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Two UI students win French Embassy’s ‘Get creative with plastic’ challenge
The University of Ibadan has achieved a remarkable milestone as two of its students emerged winners in the “Get Creative with Plastic” Challenge, a part of the French Embassy’s Plastic Free Campus Awareness Initiative.
UI was one of the ten Nigerian universities selected to participate in the initiative which is funded by the French Embassy Fund (FEF) Project.
The initiative was championed by the Vice Chancellor, Prof. Kayode Adebowale and coordinated through the Office of the Deputy Vice Chancellor (Research, Innovation and Strategic Partnerships), Prof. Oluyemisi Bamgbose, with support from Prof. P. Olapegba (DVC Administration), Prof. Aderonke Baiyeroju (DVC Academics), and the Registrar, Mr. Ganiyi Saliu.
Prof. Aina Adeogun of the Department of Zoology served as the focal person for the UI-FEF Campus Wide Initiative.
Working closely with the Students’ Union Executive Committee, Directirate of Public Communication, and Informatiom Technology and Media Services Unit, the team ensured robust student engagement and wide participation across the university community.
The University of Ibadan’s contribution stood out significantly with over 300 students actively participating and more than 100 creative submissions in the Challenge. UI recorded the highest level of engagement among all participating campuses, a feat that can only be from UI as the “First and the Best”.
Due to this extraordinary commitment, the university became the only university among the ten to have two winners in the Challenge:
The winners are: Paul Debbie – a 300 level student of the Department of Environmental Health Science, Faculty of Public Health – Music Category and Adekunle Julius Akorede – a 300 level student of the Department of Physiology, Faculty of Basic Medical Sciences – Writing Category.
This recognition confirms UI’s leadership and sustained excellence in addressing plastic pollution and environmental sustainability in Nigeria.
[TheNation]
[OPINION] Utomi’s search for vision of good society - Jide Oluwajuyitan
Patrick Okedinachi Utomi, born in Kaduna but of Delta state extraction, is passionate about Nigeria. Perhaps the only other Nigerian whose passion for Nigeria rivals that of Utomi was another Kaduna-born Delta Nigerian nationalist, Chukwuma Nzeogwu, whose effort to rid Nigeria of “ten percenters and others that make us ashamed of being called Nigerians” was betrayed by some of his military colleagues including Ifeajuna, Ironsi and Ojukwu who sabotaged Nzeogwu’s revolution in Lagos, Enugu and Kano.
Prof. Pat Utomi, like Nzeogwu, has a vision of good society which became more elusive the closer they came towards it despite deploying all his talents and energy towards securing a better Nigeria for Nigerians since he started his crusade in the early eighties.
He first bewitched the Shehu Shagari administration with his in-depth newspaper analysis of the state of the economy, an endeavour that earned him a place in Shagari’s cabinet. Even after the collapse of the administration, he was given a chance to put into practice all his theoretical postulations at V/ Wagon Nigeria Limited which, under his control, suffered the same fate as other assembly plants of the period.
Utomi, a resourceful professor of political economy, is perhaps the face of Nigeria’s public intellectual home and abroad. He belongs to many professional bodies, including the Nigerian Institute of Public Relations, (NIPR), Institute of Directors (IOD), Nigeria Economic Summit Group and Nigeria Economic Society. He has served in various private-sector associations, including the Lagos Chamber of Commerce and Industry (LCCI), the National Council of the Manufacturers Association of Nigeria, and the Nigeria Employers Consultative Association (NECA).
He has carried the crusade for a better Nigeria through intellectual debate beyond the shores of Nigeria, especially at the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) in Washington, and Chatham House in the UK.
He has to his credit several books and journal articles on economic underdevelopment, including, ‘Nigeria as an Economic Power House,’ ‘Crafting the New Nigeria – Confronting the Challenges,’ Nigeria ‘Changes as Prospects,’ ‘Values and Economic Stagnation in Africa: A Paradox of Poverty in Nigeria,’ ‘Managing Uncertainty: Competition and Strategy in Emerging Economies,’ ‘Critical Perspectives in Political Economy and Management’ etc.
The labour of Utomi has not gone unacknowledged. For his pains, it has been honours without end. Numerous awards. He has been nominated and voted for by the public as one of Nigeria’s top ten Living Legends in the Vanguard/Silverbird Television Awards, Great Nigeria Lives of the 20th Century and Who is who in Africa.
Unfortunately, Utomi’s theories have not reflected positively on the state of our economy.
The record of his intervention in politics has, however, not been any less dismal. But this has not diminished his enthusiasm for a vision of a better society. Thus, he last week once again came up with his “Big Tent Coalition Shadow Government,” over which he declared himself ‘Leader of Opposition.’ The initiative, which is to serve as critique of the President Bola Tinubu’s administration, was, according to him, dictated by his desire to save Nigeria’s democracy following his inability to stop the gale of defections from Labour and PDP, where membership of his new coalition was selected.
The task before the group would be to regularly scrutinise government actions, identify policy failures, and propose alternative solutions in key areas- economy, education, healthcare, infrastructure, law and order, and constitutional reforms of the present government.
These are no doubt noble objectives except that the Information Minister, Mohammed Idris, has said, the idea of a so-called ‘shadow government’ is an aberration as “Nigeria is not a parliamentary system where such a system is practiced.” Many seem to agree with the minister that “Our bicameral legislature amply features members of the opposition, and it should be the right place to contest meaningful ideas for nation-building.”
Besides government opposition, Utomi’s current search for a vision of good society seems threatened by the choice of his crusading team drawn from opposition PDP democrats without democratic ethos and the ‘obidients,’ an unthinking mob Obi, as the falconer, cannot control.
For instance, Dele Farotimi, who will lead the Ombudsman and Good Governance portfolio, is a man many of his critics believe talks more than he thinks in order to prove his valour. Not too long ago, he was ready to publicly disrobe Chief Afe Babalola, an elder statesman, over unproven allegations, just as he, on account of some bad eggs, didn’t mind pulling down his own noble profession without which we all return to a state of nature where life is ’nasty, brutish, and short.’ And this was a self-confessed ‘obidient’ who, in search of ‘Obi’s imaginary ‘stolen mandate,’ recklessly declared without proof before his American audience, “in a few days’ time a convicted drug baron will be sworn in as the president of my country.”
Before Prof. Utomi’s latest gamble, most of his past efforts at building a coalition in pursuit of a new vision of good society failed. He contested the 2007 presidential election on the platform of the obscure African Democratic Party and failed. Following his initial setback, he formed another party, the Social Democratic Mega Party, on which platform he tried to contest the 2011 presidential elections before withdrawing at the last minute.
But in 2012, he joined the opposition Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) “because the progressive opposition in Nigeria has been unable to bring itself under one umbrella while the enemies of the progressive struggle are disciplined enough to coalesce under the conservative/retrogressive Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).”
Utomi is a rolling stone. His attempt at contesting a senatorial seat in Delta under PDP failed. I have heard him declare publicly that the APC manifesto was drafted on the dining table in his house. Indeed, Utomi was declared as the governorship candidate of the All Progressives Congress for the 2019 general election in Delta State by a faction of the party until it was overturned by the national working committee of the party.
In January 2018, Utomi floated the Nigeria Intervention Movement (NIM), with former Cross River State governor, Donald Duke, former governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), Charles Soludo, Senior Advocate of Nigeria, Olisa Agbakoba, Tafawa Balewa, former Education minister, Oby Ezekwesili, former Information minister, Frank Nweke Jnr, Col. Abubakar Umar (retd), Ayo Obe, Rabiu Ishyaku Rabiu, former presidential adviser, Akin Osuntokun as members.
The group described itself as a pro-democracy movement and pressure group of like-minded Nigerians, “Concerned that left to their schemes and antics, a class of entrenched leaders will lead Nigeria into a state of indescribable human misery, characterised by death, hunger, disease, illiteracy and manipulation.” They decided to create a third political force, a platform to mobilise all citizens of goodwill and conscience towards engendering a new political system and culture in Nigeria. The intervention movement brought no relief to Nigerians.
Restless Utomi in 2020 and Naaba formed a group to lead mass action against corruption and insecurity in Nigeria. They wanted Nigerians to rise up and put an end to the situation where the president was being caged and his office being run by some unelected proxies and power
traders operating without any form of mandate from the Nigerian people. Chasing out that clique of ruinous political cartels ravaging our commonwealth enabled by their self- serving capture of our Government and State. The result was not different.
Then ahead of the 2023 general elections, Utomi was among prominent Nigerians that established a third force, Rescue Nigeria Project (RNP), ostensibly to give Nigerians an alternative platform, other than the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the Peoples Democratic
Party (PDP). Other founding members of RNP included former governor of Kwara State, Ahmed Abdulfatai, Prof. Tunde Adeniran, former Governor of Cross River State, Donald Duke, Senator Lee Maeba, Usman Bugaje, Prof. Attahiru Jega, Amb. Nkoyo Toyo, Yomi Awoniyi, Dr. Rose Idi Danladi, Dr. Sadiq Gombe, among others. They set out to fight “the high level of nepotism and lack of inclusiveness” which had given rise to agitations by different ethnic groups.
“We want to salvage this country and see how we can fix the mess. We want to set a template and key criteria leaders must have before they can attain any political position.” Abdulfatai had hardly finished delivering this keynote address when Utomi was discovered to be gunning for the presidential ticket of the Labour Party, which he later ceded to Peter Obi.
While the closer we came towards Utomi’s vision of a good society, the more elusive it became, it has not been all doom for Nigeria’s foremost professor of political economy and management at a personal level. He is the chairman of close to two dozen Nigerian companies and a shareholder in many others.
[OPINION] Appraisal of two years of ‘Tinubunomics’ - Jide Ojo
President Bola Tinubu has eight-point priority areas as enunciated in his 80-page Renewed Hope Agenda. They are reforming the economy for sustained inclusive growth; strengthening national security for peace and prosperity; boosting agriculture to achieve food security; unlocking energy and natural resources for sustainable development; and enhancing infrastructure and transportation as enablers of growth. Others include a focus on education, health, and social investment as essential pillars of development; accelerate diversification through industrialisation, digitisation, creative arts, manufacturing & innovation and improve governance for effective service delivery. From the aforementioned, it is obvious that the President has a bias for the economy. Little wonder he prioritised what he called economic restructuring in the last two years. I call that ‘Tinubunomics’.
From the day of his inauguration on May 29, 2023, Tinubu left no one in doubt about the direction his government would go when he said, “Petrol subsidy is gone!”. He later followed that up with the floating of the naira, our national currency. To the best of my knowledge, Nigeria never had a cabinet that is as large as that of the incumbent President with about 50 ministers and the establishment of new ministries, departments and agencies some of which include the Ministry of Marine and Blue Economy, Ministry of Livestock Development, Ministry of Art, Culture, Tourism and the Creative Economy and Ministry of Steel Development.
President Tinubu has recorded a lot of achievements in the area of the economy in the last two years. In terms of brick and mortar, there have been several completed roads and bridges, especially in the Federal Capital Territory and Lagos. Nairametrics, in its March 31, 2025, edition, reported that Tinubu’s administration had prioritised road infrastructure, accelerating existing projects and initiating new ones to enhance connectivity, trade, and regional development. Summary of 13 key road projects: Abuja-Kaduna-Zaria-Kano Road: Originally awarded in 2017, now revitalised with N740.79bn in funding. Completion set for 2026; Ninth Mile-Oturkpo-Makurdi Road; Sokoto-Badagry Highway: A 1,068km north-south link with a rail line in the median; construction began in October 2024; Abuja-Lokoja-Benin Road: Undergoing dualisation with concrete technology, re-awarded in 2024 with N305bn funding and Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway (Phase 1): A 47.7km section started in March 2024, integrating rail transport; the full highway spans 700km.
Others include Enugu-Onitsha Expressway being reconstructed under MTN’s Tax Credit Scheme; 50-70 per cent complete, with a May 2026 deadline; Benin-Asaba Superhighway: A PPP-funded 125km highway with solar lighting, launched in March 2025, with a 30-month timeline; Oyo-Ogbomoso Road: Re-awarded in February 2025 to JRB Construction for N147.89bn to boost regional connectivity; Bode Saadu-Kaima-Kosubosu Road: A 130km project in Kwara, funded by BUA Group, designed for long-term durability; Enugu-Port Harcourt Expressway: Ongoing work on the 56.1km Umuahia-Aba section, with completion targeted for June 2025; Second Niger Bridge Access Road: A 17.55km road linking the bridge to key transport corridors, started in March 2025; Lagos-Ibadan Expressway nearing completion, with tolling planned after Phase 1 to ensure maintenance funding and Bodo-Bonny Road: Includes 13 bridges; cost revised to N280bn, now scheduled for completion.
Under this administration, all six geopolitical zones now have development commissions that are aimed at making development initiatives percolate to the grassroots through pro-people and pro-poor projects and programmes. Tinubu’s game changer is the four tax reform bills sent to the National Assembly in October 2024. They are the Nigeria Tax Bill, the Joint Revenue Board (Establishment) Bill, the Nigeria Revenue Service (Establishment) Bill and the Nigeria Tax Administration Bill. The Senate passed the bill last week, and a conference committee to harmonise the versions passed by the Senate and the House of Representatives has been set up. I am sure a clean copy may be sent to the President for assent before May 29. There are said to be a lot of benefits inherent in the new tax laws.
It is reported that the Federal Government of Nigeria, through the Federal Ministry of Industry, Trade, and Investment, has established three funds totalling N200bn to support businesses across Nigeria: The Presidential Conditional Grant Scheme, The FGN MSME Intervention Fund, and the FGN Manufacturing Sector Fund. The Bank of Industry has been appointed as the executing agency of the funds, vested with responsibility for its day-to-day administration. An online source said BoI has disbursed N22bn of the N200bn support fund to MSMEs. The restreaming of Port Harcourt and Warri refineries in December 2024, as well as the Presidential Initiative on Compressed Natural Gas, are some of Tinubu’s economic achievements in the last two years. It is noteworthy that the national minimum wage has increased from N30,000 to N70,000 since July 2024.
On the flip side, much as the economic handlers of the country will want the citizens to laud them for the purported economic growth, it is noteworthy that the lives of average Nigerians have worsened under this government. Nigerians are experiencing a higher cost of living rather than a higher standard of living.
Inflation, unemployment and poverty are on the increase. Headline inflation in March 2025 is 24.23 per cent, according to the National Bureau of Statistics.
This newspaper, in its May 4, 2025 (online edition), reported that the World Bank had disclosed that the poverty rate among Nigeria’s rural population had reached an alarming 75.5 per cent, highlighting deepening inequality and widespread economic hardship across the country. According to the World Bank’s latest April 2025 Poverty and Equity Brief for Nigeria, rural dwellers are overwhelmingly bearing the brunt of economic stagnation, inflation, and structural challenges that have characterised the country’s growth trajectory in recent years. The data, derived from Nigeria’s most recent nationally representative surveys, shows that while 41.3 per cent of the urban population lives below the poverty line, the figure for rural Nigeria is almost double.
According to a development economist, Prof. Dudley Seers, in any country where poverty, unemployment and inflation are on the increase, there is no development. Imagine the cost of living crisis many Nigerians now face. Many of us are heavily indebted and find it extremely difficult to pay our bills. Energy costs have hit the roof with petrol and electricity price hikes, as well as the recent increase in the telecommunications tariff. These price increases, coupled with over 40 per cent devaluation of the value of the naira, have made life unbearable for most Nigerians. This spike in the cost of living has made the new minimum wage of N70,00 worthless. It, therefore, behoves President Tinubu to find creative ways of ameliorating the suffering of the Nigerian masses.
[OPINION] Urgent economic measures for Nigeria - Lekan Sote
The President of the African Development Bank, Dr Akinwunmi Adesina, recently compared Nigeria’s promising $1,857 gross domestic product per capita of 1960 to the dismal $824 in 2024! He contrasts the index with South Korea’s GDP, which rose from $158 in 1960 to an astronomical $36,157 in 2024.
Even though the little-known Independent Media and Policy Initiative, which is probably an apologist for President Bola Tinubu’s government, countered that Nigeria’s per capita GDP in 1960 was $93, not $1,857, as Adesina had claimed. Well, neither Akinwumi nor IMPIC have revealed the sources of their claims.
As President Tinubu rounds up his Presidency’s mid-term, the economic indices show little positives for the poor messes’ cost of living, suggesting that the liberal economic options of the Bretton Woods institutions are sorely needed for the Nigerian economy that was almost collapsing under the weight of subsidies to petrol, electricity and the naira.
Indeed, the rates of inflation, lending and conversion of the naira to the American dollar, the major currency for international trade, were adversely affecting the cost of essential items, like foodstuffs, medication, road and air transport and house rent. And many Nigerians went to the poorhouse with this horrible dispensation.
By the way, the Janus-faced World Bank and International Monetary Fund that prescribed the harrowing economic reform policies now criticise it. There is an inexplicable gap between the deft disclaimers of the economic policies by the Bretton Woods institutions and Nigerian liberal economic evangelists, who argued that the subsidies will burst the economy.
The wonder of it all is that the government that justified the reformist economic policies does not seem to have introduced appropriate policies to mitigate their effects—apart from short-term cash transfers and food palliatives that do not even reach enough numbers of the poor.
Indeed, the government seems to be experiencing some fatigue in implementing the more foundational remedial policies, like raising crude petroleum production, selling petroleum for naira and promoting the Compressed Natural Gas alternative to petrol.
It seems the 2027 general election has become a major distraction. And this calls for more urgent actions to implement some kind of grand Marshall Plan to put Nigeria on the road to economic redemption.
The following are some actions that the government should be taking to assist Nigerians in coping with the effects of its policies, which, by the way, other major presidential candidates of the 2023 general elections insisted they would implement if they were elected.
As the government invests in solar energy for the Presidential Villa, the gesture should be extended to its secretariats, tertiary institutions, medical schools, and other major facilities. State governments should do the same.
The current template that places electricity generation companies, the national grid and electricity distribution companies in silos should be replaced with integrated electricity companies in designated markets. Eko Electric should have its own transmission line and generation units added to its distribution facilities.
State government-owned enterprises, like Odua Investments, should take advantage of the transfer of electricity to the concurrent legislative list and invest in the electricity sector. Any excess production can be exported to East and West African countries.
Because water is necessary for domestic and industrial purposes, state governments must upgrade old waterworks and invest in new facilities to provide potable and clean water for the good health of citizens and use in manufacturing companies.
To complement the efforts of the Federal Government, state governments or a consortium of contiguous states must invest in railway lines to connect their urban centres to their industries and farm gates. Of course, these connections should be linked to other states and regions.
State governments should revive the old farm settlements established by the government of the likes of Obafemi Awolowo, to grow food for consumption and cash crops for export. Private investors should be encouraged to invest in agro-allied industries within or close to the farm settlements.
The Nigerian economy cannot survive with the import-substitution economic strategy, a booby trap that ties Nigeria’s so-called manufacturing capability to the continued importation of industrial manufacturing machinery, their spare parts and raw materials.
Therefore, the Federal and State Governments should use the auspices of the National Economic Council to form a harmonised industrial plan that will initiate privately-owned or publicly-owned manufacturing plants that can manufacture industrial manufacturing machines, spare parts and raw materials.
Also, the government should encourage investors to establish heavy industries, like automobile manufacturing plants, and provide realistic plans to revive the practically moribund textile industry, even though the garment industry seems to be thriving.
These heavy manufacturing industries will generate employment for youths who are looking for jobs that have not been created. Only deliberate government encouragement and interventions can help these industries grow. It is not enough to throw soft loans at the industries; the government should appoint competent hands to do the necessary follow-ups.
The Federal Government should be more serious in implementing its naira-for-petroleum policy. As this makes petroleum products more readily available and reduces the need to source foreign exchange to import the same, it reduces the pressure on the naira.
The Federal Government and the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited, which have repeatedly stated that they wanted to ramp up production of crude petroleum, should please make good their promise. This should provide more funds for the government’s development programmes.
And, yes, the terrorists and their enablers, within Nigeria, or from across the Sahel, must be taken head-on, either with kinetic or non-kinetic strategies. And enough of the sabotaging efforts of enemies within, the fifth columnists, who “fall the hands”, or compromise the efforts, of the patriotic military men who stake their lives for the safety of fellow Nigerians.
If indeed, terrorists or bandits, as some people in the government prefer to call them, are from the Sahel, the government must initiate a review of the Economic Community for West African States protocols on inter-border movements, though the long-unmanned borders and the cultural affinity of Nigerians with neighbouring countries cannot be easily ignored.
But there is a need to ask why Nigeria’s military, which provided most of the men, firepower and logistics for the ECOWAS Monitoring Group that maintained peace in the West African sub-region, woefully fails to contain the so-called terrorists from the Sahel.
Maybe, if all governments cooperate to implement these economic policies, it will be easy to drive the seven per cent annual GDP growth rate that the Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy, Wale Edun, is proposing, to achieve President Tinubu’s projected $1tn economy by 2030.
And for the sake of social justice, the government must allocate the resources of the country so that the extremely wide disparity between the rich, who flaunt their (usually ill-gotten) wealth, and the poor, is significantly narrowed.
State governors, who now receive higher remittances from the Federation Account as a result of the removal of subsidies, should significantly contribute to bringing this social injustice home. Apart from paying the new minimum workers’ salaries regularly, they must implement appropriate economic policies.
In short, Nigerian governments must consistently initiate policies to significantly improve the performance of the economy and equitably distribute the gains. And if all these seem didactic or pedagogical, there are no apologies for the audacity.
X:lekansote1, lekansote.com
Tennis No 1 Sinner meets Pope Leo XIV
Tennis fan Pope Leo XIV received men’s world number one Jannik Sinner, who is currently competing in the Italian Open in Rome, the Vatican said Wednesday.
“The Pope’s passion for tennis is well known,” the head of the Vatican’s press office said in a short statement.
Sinner was accompanied by members of his family and the president of the Italian Tennis Federation, Angelo Binaghi, during the visit, he said.
The 69-year-old Chicago-born pope likes not just to watch but also to play, according to reports.
In an interview after being made cardinal in 2023, the former missionary in Peru said, “I consider myself an amateur tennis player.
“Since I left Peru, I haven’t had many opportunities to play, but I can’t wait to get back on the court.”
Italian sports daily La Gazzetta dello Sport said that according to his friends, the Augustinian “has an excellent backhand and is a formidable competitor”.
On Monday during an audience with the international press, the pope was asked by a journalist to take part in a charity tennis tournament.
“Certainly,” replied the pope. “I’ll come with (Andre) Agassi,” he said.
“As long as it’s not Sinner,” he joked.
At a tournament press conference Monday following Sinner’s third round victory over Dutchman Jesper de Jong, journalists asked Sinner what he thought about having a tennis-loving pope.
“It’s great for tennis players to have a pope who follows us and who has played.” said Sinner.
Among one of the Vatican’s many amenities is an outdoor clay tennis court.
AFP
10 ‘cheap’ Android phones in Nigeria
Considering the economic challenges and realities, purchasing a smartphone could be quite tasking for an average Nigerian. However, the price of your desired device is as important as other specifications, such as the brand, screen size, battery life, Random Access Memory (RAM), internal memory, image quality and camera megapixels.
Despite the harsh economic challenges, it is not impossible to get a phone as your needs can also match your budget. Here are 10 affordable Android phones readily available in Nigeria and accessible to a wide range of budget-conscious Nigerian consumers.
1. Itel A18
The New Itel A18 series with a 32GB internal storage capacity, 3GB/2GB RAM, is affordable for ₦65,900 to ₦70,000. This entry-level phone offers basic features such as browsing the internet and capturing life-exciting moments. It also provides a smooth and accessible mobile experience.
The Itel A18 is a budget-friendly smartphone designed for users seeking simplicity, reliability and efficiency. The device has a sleek design and a user-friendly interface, offering a seamless experience for everyday communication and entertainment.
Price range: ₦65,900 – ₦70,000
2. RealMe C61
The Realme C61 (6 GB+128 GB) is a sleek and powerful smartphone that offers good value for its price, especially with its larger display and RAM (6GB).
This device is designed for those who want a seamless mobile experience. It offers everything from stunning visuals to long-lasting reliability. Whether you’re a multitasker, a gamer, or a photography enthusiast, the Realme C61 is a convenient device for you as it is the perfect companion for work, play and everything in between.
Price: NGN 141,400.00
3. Tecno Spark 30C
The Tecno Spark 30C (4 GB + 128 GB) is affordable as it also offers a great deal and a good balance of interesting features, such as a large 6.6-inch display, advanced LTE connectivity, and is powered by the efficient Mediatek Helio G81 chipset.
The Tecno Spark 30C uses Android 14 as its operating system and a 50 MP camera for high-quality photography.
Price: Available for around NGN 135,600.00
4. Samsung Galaxy A05
The Samsung Galaxy A05 is equipped with a powerful octa-core processor, up to 6GB of memory (RAM), and up to 128GB of internal storage.
This device offers efficient performance for the task at hand and it is a popular option for Samsung lovers who consider affordability.
Price: ₦139,400 | $120.
5. Infinix Smart 8
The Infinix Smart 8 is designed for users who value performance, style and exceptional functionality. It offers a good combination of features and price, with a long-lasting battery capacity of 5000mAh.
Internal Storage: 64GB, 128GB
Price range: NGN 120,000.00- NGN 125,000.00
6. OPPO A3X
The OPPO A3X device (4 GB+64 GB) is a good option for those willing to purchase a phone with a good camera and decent performance at a reasonable price.
It is a reliable smartphone equipped with a large 6.67-inch display, a Snapdragon 6s Gen 1 chipset and the latest Android 14 OS.
It also has LTE connectivity, an 8 MP camera and a powerful 5100 mAh battery, delivering smooth performance and long-lasting usage for everyday needs.
Price: NGN 147,900.00
7. Tecno Pop 9
The Tecno Pop 9 (3 GB+128 GB) combines essential features such as a long-lasting battery, Dual SIM, and a robust performance. It is an ideal choice for users seeking reliability and affordability.
This sleek device offers a seamless user experience with its fast LTE connectivity, durable water-resistant design and long-lasting battery life. The Tecno Pop 9 is water-resistant, specifically with an IP54 rating, meaning it can withstand some water splashes and dust.
Price Range: ₦110,000.00- ₦134,800.00
8. Xiaomi Redmi A3X
The Xiaomi Redmi A3X device (4 GB+128 GB) is a reliable option with decent specs for its price point.
It is designed to provide a comprehensive smartphone experience that meets the demands of modern use. It offers a blend of performance, efficiency and user-friendly features such as robust connectivity, expansive display, enduring battery life and the latest Android OS.
Price range: NGN 88, 000.00- 96,900.00
9. HMD Aura
The HMD Aura (4 GB+64 GB) is a compact device designed to provide a balanced mobile experience, combining an efficient chipset, vibrant display and a robust battery. It is also a student-friendly device, especially for online classes.
The HMD Aura device is affordable and reliable, ensuring that students can stay connected, learn efficiently and participate in virtual education.
Price: NGN 120,900.00
10. Xiaomi Redmi A5
Finally, the Xiaomi Redmi A5 is a budget-friendly option from Xiaomi as it offers smooth performance and enhanced features at a low price.
The captivating features of the device include a vibrant 6.88-inch display with 720 x 1640 resolution for an immersive experience. You can capture stunning shots with the 50mp camera and enjoy all-day use with the long-lasting 5200mAh battery.
Price: NGN 115,200.00
[OPINION] Tinubu’s visit and Soludo’s prayers to end south-east marginalisation - Law Mefor
The goal of Governor Chukwuma Charles Soludo, CFR, is always to win with his solutions. Soludo wisely took advantage of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s state visit to Anambra State on May 8 to address the pressing issues of the south-east geopolitical zone’s marginalisation.
President Tinubu, who referred to Governor Soludo as a friend, made a solid commitment to resolve all of the marginalisation issues brought up by the governor.
Governor Soludo praised President Tinubu for his Pan-Nigerian disposition, which was demonstrated when he appointed Ben Akabueze, an Anambra son, as Commissioner for Budget and Planning while serving as Governor of Lagos. He also thanked Tinubu for appointing numerous Ndị Anambra to his administration, particularly the appointment of Ambassador Bianca Ojukwu as minister of state for foreign affairs and Mark Okoye, as MD, South-East Development Commission. In line with what Tinubu did in Lagos, Soludo said: “Similarly, here in Anambra, one of my new permanent secretaries is from Osun State – Bayo Ojeyinka.”
Mr Governor lauded Mr President thusly: “We are deeply grateful for several road projects currently being executed by your administration that benefit Anambra State, running into hundreds of billions of naira, especially the Enugu-Onitsha Road, rehabilitation of Onitsha-Owerri Road, Phase 2b access road to Second Niger Bridge, rehabilitation of Oba-Nnewi Road Section II in Anambra, etc. When completed, they will be important game-changers for our people.”
Governor Soludo put forward the following ask-list on the table of President Tinubu: “Anambra remains, possibly, the gully erosion capital of the world, with one-third of our land mass under persistent threat, and the resource requirements to deal with this are far beyond the capacity of a state government. We are already spending tens of billions of naira on this, but much more is urgently needed. The Southeast and Anambra in particular are bypassed by the national gas masterplan despite abundant reserves of natural gas. We are not part of the national rail system. The Onitsha River Port, commissioned by President Shehu Shagari in 1982, remains a proposal, ostensibly because the federal government has been unable to undertake the required dredging. Only Asiwaju, the man who tamed the Atlantic, can break this 43-year-old jinx so that badges from Onne and other seaports can easily discharge at Onitsha. There is an abandoned strategic federal road project that links Anambra with Kogi State. Upon completion, the journey between Anambra/Southeast and Abuja might be shortened to about three hours — down from the current nine hours! The list is long, and we are convinced that systematically, these issues will be addressed.”
President Tinubu, who was bestowed with the chieftaincy title of Dikesimba of Anambra by Ndi Igwe of 179 communities in the state after having commissioned two landmark projects – the Solution Fun City and the Government House Mini-City as part of the initial steps on the path towards your audacious vision of Anambra as African-Dubai-Taiwan-Silicon Valley (ADTS) – made the firm promise to include Anambra State and the South-East in the National Railway Masterplan, a bold step that promises to open new corridors of mobility, trade, and interconnectivity for the South-East, the South-South, and the rest of the federation.
To promote the budding manufacturing and technological sectors, the president also promised to include Anambra State and the South-East in the country’s Gas Pipeline Masterplan, which is a vital tool for industrialisation and energy access.
In order to promote trade, mobility, and national unity, President Tinubu approved the completion of the federal highway that connects Anambra and Kogi State. This groundbreaking project would cut the trip time from Anambra to Abuja by roughly four hours.
Under President Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda, Governor Soludo also received assurances that reconstruction work will soon begin on the damaged sections of the Enugu–Onitsha Expressway, a long-standing infrastructure issue that is now at last to receive decisive federal attention.
President Tinubu added a fitting crown to his newly placed hat by promising federal support for ecological investments to address erosion in Anambra State. This is a very appropriate intervention, given that environmental issues of this kind continue to be the state’s top existential threat and are beyond any state’s means.
It is anticipated that Mr. President’s commitment to a sustained strategic cooperation with Anambra State and the South-East for complete security restoration will include Governor Soludo’s other crucial request, which is for the federal government to start operating the Onitsha River Port.
For Ndi Anambra and all Ndigbo, President Tinubu’s State Visit is a huge victory for justice, inclusivity, and visionary leadership. It also serves as a testament to the strength of the strategic partnership between Anambra and the federal government, constructive engagement, the Soludo administration’s purposeful governance, and the governor’s dedication to progressivism and welfarism.
A worthy display of friendship, one that goes beyond politics and is based on the common goal of a more united, progressive Nigeria and the unmistakable proof of progressives working together, is President Tinubu’s affirmative response to Governor Soludo’s ask-list to end the marginalisation of the South-East.
What is more noteworthy than President Tinubu jocularly requesting a piece of land in Anambra State to construct a retirement home after his term as Nigeria’s president?
With Asiwaju, a brand-new, prosperous, and united Nigeria is undoubtedly approaching, one in which justice and peace will rule.
Law Mefor, PhD, is the information commissioner, Anambra state. He can be contacted via This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it. and on X:@DrLaw_Mefor.
Climate Facts: About 12 million tonnes of plastic enter ocean annually, says UN
The complexities of climate change and its associated jargon can prove difficult to digest.
TheCable’s quick climate facts will help demystify these concepts through easy-to-understand and straight-to-the-point explanations.
Here are some to keep at the tip of your fingers:
- A recent study by Nature Climate Change says the world’s wealthiest 10 percent are responsible for two-thirds of global warming since 1990.
- The report said extreme climate impacts are directly linked to lifestyle and investment choices and not just the result of abstract global emissions.
- The United Nations (UN) says an estimated 5 to 12 million metric tonnes of plastic enter the ocean annually.
- The organisation noted that about 89 percent of plastic litter found on the ocean floor are single-use items like plastic bags.
- UN says up to 733 million people do not have access to electricity — about one in ten people globally.
- The European Union’s Copernicus Climate Change Service (C3S) says April 2025 was the second-hottest April on record globally.
- C3S said April 2025 was 0.07°C cooler than the warmest April in 2024, and 0.07°C hotter than the third warmest in 2016.
[TheCable]
[OPINION] Making Constitution in Hurry and Error - Eric Teniola
In promulgating decree 24 on May 5, 1999 as the 1999 Constitution, the then Head of State and Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, General Abdusalam Alhaji Abubakar, GCFR, made an addendum to the decree. The addendum was not part of the decree it was just an explanation on the constitution. General Abdusalam declared in the addendum “WHEREAS the Federal Military Government of the Federal Republic of Nigeria in compliance with the Transition to Civil Rule (Political Programme) Decree 1998 has, through the Independent National Electoral Commission, conducted elections to the office of President and Vice-President, Governors and Deputy-Governors, Chairmen and Vice-Chairmen, the National Assembly, the Houses of Assembly and the local government councils;
AND WHEREAS the Federal Military Government In furtherance of its commitment to hand over to a democratically elected civilian administration on 29th May 1999. inaugurated on 11th November 1998, the Constitutional Debate Co-ordinating Committee charged with responsibility to, among other things, pilot the debate on the new Constitution for Nigeria, co-ordinate and collate views and recommendations canvassed by individuals and groups for a new Constitution for Nigeria;
AND WHEREAS the Constitutional Debate Co-ordinating Committee benefitted from the receipt of large volumes of memoranda from Nigerians at home and abroad and oral presentations at the public hearings at the debate centres throughout the country and the conclusions arrived thereat and also at various seminars, workshops and conferences organised and was convinced that the general consensus of opinion of Nigerians is the desire to retain the provisions of the 1979 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria with some amendments;
AND WHEREAS the Constitutional Debate Co-ordinating Committee has presented the report of its deliberations to the Provisional Ruling Council;
AND WHEREAS the Provisional Ruling Council has approved the report subject to such amendments as are deemed necessary in the public interest and for the purpose of promoting the security, welfare and good governance and fostering the unity and progress of the people of Nigeria with a view to achieving its objective of handing over an enduring Constitution to the people of Nigeria;
AND WHEREAS, it is necessary in accordance with the programme on transition to civil rule for the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1979 after necessary amendments and approval by the Provisional Ruling Council to be promulgated into a new Constitution for the Federal Republic of Nigeria in order to give the same force of law with effect” from 29th May 1999: NOW THEREFORE, THE FEDERAL MILITARY GOVERNMENT hereby decrees as follows:- (1) There shall be for Nigeria a Constitution which shall be as set out in the Schedule to this Decree. (2) The Constitution set out in the Schedule to this Decree shall come into force on 29th May 1999. (3) Whenever it may hereafter be necessary for the Constitution to be printed it shall be lawful for the Federal Government Printer to omit all parts of this Decree apart from the Schedule and the Constitution as so printed shall have the force of law notwithstanding the omission, 2. This Decree may be cited as the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (Promulgation) Decree 1999”.
You are free to form an opinion on the addendum. One thing is however clear, by the time we held the gubernatorial elections in the country on February 20, 1999 and the Presidential election on February 29, 1999, the new Constitution was not ready. By 1999, the 1979 Constitution suspended by Brigadier General Sani Abacha’s announcement on December 31, 1983, was still suspended. Likewise, the 1988 Constitution prepared by the Constituent Assembly headed by Justice Anthony Aniagolu(1922-2011) was not available. Also, the 1995 Constitution prepared by the Constituent Assembly headed by Justice Adolphus Karibi-Whyte (1932-2020) was also not ready. At the time the elections were held in February 1999, the 1999 Constitution being prepared by Justice Niki Tobi (July 14, 1940 – June 19, 2016) was also not ready. In his wisdom, General Abdusalam Abubakar did not constitute a Constituent Assembly to give the country a new Constitution; he only relied on the Constitutional Debate Co-ordinating Committee headed by Justice Niki Tobi.
Justice Niki Tobi was born in Esanma, Bomadi LGA, in what is now Delta State. Prior to his career at the bench, he was the dean of Faculty of Law and deputy vice-chancellor (academic services), University of Maiduguri. He was appointed to the Supreme Court in 2002.
He was known for his legal erudition and wide knowledge of legal principles.
Justice Tobi made attempts before and after the elections to have an audience with General Abubakar through the then Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Alhaji Gidado Idris, GCON. He succeeded in seeing him twice.
Only General Abdusalam Abubakar GCFR (82) can explain better why he jettisoned the idea of a Constituent Assembly to give the country a new constitution. My understanding is that General Abubakar wanted to leave power at a short notice. He must have been jolted by the death of Chief Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola, GCFR, (24 August 1937 – 7 July 1998), acclaimed winner of the 1993 Presidential Election and the sudden death of the man he succeeded, General Sani Abacha, GCFR (20 September 1943- 8 June 1998) on June 8, 1998.
In short, he wanted to retire to Minna in good health. Were he to be alive today, Justice Niki Tobi will be surprised that the 1999 constitution which his team prepared as draft is still in existence today although with some amendments. In my discussion with him at the International Conference Centre, Abuja, where I was posted from the office of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation as a member of the adhoc staff of the Constitutional Debate Co-ordinating Committee, he said several times that the draft will be subjected to many amendments by the Provisional Ruling Council.
Realising the numerous lapses in the Constitution, one of the first things President Olusegun Obasanjo GCFR did was to review the 1999 constitution by setting up a committee headed by Ambassador Yusuf Mamman. The Committee was inaugurated on 19th October, 1999 by the Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Mr. Kanu Agabi with the following terms of Reference: To co-ordinate and collate the views and recommendations from individuals and groups for a review of the Constitution, having regard to the need to maintain the corporate existence and unity of the nation; to identify and specify all anomalies, irregularities and defects inherent in the existing Constitution and make appropriate recommendations to correct such anomalies, irregularities; to make proposals for the review of the Constitution to ensure that it reflects the true experiences, wishes and aspirations of the people and suggest ways and means of making the Constitution an expression of the will of the people; and to address the lingering problems of power sharing between the Federal and State Governments and between States and Local Governments.
Other members of the committee were Chief Clement Ebri(Deputy Chairman), Alhaji Iro Abubakar Dan-Musa, Dr. Shettima Mustapha, Chief Yohanna Madaki, Chief Alani Bankole, Chief Ayo Adebanjo, Barrister(Mrs) Iyabode Pam, Air C’dre Bernard Banfa (rtd), Mrs Ayoka Lawani, Hajiya Basirat A. Nahibi, Alhaji Isiaku Mohammed, Chief A.K. Horsfall, Chief Ayo Opadokun, Dr. J.C. Odunna, Barrister Mika Anache, Dr. Amos Adepoju, Dr, Silva Opusunju, Chief Barnabas Gemade, Alhaji Gambo Saleh, Dr. Arthur Nwankwo, Dr. Maxwell M. Gidado and Mrs M.V.I. Mbu. Shortly after inauguration, Chief Barnabas Gemade was replaced by Barrister Edward Ashiekaa.
Later, an adjustment to the Committee’s composition was made when Ambassador Yusuf Mamman, Chief Ayo Adebanjo, Chief A.K. Horsfall, Mr. Ayo Opadokun, Mrs. Ayoka Lawani, Dr. Arthur Nwankwo and Chief Solomon Asemota, SAN were replaced by Dr. Stella O. Dorgu, Prince Valentine Ahams, Barrister Mohammed Babangida Umar, Alhaji Abdulhamid Hassan, Barrister Adeniyi Akintola, Barrister Sunday Kuku Iyakwo and Dr. Olu Agunloye.
Accordingly, the Committee undertook a 23-day nationwide visitation programme to hold public hearings on the Constitution Review Exercise in all State Capitals. In order to effectively but less strenuously cover the entire country within three weeks, the Committee broke into three (3) Tour Teams, with each team assigned to cover two geo-political zones, one in the North and one in the South. Team “A” was led by Ambassador Yusuf Mamman with other members as follows: Air Cdre (rtd) Bernand Banfa, Mr. Ayo Opadokun, Dr. Shettima Mustapha, Barrister (Mrs) Iyabode Pam, Dr. J.C. Odunna Dr. Silva Opusunju, Colonel (rtd) Yohanna Madaki, Dr. Maxwell Gidado (Secretary), Barrister Johnson Ebokpo (Rapporteur) and Barrister Sajo Dahiru Bobo (Legal Assistant). Team “B” was led by Chief Clement Ebri.
The other members being the following: Alhaji Iro Dan Musa, Chief Albert Horsfall, Dr. Arthur Nwankwo, Dr. Amos Adepoju, Barrister Mika Anache, Hajiya Basirat A. Nahibi, Alhaji Gambo Mohammed Saleh, Dr. Maxwell Nduaguibe (Rapporteur) and Mr. Abdulmumuni Umar (Legal Assistant). Team “C” the third of the three Teams was led by Chief Edwin Ume-Ezeoke and with him were the following members:Barrister Edward Ashiekaa, Chief Alani Bankole, Alhaji Umaru Ahmed, Alhaji Isiaku Mohammed, Barrister (Mrs) Ayoka Lawani, Barrister (Mrs.) M.V.I. Mbu, Chief Ayo Adebanjo, Barrister Samuel Dusu (Rapporteur) and Felix Olelewe (Legal Assistant).
The Tour commenced on Sunday 16th January, 2000 and ended on Wednesday 9th February, 2000 when the visitation programme for the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja, was completed.
On completion of its nation-wide visitation programme, a delegation of the Committee travelled to the United States of America to attend a Seminar on the “Threat to Democracy in Nigeria” at Colin Powell Centre, New York, under the sponsorship of Ford Foundation. The lessons drawn at the seminar were revealing as they pointed out fresh approaches which would not only render the Committee’s work more thorough, but would also make the outcome of the Constitution Review Exercise more nationally and internationally acceptable. A new dimension therefore emerged with the offer of US$2 million technical/financial assistance from Ford Foundation to enable the Committee widen the scope and levels of consultations on its assignment thereby making it more participatory. Such an expansion in the Constitution Review process inevitably went far beyond the initial conception and financial projections of government when Mr. President constituted the Committee. The Ford Foundation support facility was therefore very timely.
As part of this financial assistance, the Ford Foundation also attached Consultant to the Committee at the Foundation’s expense but with the Committee providing him with only accommodation and local transportation. The Consultant, Professor Bereket Selassie, a Professor of Law and Politics at North Carolina University, USA, and one-time Chairman of the Eritrean Constitution Commission arrived soon after in Nigeria and assisted the Committee during some critical aspects of the Constitution Review Exercise.
I am happy that Chief Emeka Anyaoku’s committee of Patriots has resolved to give the country a better Constitution. They should be encouraged in all ways. We cannot deceive ourselves. This 1999 Constitution will lead us nowhere. Something must be done urgently. No matter how long we are implementing the provisions of the Constitution.
It was made in a hurry and it was made in error.
[OPINION] Democracy, Sub-Nationals and Unconstitutional Security Outfits - Onikepo Braithwaite
Observing Nigeria’s Constitution in Its Breach
Observing the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended)(the Constitution) in its breach, is nothing new. Some have argued that the reason for its incessant breach, is that the Constitution is an imperfect document which has outlived its usefulness; that it’s time for a Referendum, Constituent Assembly and all the other necessary steps required to usher in a new, improved and acceptable Constitution and Fifth Republic. On the other hand, others have also argued that there’s not that much wrong with the Constitution, and that how ever perfect a Constitution Nigeria has, with the self-serving mindset of our Politicians and so-called leaders, the Constitution will always be observed in its breach, once its provisions are at variance with their personal agendas.
Nigeria’s Autocratic Democracy
Since the inception of the Fourth Republic in 1999, Nigeria’s so-called democracy appears to be quite different from the concept of ‘Democracy’ in the true sense of the word. In the past, on this page, I defined the democracy that exists in Nigeria today as, Government of Politicians, by Politicians for Politicians, while former Military Head of State and former President of Nigeria, Olusegun Obasanjo’s recent definition is, “Government of a small number of people, by a small number of people, over a large number of people”. Using either definition, and the fact that it is alleged that the Nigerian Military Generals who are still alive today, always have a strong say about who becomes President of Nigeria, we see that even the type of system we have been running in the Fourth Republic to date, is, from the get-go, a clear breach of Sections 1(2), 14(2)(a) & (c) of the Constitution, as it 1) allows the governance of Nigeria or the control of the Government of Nigeria to be in the hands of persons or groups of persons; 2) deprives the people of their sovereignty and 3) deprives Nigerians of the right to effectively participate in their government.
There’s also Electoral Authoritarianism (Electoral Autocracy), so that even though there is the veneer of democracy, that is, people appearing to exercise their franchise by voting when general elections are held every four years, the elections are sometimes manipulated/rigged at various levels to achieve the desired results. The number of election petitions filed at the Tribunals, keeps increasing with every passing election cycle, which means that, if anything, the electoral process may be deteriorating instead of improving. President Umaru Yar’Adua of blessed memory, was honest enough to admit that the 2007 election that brought him into office was flawed, and advocated for electoral reform before his death.
If we are to be truthful to ourselves, we will all agree that the Fourth Republic has predominantly been an Autocratic Democracy, in which the basic principles of democracy appear to have been undermined by dictatorial practices. Nigeria appears to have a Hybrid System, whereby, once government policies, initiatives, actions or whatsoever-called deviate from the tenets of democracy - rule of law, separation of powers, due process etc (see Sections 4, 5 & 6 of the Constitution), the arbitrary/autocratic actions of government take precedence or are followed, over and above the provisions of the Constitution even when such actions are unconstitutional, contrary to Section 1(1) & (3) of the Constitution. In short, Nigeria’s so-called democracy, is in some ways, run side by side with autocratic practices; and, that is why for example, in November 1999, during the Obasanjo administration, there was what is now sometimes referred to as the ’Odi Massacre’, where Odi, a town in Bayelsa State was razed to the ground, allegedly in retaliation for militant activities and the murder of several law enforcement officers. In October 2016, during the Buhari administration, following allegations of corruption which, for the most part, couldn’t be substantiated, in a ‘Gestapo’ style operation in the dead of night, there was a DSS raid on the residences of judicial officers, as if they were searching for violent criminals who had been declared wanted by law enforcement agencies. In these two scenarios, judicial remedies were readily available to bring any wrongdoers to justice, but, instead of following due process and upholding the rule of law, Government preferred to use military style tactics - maybe more so, because, at the time, the two leaders involved were former Army Generals, General Olusegun Obasanjo and Major General Muhammadu Buhari, who claimed to have shed the toga of military dictatorship and become ‘born-again’ Democrats! Obviously, their actions betrayed their claims.
Unfortunately, Nigeria appears to combine all the different forms of autocratic democracy rolled into one! Whether PDP or APC, we also have a somewhat Managed/Orchestrated Democracy, obviously not in the same category as a country like Russia which has been used as the prime example of same, but, all the same, one in which important democratic institutions are regularly manipulated by those in power.
The outcome of an autocratic democracy like we see in Nigeria today, is that the tools of democracy, including the Constitution and democratic institutions, are weakened.
Example of Constitutional Breach: Security and Welfare of Nigerians
By now, even non-Lawyers know Section 14(2)(b) of the Constitution by heart, that is, that the security and welfare of the people is the primary purpose of Government.
Section 214(1) of the Constitution provides for the establishment of only one Police Force in Nigeria, the Nigeria Police Force (NPF), while Items 45 & 60(a) on the Exclusive Legislative List are Police; Other Security Services established by law; and Agencies established to promote and enforce Chapter II of the Constitution, respectively. This means that anything security, be it Àmòtèkun in the Southwest, Ebubeagu in the Southeast, or Hisbah in the Northern Sharia States, since they do not form part of the NPF and are types of ‘security’ agencies established by their various State Laws, they appear to be unconstitutional agencies. Even though Section 4(7) of the Constitution empowers State Houses of Assembly (SHAs) to make laws for the order, peace and good government of their States, and this would certainly concern the security and welfare of people, the same Section 4(7)(a) thereof, clearly excludes items on the Exclusive Legislative List from matters which SHAs can legislate upon, and that obviously includes security. Is this one of the imperfections in the Constitution? That a State, which is in charge of the security of its people, and SHAs, are unable to deal directly on their State security? See the case of AG Kano State v AGF (2007) LPELR-618 (SC) per Mahmud Mohammed, JSC (later CJN) on interpretation of the words in the Constitution and statute in their ordinary and literal meaning.
Some States have nevertheless, established security outfits to fight insecurity in their areas, in order to fulfil their foremost constitutional mandate of protecting the lives and property of their people, seeing as the existing security apparatus appears to be inadequate. While the Executive and Legislature have wasted over 25 years debating on whether or not to amend the Constitution to establish State Police, a few years ago, some Southern Governors decided not to continue to fold their arms while their people are attacked, killed and maimed by violent criminals regularly. Today, however, the Northern Governors are now in the forefront of clamouring for State Police. Kindly, note that, Hisbah wasn’t established to play the same type of role as Àmòtèkun or Ebubeagu; it was established mainly to enforce Sharia Law.
I was discussing with my friend, and I commented that, in the meantime, while this never ending debate on the pros and cons of State Police continues, why doesn’t the NPF do the needful, by recruiting local personnel in each State of the Federation to do community policing? It is trite that, Nigeria is under-policed, and something needs to be done about this urgently.
Katsina State Hisbah
Interestingly, if unconstitutionality has levels, while Àmòtèkun and Ebubeagu are Level 1 unconstitutionality, Hisbah appears to be multiple levels of unconstitutionality. The Level 1 unconstitutionality of the former stems from the fact that, even if they cannot be said to be full fledged Police, only the National Assembly, and not any SHA is empowered to enact legislation to establish any security agency.
The first level of unconstitutionality in the case of Hisbah, is the fact that it was established to enforce Islamic moral standards, based upon the unlawful introduction of Sharia Law in 12 Northern States of Nigeria contrary to Section 10 of the Constitution, which provides that neither the Government of the Federation nor that of any State may adopt a State religion. It is surprising that this unconstitutional implementation of Sharia which was started by then Governor of Zamfara State, Ahmed Yerima in 1999, hasn’t been declared by the courts to be the unconstitutionality that it is. This wrongfulness has deepened with the way Hisbah enforces Sharia Law, wielding some powers of a security agency, when the Constitution restricts Sharia to Islamic Personal Law - marriage/inheritance, and not criminal law, and in so doing, meting out all sort of outdated corporal punishments that can only be described as torture, when the Constitution doesn’t endow the Sharia Courts that offenders would be brought before, with requisite criminal jurisdiction to deal with them.
On Sunday, May 4, on News Central, I watched a mini-documentary on the Katsina State Hisbah (KSH), where victims of KSH’s abuse were showcased. Asmau Abba Shuaib was slapped and beaten, possibly because of her dressing. Hauwa Muhammad, another female victim’s mother, said her daughter’s experience with KSH was barbaric; that her daughter was dragged like a dog by four men, after being accused of indecent dressing. Mrs Muhammad stated thus: “There’s no law on earth that says you can brutalise a fellow human being, let alone a woman”. I concur. See Section 34(1)(a) of the Constitution on the prohibition of torture and inhuman treatment. What the KSH did in these instances, not only amounts to the offence of causing hurt or grievous hurt against these ladies (see Sections 240-243, 246, 247, 248 and generally, Chapter XVIII (Offences Affecting the Human Body) of the Penal Code Act 1960), but discriminates against women contrary to Section 42(1)(a) of the Constitution, as women appear to be the most targeted by Hisbah. In a true democracy, such cruel practices wouldn’t be permitted, let alone be the norm in certain areas.
The KSH Commander, Dr Aminu Usman, who was featured in the same interview, was rather unapologetic about KSH’s activities. He stated that KSH punishing people, is following the Quran and Hadith. He said they are punished for gambling, wearing inappropriate clothing, playing music or going out late at night, as such is prohibited in Islam, and enforcement of compliance by beating is allowed in Islam. But, all these Islamic infractions, are not prohibited by the criminal law of the land. Furthermore, it is a false claim that the Quran and Hadith prescribe the punishment of beating for immodest dressing; nowhere in the Holy Book is such stated - see The Holy Quran 24:30-31; 33:59, and even if it did, the Constitution doesn’t provide for the implementation of the punitive part of Sharia Law in Nigeria.
On the contrary, Section 38 of the Constitution guarantees the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion. Adhering to religious instruction is voluntary, so that, even a Muslim cannot be forced to submit to Sharia Law. If a Muslim chooses to listen to secular or Christian music, the KSH isn’t empowered to breach such an individual’s freedom of choice, by stopping them from listening to same.
Conclusion
Some of the golden rules of democracy are the supremacy of the Constitution and utmost regard for the rule of law, and in their absence, we cannot really be said to be practising true democracy.
While pursuing the security and welfare of Nigerians is constitutional, and the sentiment behind Àmòtèkun or Ebubeagu is good, that is, trying to secure the lives and property of Nigerians in those areas, in law, those agencies are standing on extremely slippery ground, and any serious Government would have regularised their status long ago, to make the fight against insecurity more efficient and effective.
On the other hand, the basis for Hisbah, the declaration of Sharia, is unconstitutional, while that of the establishment of Hisbah, like Àmòtèkun and Ebubeagu is questionable. The actions of Hisbah, like that of KSH, usually amounts to breaches of the fundamental rights of citizens. To be honest, an agency such as Hisbah, is actually antithetical to democracy, as several of the tenets of the religion it seeks to enforce, are guaranteed as fundamental rights and not prohibited by law. The fact that KSH even metes out punishments that are not prescribed by the Quran, is even more curious and troubling, since they profess to be followers of the Quran and Hadith. Even Sharia Courts hearing criminal cases and handing down death sentences is unconstitutional and unlawful, as the Constitution doesn’t endow the Sharia or Customary Courts with criminal jurisdiction.
It is time to decide whether Nigeria desires the development of her democracy, which necessarily demands upholding the supremacy of the Constitution and global best democratic practices, or if she wants to continue to regress, playing politics with religion and the like, while disregarding the rule of law. Whether an individual’s name is Munir or Martha, once they have reached the age of 18, it is their right to drink alcohol, indulge in amorous relationships if they so desire, and enjoy all the fundamental rights contained in Chapter IV of the Constitution. The first thing we were taught in Law is that, even though they sometimes intersect, Law and Morals are different. That what may be considered to be immoral, isn’t necessarily unlawful. The essence of a body like Hisbah, is to reject this. The framers of the Constitution knew what they were doing, when they included Section 10 in the Constitution, as forcing or enforcing religious doctrine doesn’t gel properly with the freedoms donated in a democracy. In a true democracy, particularly a multi-ethnic and multi-religious one like Nigeria's, the Constitution is supreme, not religion.
In the News Central mini-documentary, one of the Speakers concluded by stating that the people believe that the Government of Katsina is using the KSH to serve a political agenda. And, this is one of the reservations of those who do not support the establishment of State Police. That it will become a tool of abuse in the hands of Governors, against the people and their political opponents, particularly if they are equipped with weapons like the NPF.