many vibrant first-time members of the State House of Assembly and other political aspirants. According to him, these individuals were deceitfully encouraged to embark on countless constituency empowerment projects and campaigns, with assurances of candidacy that never materialized.

“Those who were given such opportunities were left stranded when they needed support and encouragement. Meanwhile, the party leadership was busy flirting around with candidates of other political parties vying for the highest political office at the national level,” Ezeugwu said.

He described the experience as deeply depressing, especially considering the contributions of members of the 7th Assembly of Enugu State.

“For me, trust is a fundamental aspect of any relationship, and without it, relationships can become challenging to maintain. It is pitiful, shameful, and heartbreaking that ‘Papas deceived Pikins’ who respected, trusted, and treated them as fathers. DECEITOCRACY,” Ezeugwu concluded.

[Vanguard]

Tokunbo Wahab, Lagos commissioner for environment and water resources, says the state will begin full enforcement of the ban on single-use plastics (SUPs) from July 1, 2025.

SUPs are products intended for short-term use. They are sometimes discarded after a single application.

Styrofoam is a trademarked brand of closed-cell extruded polystyrene foam (XPS) used for building insulation on walls and roofs. It is also used for production of single-use cups and plastics.

In January 2024, the Lagos government banned the use and distribution of styrofoam and other SUPs to reduce environmental pollution across the state.

The development elicited varied reactions as stakeholders and some residents berated the government for the short notice.

Providing an update on the development on Monday, Wahab, via a post on X, said the state government has been strategic with the implementation of the policy.

The commissioner said in the last 18 months, the state organised a series of stakeholder engagement sessions with marketers and producers of SUPs.

“Now it’s time to act,” he said.

“We re-emphasized this stand during a courtesy visit by management of TETRA PAK West Africa Limited led by the Managing Director, Mr. Haithem Debbiche.

“This is about environmental responsibility and we have given ample time to align with global best practices.

“What is unacceptable elsewhere cannot become standard in Lagos. We must protect our future and do what is right for the greater good.

“We’re not here to score points. We’re here to do the work. Just like with the successful enforcement of the styrofoam ban, we will insist on accountability and responsibility.”

[TheCable]

In Yoruba, there is a proverb: “Ojú l’arí, ọ̀rẹ́ ò dé ‘nú”—literally it means ‘we only see the face; friendship does not go deep inside.’ That is the name the Group Managing Director of the NNPCL, Mr Bayo Ojulari, bears. The name calls attention to why appearance and essence sometimes wear different colours. It teaches a lesson in how names, faces and accents may be mere masks—not mirrors.

In Nigeria, the powers of power always wear tribal costumes. Every big position is a sacred grove, only the initiates have its access cards. Kinship confers initiation rights at the grove; free cakes are the benefits. For this and other familial reasons, about a month ago when Ojulari was made the boss of Nigeria’s national oil company, Yoruba people, home and abroad, danced round the world. They thought the NNPC had become their grove. 

There is a town called Oke Ode in Ifelodun Local Government Area of Kwara State. Chiefs and youths of that community competed for space in newspapers, on radio and TV with press releases thanking President Bola Tinubu and their own stars for the appointment of Ojulari. They said he was their son in whom they were very well pleased. The chiefs, in particular, added, for effect, that he was “able and capable of bringing the necessary turnaround in NNPC for the benefit of Nigeria and the entire citizenry.”

But the man by himself gave a definition of himself last week. He spoke extensively to BBC Hausa in flawless Hausa language, clearly and purposively choosing and declaring where he belongs. Newspapers did English translations of what he said: “I was surprised when people said I was not from the North. I am a child of the North, and I come from Ilorin. I was brought up in Kaduna State. I started learning Yoruba when I was 15 years old. When I left Kaduna, I went to Zaria to study, so I am a northerner,” he said — and added: “I need the support of the North to do this work well and bring development to the North and the whole of Nigeria…” 

What Ojulari said is a culture jolt to Western Nigerians, and I saw it in more than one critical Yoruba circle. It is a reminder that the face is not necessarily the soul. It is also a warning that a name may and may not mirror allegiance or belonging. 

Three things I noted in what the man said: That he is from the North is true and the truth; Kwara is geographically north. It appears settled forever, no matter what I may think or feel. That the man is from Ilorin will be declared false by Ilorin, and held to be very untrue by the people of Oke Ode, his father’s hometown. The city he claims, Ilorin, is in Kwara-Central senatorial district; the town that claims him, Oke Ode, is an Igbomina town that sits deep in the savanna of Kwara South. Much more fundamental is this: “I need the support of the North to do this work well and bring development to the North and the whole of Nigeria.” Now, read the last clause of that sentence again. Did you see that ‘the north’ comes first before ‘Nigeria’? So, between the two which one is really his country?

In the pantheon of the gods, some deities are more worthy than others. The North is that deity who stands by you with everything it has. When you have northern Nigeria on your side, you can sleep completely and totally. No ant will dare walk your skin; rodents won’t disturb your rest. Ojulari knew this as a proven fact. He, therefore, desperately wanted the North behind him. And, with that interview, the boss man has owned the North; the North is expected to accept and own him. 

I believe Ojulari could claim his northernness without posting a disclaimer of his ethnic, linguistic and communal roots. His interview has stomped his feet on the eyes of that part of the earth which calls him son. The language and tone of the interview suggest his mother tongue is a footnote; an afterthought that came after 15 years. His hometown, Oke Ode, did not even feature at all in his story as told by him. I hope his Yoruba is strong enough for him to understand that rain beats one into the same house more than once. He can still make quiet amends. 

A lesson: Butterfly gazed at her reflection in a clear pond and said, “These wings are too grand for an insect—I must be a bird! I am a bird!” 

Butterfly convinced herself and stopped associating with insects; she opted for the assembly of birds. 

In his majesty, the eagle arrived at the next meeting of birds. He spotted butterfly and queried her:

“Why are you here?”

Beautiful butterfly replied: “I have wings like you. I fly. This is where I truly belong. I am a bird.” 

The eagle smiled, patted butterfly on the back and gently told her: “You are truly beautiful, but you are not of our tribe. You flutter, we glide and soar. The world may keep praising your beauty but you should never let achievement, praise and adulation make you forget who you truly are.” 

So, the Hausa-speaking Yorubaman who started learning Yoruba at the age of 15 should listen to the elders when they warn his butterfly never to think itself bird. Achebe’s Ikemefuna called Okonkwo father. We all know how fatal the boy’s run for cover turned out in his ‘father’s’ arms. Maybe I should kuku read out that part of the story: “As the man who had cleared his throat drew up and raised his matchet, Okonkwo looked away. He heard the blow. The pot fell and broke in the sand. He heard Ikemefuna cry, ‘My father, they have killed me!’, as he ran towards him. Dazed with fear, Okonkwo drew his machete and cut him down…” 

The enemy is behind everything that happens to anyone here. In electronics and computing, a glitch is an unexpected software or hardware malfunction. Here, you have your phone frozen or your app crashed, you respond cursing the devil that is responsible for the trouble. You suffer network failure, you hit or tap the desk and pray against the spirit of lost connections. Or you simply blame the village witch, and the next-door neighbour whose jealous, suspicious eyes you’ve been seeing in your dreams. You bind and curse them all —and all their generations. 

At exactly 8:00 a.m. on Tuesday, May 2, 2023, thousands of students across China prepared to take the Advanced Placement (AP) Chinese Language and Culture exam. One after another, they logged into the AP testing platform. For some, the exam began smoothly—they managed to answer a few listening questions—then their screens abruptly froze. Like today’s dog expertly pursuing today’s hare, the obedient citizens of the tech world did what the manuals advised troubled users to do: log out and try again, standard troubleshooting step. Many logged out and attempted to sign back in. But the system told them no: “Access denied. This account is already in use.” Nothing they did resolved the glitch. They remained logged out and locked out – and stranded.

The experience was not a one-centre fiasco. The malfunction was widespread; students from over 700 high schools were impacted. A makeup examination was later organized for those affected. 

China is home to 56 officially recognized ethnic groups—a fine mix of cultures, languages, and traditions. But when the AP Chinese exam system glitched, no one pointed fingers at anyone’s ethnicity. No teacher or senator screamed: “Glitch caused by majority Han to retard the progress of the Hui.” There was no binding the devil and cursing the enemy. The problem was simply taken for what it was —a glitch, a technical chaos.

JAMB discovered that a glitch happened to a part of its 2025 exam and explained how it happened; it offered apologies and remedies. But some people say the JAMB glitch was not an accident; they say it was a carefully designed plot by the Yoruba, led by JAMB’s Professor Ishaq Oloyede to deny Igbo children university education.

Nigeria is an impossible country. Oloyede is an Egba man from Abeokuta, therefore he must be carrying out a Yoruba agenda against their historical southern rival across the Niger. That is what some people say in rooms and verandas and on rooftops. I gasped reading very enlightened people, even respected top media people, entering the fray, blasting the walls of reason. 

Well, it turned out that the glitch affected more candidates in Lagos (a Yoruba state) than the total number of the victims in the South-East. In Lagos, there were 206,610 victim-candidates; the whole of the five South-East states had 173,397. Could the Yoruba have hated their neighbours so much that they would add their own part of the earth to the scorched? Only a suicide bomber would not mind inflicting more harm on himself than on his target. And suicide bombing is not a Western Nigerian delicacy. 

Read the “moth in the hardware” story in the evolution epic of the computer. Anything machine can malfunction at any point and be caused by anything. That is why it is called a machine, an invention by man. Read the Greek origin of the word and its long journey to today’s form and meaning.

The genius called Thomas Edison, when he encountered technical hiccups which he called ‘bugs’ in his inventions, famously said, “I have not failed. I’ve just found 10,000 ways that won’t work.” Science historians say Edison tackled the bugs and hiccups in his inventions through a combination of rigorous experimentation, documentation, and iterative problem-solving. I am almost sure that our scientists and engineers are part of this JAMB controversy, not as professionals proactively in search of solutions to future glitches, but as public or closet ethnic champions. 

I read a report credited to the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) of the University of Nigeria, Nsukka. The chairman of ASUU-UNN, Comrade Óyibo Eze, told newsmen in Nsukka on Wednesday that the massive failure, which he claimed mostly affected candidates from the South-East, was a deliberate attempt by JAMB to stop children from the zone from getting higher education. 

“JAMB knows that children from the South-East must score higher before they can get admission, whereas their counterparts in some parts of the country will use a 120 JAMB score to get admission to read medicine at universities in their area. In the JAMB recently released result, out of 1,955,069 candidates who sat for the 2025 examination, over 1.5 million candidates scored less than 200, and the majority of these are from the South-East and Lagos State, where many Igbos reside,” he said.

Nsukka’s ASUU reduced a national disaster to a glib tribal talk. It even added Lagos to its sphere of tribal influence. Jesus said: “It is finished.” Until I read that news report, I had thought that ASUU (of any branch) was what we thought it was: an association of intellectuals. Now we know. “If gold rusts, what shall iron do? For if a priest, upon whom we trust, be foul, no wonder a layman may yield to lust.” Geoffrey Chaucer who wrote those lines in ‘The Canterbury Tales’ apparently had ASUU-UNN in mind. 

The union should have left such cheap tribal talk to arrogance of ignorance and those who revel in it. There is a reason why university teachers are called intellectuals. “An intellectual is someone whose mind watches itself.” That was Albert Camus in ‘The Enigma of the Universe’ (1948). If you are called an intellectual, your scent must be self-awareness; your breath, critical thinking; your thoughts, introspection. Psychologist John H. Flavell called it metacognition—thinking about thinking. A union of university teachers which failed to question its own assumptions, and neglected an analysis of its reasoning before taking a stand on a key national issue puts all branches of knowledge to shame. 

Shakespeare’s King Lear says, “I am a man/More sinn’d against than sinning.”

We should have enough of people reading tribal meanings into anything and everything they are involved in. What I write here is a debugging attempt, an effort at telling ethnic moths to remove themselves from our computer relays, an attempt at protecting the system from human glitches. 

Or, maybe we should just pack up Nigeria since we cannot live a minute without threatening each other. And over what? Over glitches that can happen even under an angel’s watch.