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![[OPINION] Soludo: When philosopher becomes king - Law Mefor](/media/k2/items/cache/f2cb97fadeabbc163d83c13c576edd03_L.jpg)
In his seminal work, ‘The Republic’, the renowned Greek philosopher, Plato, introduced the idea of the Philosopher King, which makes the indisputable argument that a leader needs to be endowed with wisdom and knowledge to make an extraordinary impact. Plato’s statement on the philosopher king is exemplified by Anambra State Governor, Prof Chukwuma Charles Soludo CFR, and his visionary and daring leadership, which is lifting the state into prosperity and livability in an unprecedented way.
The governor, Soludo, has proved that everything rises and falls on leadership, exactly why leadership is the single most critical factor responsible for the development and happiness of the people or lack of it.
Soludo’s Peoples Manifesto is Anambra reimagined and designed to transform the State into a Dubai-Taiwan in due course. The foundation has been fully laid, and building in most aspects commenced. Soludo has added to his vision of a new Anambra as Africa’s Silicon Valley, with IT and digital infrastructure, digital literacy, and manpower. The digital infrastructure is being laid, and the 1 million digital tribe to own and power the future Anambra as one smart mega city is being trained. The first batch of 25,000 has already graduated and is empowered to be useful at home and employable abroad.
Toxic leadership and extraordinary leadership are the two extremes on a continuum. While exceptional leadership is the best that leadership can offer, toxic leadership, the opposite, leaves the organisation or state/nation in a worse state than when it met it. The former is disruptive, and it is to it that a country or organisation owes its revolutionary reforms and significant advancements in development, like those that Governor Soludo is bringing about in Anambra State.
When Plato developed the concept of the philosopher king as the ideal leader, he certainly had Soludo in mind. Plato effectually said, “The society we have described can never grow into a reality or see the light of day… until philosophers become rulers in this world, or until those we now call kings and rulers really and truly become philosophers, and political power and philosophy thus come into the same hands.” Governor Soludo successfully combines political sagacity with philosophical sobriety, and he has ingrained the word “solution” into the political system.
He recognises that security is the first fulcrum of a stable society. Before he came into office, Anambra State was under the siege of daredevil criminals who had gained virtually entire control of eight local governments in Anambra State, namely Aguata, Ihiala, Ekwusigo, Nnewi North, Nnewi South, Ogbaru, Orumba North, and Orumba South.
The situation was serious and necessitated an unorthodox response. For the first time in the history of Anambra State, Governor Soludo founded the Ministry of Homeland Security and also appointed a Special Adviser on Security and much later, added a Special Adviser on Community Security. The task of confronting the raging criminals head-on fell to members of the Anambra Vigilante Group (AVG), which is now retooled and rechristened Agunechemba by the new Anambra State Homeland Security Law 2025, which is pivotal in the new strike force, Operation Udo Ga-Achi, launched by Governor Soludo on January 18, 2025, when the Homeland Security Law was also signed into force.
The so-called “unknown gunmen,” initially thought to be Fulani herders, were found to be mostly Igbo, over 70% of whom are from outside Anambra, who have migrated to the rich state for kidnapping and robbery, as the insecurity war reveals. Full-blooded Igbo men and women are essentially responsible for the insecurity in the state. The Soludo government had to change gears to fully confront insecurity. There are now more boots on the ground (over 2000 men and over 200 trucks and SUVs to ensure statewide coverage), a Command Control Centre, a top-of-the-range tracking system, and a Call Centre for information on the criminals in an inventive way to address the nearly intractable security challenge. “If you see something, say something, earn something! Call 5111 and the call centre will process the Intel with the utmost confidentiality.” “Everything technology, technology everywhere” has become the mantra of the Soludo government.
Anambra is now too hot for robbers, fake and evil Ndi-Dibia, Ndi-Ezenwanyi, and the Okeite magic pot providers since Soludo launched Operation Udo-Ga-Achi and unleashed the Agunechemba on the criminals, resulting in calm returning to Anambra and Oso Soludo (scampering of criminals, including fake and native doctors and fake prophets). Receding insecurity has now revealed Soludo’s transformation of Anambra State with historic infrastructure improvements like the construction of stone-base roads, bridges, flyovers, and dual carriageways; the return of drinking tap water to the urban centres; the first-ever gift of a government house and lodge to the state; the creation of the state’s ultra-modern Solution Fun City; lighting up the state with streetlights everywhere; constructing general hospitals and schools; hiring thousands of teachers, doctors, and nurses; and more—all without borrowing one kobo.
Soludo is also developing three brand new cities, namely Awka 2.0, Onitsha 2.0, and Anambra Mixed Industrial City (AMIC). The railway infrastructure is also in the offing. With free education up to senior secondary school, which is breaking generational poverty transfer, and the 1Youth, 2Skills programme and digital and IT training by the Solution District (SID), the philosopher king, Professor Chukwuma Soludo, is not only physically constructing the new Anambra but also developing a digital and literate population that will live in the emerging new State.
All of Anambra State’s vital signs are under the philosopher king’s control. Soludo arrived prepared and started to work in Okpoko the next day after swearing in. Today, Okpoko, the largest slum east of the Niger, is now a new haven, a signature of Soludo’s urban regeneration. He is always grateful to Ndi Anambra for hiring him for the position. And the people are extremely grateful for the excellent work that the hard-working Mr. Governor has done. One happy citizen has nicknamed Soludo “Oluatuegwu”—He who never hesitates to take on any big project!
Soludo is probably the only governor, past and present, to reverse capital expenditure and concurrent spending parity in the state’s annual budget up to 70% in favour of capital. Anambra State’s 2025 budget is currently 77% capital and barely 23% recurrent. This explains why Soludo has accomplished so much without taking out loans in about three years he has been in office. He has won awards for having the highest fiscal discipline and transparency in the nation. He has also been awarded Governor of the Year and Man of the Year by major newspapers in a variety of categories, from tech to infrastructure to human capital development. In the recent primary health care national challenge, Anambra was ranked first in both Southeast Nigeria and Nigeria overall.
The antecedents of Soludo are indeed luminous. Let’s not forget that before he even became Governor of Anambra State, Soludo had saved the Nigerian economy from collapse through his 2004 banking consolidation project when he was the Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN). ‘The Power of One Man: How the Soludo-Engineered Consolidation Transformed Nigerian Banks to Global Players’, written by Dr. Ray Echebiri, was presented at Eko Hotels & Suites, Victoria Island, Lagos, on Saturday, July 6, 2024, to commemorate the 20th anniversary of the revolutionary banking reforms that, under Soludo’s supervision, resulted in the emergence of 25 banks that beefed up their capital base to a minimum of N25 billion. Before Soludo’s banking consolidation, the combined size of all Nigerian banks could not equal one South African bank. The recapitalisation initiative ultimately created 25 large banks out of the 89 struggling banks that were previously in existence in the country.
In other words, Soludo is a philosopher king who has used his deep knowledge and affective commitment to govern Anambra State. His impressive credentials, which include the coveted First Class in Economics from the University of Nigeria, Nsukka (UNN), are so obvious for everyone to see.
As Soludo has proven, the future becomes the present when a philosopher becomes king. Soludo has brought forward Anambra’s future with his master plan for the physical and human capital development of Anambra State. By cleansing traditional worship, ridding it of fake and evil native doctors, and refocusing Ndi Anambra on their traditional path—Uche, Uchu, and Egwu Chukwu (i.e. integrity, hard work, and fear of God), a renewed Ndi Anambra is emerging.
Indeed, Anambra, as one smart mega city and the Silicon Valley of Africa, is on the horizon, thanks to the philosopher king, Soludo, why Ndi Anambra say: Solution is here and call Soludo Mr Solution!
Law Mefor, PhD, is the Anambra state commissioner for information
![[OPINION] Tales from public hearing on tax reform bills - Aderonke Atoyebi](/media/k2/items/cache/039ca03600c7915a88f0e90f1402a949_L.jpg)
If Nigerians genuinely seek economic growth and financial stability, we must recognize that taxation is not a choice. It is a necessity. When President Bola Ahmed Tinubu introduced the Tax Reform Bills in October 2024, it signified another move toward creating a more efficient, transparent, and equal tax system (similar to removing fuel subsidies). As with every big reform or decision, there will always be people who see change as an opportunity and those who see it as a threat.
For many years, Nigeria’s tax structure was inefficient, with leakages, multiple taxes, and an overreliance on oil money. Things changed when Dr. Zacch Adedeji became the Chairman, Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS), bringing transparency and efficiency.
The proposed bills, Nigeria Tax Administration Bill, Nigeria Revenue Service Bill, Joint Tax Board Bill, and Nigeria Tax Bill, seek to simplify tax collection, reduce tax evasion, and ensure revenue is directed toward national development. These measures will improve the ease of doing business, encourage investment, and establish a more equitable system in which big companies pay their fair share. With improved enforcement and fewer loopholes, the government can increase money without burdening citizens. However, instead of seeing the big picture, some opponents focus on minor issues, rejecting the reform rather than strengthening it.
The public hearing on these bills has been a battleground of ideas, where stakeholders have voiced their support, scepticism, and outright opposition. Over the past 5 days, lawmakers, tax professionals, industry leaders, and even religious organizations have all voiced their opinions, offering perspectives that range from practical concerns to strongly held beliefs. But amid the arguments, one thing is undeniable: Nigeria can not afford to maintain the status quo.
Some religious groups, like the Supreme Council for Shariah in Nigeria and the Committee of FCT Imams Initiative, oppose the inheritance tax, claiming it violates religious rights. But inheritance tax is not a new idea. It exists globally to promote economic fairness. Nigeria is not religious-rule. Our laws balance secular and customary principles. If there are concerns, the bill can be adjusted to ensure fairness. However, rejecting it entirely distracts from the goal of building a tax system that benefits everyone.
The Trade Union Congress and others oppose raising VAT from 7.5% to 15 percent by 2030, fearing it will worsen the cost of living for everyday Nigerians. While their concerns are valid, the government needs revenue for infrastructure and social amenities. A gradual increase, with exemptions for basic goods, can ease the impact. Many countries fund public services this way, and Nigeria can consider this approach.
The Nigeria Customs Service also raised concerns that the new tax laws will interfere with its duties. But this is not about power. It is about making things work better. The reforms will help government agencies work together and fix long-standing problems in revenue collection.
Fighting change will only slow down progress. Now that the hearings are over, the next step is to improve the bill where needed, not abandon it. Those against it should ask themselves: Do we want a Nigeria where the rich avoid taxes while ordinary people struggle? Do we want to keep losing revenue due to loopholes? Or do we want a fair system where everyone contributes to national growth?
While the Senate and House of Representatives have promised to thoroughly review the bill, Nigerians have much to gain from its passage. This reform will enhance the economy, create a fairer tax system, and better livelihoods. If implemented effectively, it will ensure that the benefits of democracy reach everyone, not just a select few. The opportunity is here, we just need to seize it and make it work for everyone.
Arabinrin Aderonke Atoyebi is the technical assistant on broadcast media to the executive chairman of the Federal Inland Revenue Service.
![[OPINION] Identity Questions in IBB’s Autobiography - Farooq A. Kperogi](/media/k2/items/cache/1634f9a45b48917842f729b4e21a1531_M.jpg)
The autobiography of former self-styled “President” Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida has already been parsed for its self-serving mendacity, moral spinelessness, maddening insensitivity, self-glorification, and cowardly posthumous smears of dead colleagues.
I won’t revisit those points here. As someone who has a scholarly interest in—and is actually working on a book on—the rhetoric of collective identity construction in Nigeria, I was drawn to IBB’s self-definition of his identity in his autobiography.
It was Gimba Kakanda, SA to the Vice President and former newspaper columnist, who first quickened my appetite about this in his February 19 Facebook update.
Kakanda had read an advance copy of IBB’s autobiography and wrote this intriguing summation of it: “It’s a journey that begins with his origins, as the son of a Gbagyi woman, and leads up to the June 12 questions—the answers to which you’ll have to read to discover for yourself.”
In a February 15, 2020, column titled "True Ethnic Origins of Nigeria’s Past Presidents and Heads of State,” I had observed that “IBB’s ethnic identity is surprisingly a magnet for controversy and speculation. He has been called Gbagyi (whom Hausa people call Gwari), Nupe, and even Yoruba from Ogbomoso or Osogbo. But he told journalists and his biographers at different times that his immediate ancestors were Hausas from Kano who migrated to what is now Niger State.”
I was curious if IBB admitted that his maternal filiation was Gbagyi (or Gwari). He actually did. But while he is very specific about his maternal line of descent, he was vague about the ethnic identity of his paternal ancestry.
This is how he describes his paternal ancestry, beginning from his grandfather: “Snippets of details I heard suggested that earlier on, he was a bit of a wanderer, migrating from Sokoto to Kano and Kontagora and settling in Wushishi.”
Contrast this with the specificity with which he describes his maternal heritage: “Apparently, [my grandfather] met his future wife, a young Gwari girl called Halima, in Wushishi, and since his future parents-in-law would only allow him to marry daughter if he agreed to make his home in Wushishi, he readily complied with their condition before settling down in Wushishi and marrying his pretty wife, Halima.”
In yet another description of his Gwari maternal descent, he is informatively direct and specific: “But before he left, my father met and married a beautiful light-skinned Gwari girl, Inna Aishatu, who would become my mother.”
His paternal grandmother was a pretty Gwari woman, and his own mother was a “beautiful light-skinned Gwari girl.” Why did he have a need to call attention to their pulchritude and complexion?
Why did he withhold such details about his grandfather and his father? Sokoto, which he says is the apparent root of his paternal ancestry, was populated by both the Fulani and the Hausa in the “later part of the 19th century” when his grandfather left it for Kano and later Wushishi.
Although interethnic marriage between the Hausa and the Fulani began to intensify at this time, people still identified their heritage through their fathers. Ethnic identities or labels weren’t hyphenated. Was his father Hausa or Fulani?
Did he, perhaps, obliquely answer that question by gratuitously calling attention to the light skin of his Gwari mother in order to let it be known that his own light complexion is inherited from his mother since the Fulani are stereotypically light-skinned?
Well, IBB told a biographer that his great grandfather hailed from the village of Kumuria [Kumurya?] in Kano State from where he went to Sokoto. But in his autobiography, he only mentions his grandfather migrating from Sokoto to Kano and later to Wushishi. Is this intentional, strategic paternal ancestral ambiguity?
We see evidence of identitarian anxieties in IBB’s life after he left his Niger cultural cocoon. Up until age 23 when he returned from India as a Second Lieutenant, his name was Ibrahim Badamasi, Badamasi being his father’s first name.
“However,” he writes, “before I settled down to work at the First Brigade, a particular incident led me to add ‘Babangida’ to my name. During official engagements that led to my deployment to Kaduna, officers who confused the Yoruba name, Gbadamosi, with my last name, ‘Badamasi,’ repeatedly asked me whether I was Yoruba. That question had come up a few times during my enlisting interview for the military. Since that question persisted (and since I knew I wasn’t Yoruba!), I decided to take on my father’s other name as my last name.”
Three things jumped out at me after reading this part of the book. First, I find it intriguing that he had no hesitation telling us about his mother’s and paternal grandmother’s ethnic identity and even disclaiming a Yoruba identity that he knew would constrain him but chose to conceal his paternal ethnic identity.
Second, IBB didn’t mention Babangida as his father’s other name when the reader first encounters him in the book. He identifies his father as Muhammad Badamasi, not Babangida Badamasi. Maybe this oversight is attributable to sloppy (ghost) writing.
Third, Gbadamosi is not, strictly speaking, a Yoruba name. It’s the Yoruba domestication of Badamasi, which is understood to be a Muslim name in Nigeria. Many people in northwest Nigeria, where he says his paternal roots sprouted from, bear the name.
When I wrote about unusual Muslim names in Nigeria that don’t seem to have any links with the rest of the Muslim world, among which is “Badamasi,” readers who are familiar with the etymology of Badamasi told me that the name (which was probably originally some variant of Badmasi) belongs to an Arabic poet whose book advanced students in traditional Arabic schools, called makarantun soro in Hausa land, study.
The book, a Sufi poem, is used as a resource for Arabic vocabulary lessons. Over time, it became popularly known as Badamasi, named after its author.
I haven’t found any scholarly corroboration for the claim that Badamasi is the name of an Arab poet, but there is a late nineteenth-century Ilorin Muslim scholar and poet by the name of Badamasi whose poems are often utilized to enhance Arabic vocabulary and are a staple in the curriculum of traditional Islamic schools. But it’s not clear if he is the original bearer of the name.
Badamasi was Yorubized to Gbadamosi and later anglicized to Badmus in Yoruba land.
Curiously, Muslim names, which should transcend, even neutralize, ethnicity, at least on the surface, can become the carriers of the weight of ethnicity in Nigeria. There are notions of “Yoruba Muslim names” not just because of their peculiar Yoruba domestication but because of their higher than usual frequency among Yoruba Muslims.
For example, many northern Muslims and Yoruba Muslims have concluded, without a shred of evidence, that House of Representatives Speaker Tajudeen Abbas is a Zaria man of Yoruba ancestry because “Tajudeen” occurs more frequently among Yoruba Muslims than it does among Hausa-speaking Muslims.
But Tajudeen Abbas is a Zaria prince. A Yoruba editor friend of mine pushed back when I said the Speaker was at least paternally Fulani by asking which Fulani or Hausa man I knew who bore the name Tajudeen.
I mentioned Tajudeen Dantata. I then asked if he thought the Dantata family was Yoruba because they named one of their progenies Tajudeen. That ended the conversation.
Dr. Raji Bello, a Fulani man from Yola, also talks about how he is often mistaken for a Yoruba man because people assume that Raji is an exclusively Yoruba Muslim name even though it’s a Muslim name commonly born by South Asian and West African Muslims.
Dr. Bello resisted the type of urge that IBB succumbed to. He once said he was advised by an elder in Zaria to change his name to Rabiu. But he was named after one of his ancestors, a prominent nineteenth-century Muslim scholar in what is now Adamawa by the name of Modibbo Raji.
Finally, IBB described his father as a “messenger/interpreter” in the colonial district office but didn’t say what he interpreted. Since he had no Western education and didn’t speak English, did he translate Gbagyi, his mother’s language, to Hausa or vice versa?
Well, I am not done reading the book.
![[OPINION] Soludo Storms Lagos As Governor Of The Year - Christian Aburime](/media/k2/items/cache/950717627a7bc7bd65feb068ca4ec8ce_M.jpg)
Awards come in various shapes and hues in Nigeria. Some are rightly earned, some are bargained, while others are thrust on recipients as appreciative gestures. This Saturday, Lagos will thunder with applause as the SUN Publishing Limited crowns Governor Chukwuma Charles Soludo, CFR, “Governor of the Year”, a well-earned laurel carved from his meritorious performance. The SUN editors, sleuths with sharp eyes, scoured Anambra and found undeniable evidence: over 420 km of roads paved, flyovers like the one in Ekwulobia hugging the sky, 68 km of federal highways dualised, all without a borrowed penny. Awka’s Government House, a 34-year mirage, now becomes a reality; water gushes in Onitsha, Nnewi, and Awka, a lifeline reborn.
The SUN’s hawk eyes caught more: Okpoko, once Nigeria’s grimmest slum, now dubbed “New Haven” with 15 km of roads, lights, a hospital, is a gem rising from decadence. Urban regeneration electrifies Onitsha and Awka, while fiscal discipline, Anambra’s top-five BudgIT ranking, pairs with ambition.
Governor Soludo’s 50-Year Plan and the People's manifesto are beyond a whisper; it is a roar, turning lean resources into lavish triumphs. His refusal to borrow, despite a N100 billion green light, is a gauntlet thrown at waste. The editors saw a state reborn, and they nodded: this man deserves the crown.
But Governor Soludo is no stranger to recognition. As CBN Governor, he stacked $63 billion in reserves and earned triple “Best Central Bank Governor” titles from Financial Times and Euromoney. Six Nigerian papers sang “Man of the Year” in 2006; a CFR honour followed. With 152 awards trailing him, he is a comet of acclaim. Now, Anambra chants “The Solution Is Here,” and Saturday's award ceremony proves it: a tribute to a leader who has made infrastructure a war cry.
This weekend, as Lagos lifts Governor Soludo high in the limelight of rousing applause, Nigeria will see what Anambra already knows: the Solution mantra is a master sculptor’s tool chiseling Anambra into a masterpiece. The SUN garland is neither charity nor flattery; it is a merited recognition of good governance delivered excellently.
![[OPINION] Soludo’s Game-Changing Achievements In Anambra - Christian Aburime](/media/k2/items/cache/daadddd319475116292cab68765a43bd_M.jpg)
If governance is a game, the skilled, brilliant ones know how to score goals that win the hearts of the people. Yet, true game-changers don’t play games. Today, Ndi Anambra has a worthy game-changer in Governor Chukwuma Charles Soludo, CFR, who has turned Anambra into a rocket blazing skyward, and he has done it in just two and a half years. With wallets thinner than a razor’s edge, he has avoided needless borrowing. Yet, over 739km of roads now slash across the state, 420km commissioned, gleaming with fresh asphalt, stonebased and cement stabilization. Flyovers rise like phoenixes, and the Zero Pothole crusade has banished ruts to memory. This is what good governance can engender; it is a revolution, debt-free and defiant.
Education is his holy grail. Governor Soludo has hired 8,115 teachers in an unprecedented manner in Nigeria, made public schools free, and spiked enrolment by 18.7%. Out-of-school kids? Down to a national low of 2.9%, with smart schools sprouting like digital oaks. Health is on the rise, too: five new hospitals, 326 upgraded health centres glowing with solar power, 1,000 medical professionals enlisted, and free antenatal care delivering zero maternal deaths. Anambra is now second only to Lagos in under-five survival.
Youth are Governor Soludo’s wildfire. The One Youth, Two Skills programme has produced 5,000 entrepreneurs, seed cash in hand, while 8,700 more train. The Solution Innovation District churns out 20,000 tech warriors, earning Anambra “Best State in Digital Technology” cheers. Security? Eight LGAs once choked by gunmen breathe free, and the newly launched ‘Agunechemba’ security offensive has driven kidnappers, ritual dealers, and cultists out of town Onitsha’s touts are now ghosts, with traders thriving free. Palm and coconut seedlings, 2 million to 130,000 households, revive an agro-empire, aiming to lift 500,000 families from poverty’s grip.
Fiscal wizardry seals the deal. BudgIT ranks Anambra tops in prudence, number one in southern ease of doing business, all without a borrowed kobo. His five-pillar agenda plan, security, infrastructure, human capital, governance, environment, isn’t a dream; it is a juggernaut, outpacing 33 years of state history. Water flows in cities again, a befitting Government House stands after 34 years jinx, and the Solution Fun City promises West Africa’s grandest entertainment world.
So, Governor Soludo is not here to play games but to change the game of governance for good. Anambra is now a massive construction site, a classroom, a clinic, a tech hub, and more, all at once. The man who once stacked $63 billion in reserves now stacks victories; proving lean times bow to bold minds. This is a legacy in overdrive, a governor who has turned scarcity into a supernova of progress. Indeed, the Solution is Here!
![[OPINION] Should You Buy Dogecoin After Its Recent 55% Drop? - Anthony Di Pizio](/media/k2/items/cache/d9d559dd7e0f3ed78b5268799a940286_M.jpg)
Dogecoin (CRYPTO: DOGE) was the cryptocurrency industry's original meme-token. It was created as a joke by two friends in 2013, who were inspired by the "Doge" meme that was spreading across the internet like wildfire at the time.
Dogecoin has become a vessel for speculative investors because it has very little utility in the real world. Nevertheless, it managed to outperform most major cryptocurrencies in 2024 including Bitcoin, Ethereum, and XRP (Ripple):
Per the above chart, most of those gains came after Nov. 5, which is when Donald Trump won the presidential election after campaigning on a series of crypto-friendly policies. Dogecoin investors received a special cherry on top thanks to Elon Musk, which I'll discuss further in a moment.
However, the meme-token has plunged by 55% from its post-election peak. Could it be the ultimate buying opportunity, or a sign to run for the hills? Let's find out.
The Elon Musk effect
Elon Musk has supported Dogecoin since 2019. He often posts memes relating to the cryptocurrency on social media, partakes in friendly banter with other enthusiasts, and his electric vehicle company, Tesla, accepts it as payment for some merchandise.
On May 8, 2021, Musk even participated in a Dogecoin-themed skit on Saturday Night Live. The token soared to a record high of $0.73 during the show, at which point it was sitting on an eye-popping 15,769% gain for the year. However, it also happened to mark the peak -- it proceeded to lose more than 90% of its value in the months that followed.
That shouldn't be surprising given Dogecoin's highly speculative nature, and the token remained mostly dormant during 2023 and for most of 2024. But the presidential election last November ignited a fire under cryptocurrencies broadly, as Trump promised to make America the crypto capital of the world. The U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission has even started pausing some of its legal cases against crypto companies, suggesting the industry will have more regulatory freedom to invent new use cases to create value for investors.
Shortly after Trump won the election, he also announced that Musk will run an external agency called the Department of Government Efficiency, or DOGE for short. Its goal is to help the administration cut government spending in order to balance the budget. It has no role in the crypto industry whatsoever, but investors interpreted the name of the agency as a clear reference to Musk's favorite cryptocurrency, Dogecoin, which sent the token soaring.
Dogecoin lacks real-world utility
The key to creating value for any currency is adoption. Businesses need to accept it as payment for goods and services, because that gives consumers a reason to buy it and hold it. Unfortunately, only 2,025 businesses accept Dogecoin worldwide, and many of them are obscure providers of internet and crypto services, and even gambling websites. It's a drop in the bucket considering there are more than 350 million registered companies globally.
With well-grounded fears of a trade war swirling and causing volatility in the traditional financial sector as well as in cryptocurrencies, you don't have to be a particularly skittish investor to be concerned about your portfolio at the moment. Even quality assets like XRP (CRYPTO: XRP) and Bitcoin (CRYPTO: BTC) are showing some shakiness.
But between those two, if a full-on trade war actually does break out as a result of the Trump administration's policies, which one has a better chance of holding up, or perhaps even climbing? Let's analyze the argument for each, starting with XRP.
The setup looks bearish here
For XRP to gain in value, at least two things need to happen. First, banks and financial institutions need to buy and hold the coin, and they need to believe that doing so will help them avoid currency exchange fees as well as international money transfer fees; they need to see that using the crypto is a better option than legacy money-transfer technologies.
Second, those banks need to transact with one another regularly across international borders, thereby generating usage fees, which are paid back to the XRP network.
If there is a trade war, the incentives for the first scenario to continue occurring will remain the same, and there could be some positive effects for XRP. The actual size of each transfer may even increase, if parties need to include the costs of tariffs in their transfers. That won't necessarily generate much more in fees, though, as XRP only charges a fraction of a penny per transaction.
The problem here is that extensive tariffs may reduce the volume of goods exchanged as a result of buyers facing higher prices. With fewer goods exchanged, fewer international money transfers need to happen. And that means XRP will almost certainly generate less in fees if there's a trade war.
There's no rule that says the price of the coin needs to drop if that happens. But if trading volumes drop, it isn't good news for investors, which detracts from the argument for buying XRP if the trade situation worsens.
Is this coin a real safe harbor?
Bitcoin's price hasn't changed much at all over the last three months, which suggests that the market is ambivalent about its value holding up in a trade war.
And it's hard to articulate precisely how the coin's value would decrease if the barriers to trade became higher for the U.S., aside from a generalized retreat from risk assets that it might cause as investors give in to fear. It isn't used extensively as a medium of exchange for trade payments, or for much else. Nor would its core value-generation mechanisms -- scarcity and mining difficulty -- change whatsoever.
It's faintly possible to conceive of a deep recession in the U.S. driven by a trade war causing investors to dump their coins to help pay their daily expenses. But that isn't very likely, at least not at the moment.
What's more likely is that rising costs stemming from worse trade terms would reduce the capital that institutional investors would be willing to allocate to Bitcoin.
It's also entirely possible that investors would be more interested in buying the crypto as a result of any inflationary pressure caused by a trade war. If inflation becomes a major concern again, it might even send the coin significantly higher, since it's considered a hedge. Still, compared to harder assets like gold or other commodities, it's not clear that this coin will preserve its value very well in truly turbulent economic times.
Nonetheless, compared to XRP, Bitcoin has fewer risk surfaces if the trade situation continues to deteriorate for the U.S. So, if there's a big dip prompted by panic, it's probably smarter to be buying it than selling it. Investors should also keep in mind that trade wars end eventually, and that there isn't really anything about a trade war that detracts from the investment thesis for this coin.
![[OPINION] Sam Nujoma, enthusiastically celebrated in Nigeria - Owei Lakemfa](/media/k2/items/cache/4c68f6f20b396db88c00b4c9acdb4696_S.jpg)
Samuel Shafiishuna Daniel Nujoma was on the verge of an historic victory on November 11, 1989. The votes for the first democratic elections in Namibia, his long suffering country, were being counted. The colonial South African Apartheid regime was billed to grant independence in March 1990. It was night. Suddenly, the lights went off. Nujoma and the South West Africa People’s Organisation, SWAPO, liberation movement he had co-founded, were far ahead in the vote count and it appeared that the Apartheid regime was bent on scuttling the process.
Some of the election monitoring teams, including Nigeria, immediately organised all cars available to switch on their lights and beam them at the counting centre. Also, the contingent of Nigeria policemen produced their torch lights to check any possible rigging and, enable the counting to go on.
A member of the Nigerian delegation, Ambassador Joe Keshi, then walked up to the leader of the Apartheid regime at the centre and warned that with Nujoma and SWAPO in a comfortable lead in the vote count before the lights went off, it must remain so otherwise the regime would have serious trouble in its hands. The Apartheid chief protested his innocence, saying the light failure was merely coincidental.
After the count and clear victory, Keshi went to see Nujoma in his house. He was not aware that Nujoma had been briefed about him confronting the Apartheid chief. As soon as he entered the sitting room, the famous guerilla fighter, in joy,grabbed Keshi and tried to lift him off the ground. Both men almost fell. That was the very warm, hospitable, respectful and humane Nujoma.
At the Wednesday, February 26, 2025 celebration of the life of Nujoma held in the Rotunda Hall of the Nigerian Foreign Affairs Ministry, retired Assistant Inspector General of Police Ezidinma Ifejika recalled the lights out incidence. He had led the 183-man Nigerian police contingent to Namibia. Immediately the lights went off, his men had produced torch lights to prevent any hanky-panky. He said Nujoma later sent for him and personally thanked him for the quick intervention of the Nigerian policemen.
After the elections, the new government requested that the Nigerian, Irish, Pakistani, Ghanaian and Indian contingents stayed for another three months to teach the Namibian Police better policing.
The Apartheid regime had conceded to Namibian independence for 1990 after the Cuban military had travelled 11,032 kilometres to Angola and inflicted a crushing defeat on its military forces. The unrelenting Cuban forces had pushed back the invading Apartheid military into Namibia. To avoid a catastrophic capitulation, Apartheid South Africa signed a truce agreeing to Namibian and South African independence.
At the Abuja programme for Nujoma, Cuban Ambassador to Nigeria, Miriam Morales Palmero who met Nujoma a number of times, said the comradeship of Cubans and Namibians was forged on the battlefield. She said Cuba awarded Nujoma the Jose Marti award for his contributions to human liberation. Palmero, a former World Youth Leader, commended Nujoma for making youths an integral part of decision-making in Namibia.
The Angolan Embassy said in Nujoma we have lost a Pan Africanist who dedicated his entire life to the cause of freedom. It recalled that Nujoma lived part of his exile life in Angola where SWAPO also had a base which was partly responsible for the invasions by Apartheid forces.
Foreign Minister Yusuf Maitama Tuggar paid tribute to Nujoma whom he described as an African giant who was not a vacillator. Nujoma, he said, was a voice of the voiceless and champion of the marginalised who helped to unite the diverse groups of Namibia. He praised him for giving priority to education and healthcare.
Chief Emeka Anyaoku, GCON, Secretary General of the Commonwealth of Nations, 1990-2000, said it was with sadness he heard that the great Iroko tree of Namibia had fallen. He recalled that Nujoma was so appreciative of the role he played in the independence struggle that he conferred Namibia’s national honour on him.
Senator Ike Omar Sanda Nwachukwu, a retired Major General who was Nigeria’s Foreign Minister in 1990, the year Namibia secured independence, recalled that when they met, Nujoma wore a well-groomed beard and a meek look that camouflaged a tough fighter. He said Nigeria was completely dedicated to the liberation of Namibia and that apart from redeeming all its pledges to that country, it also established a N100 million Namibia Solidarity Fund. He said Nujoma was a man of character who was prudent and selfless and a true Pan Africanist.
Ambassador Bagudu Mutle Hirse, former Minister of State, Foreign Affairs, was in regular consultation with Nujoma when he was Nigerian Higher Commissioner to Namibia from February 2000. He revealed that the late liberation fighter used to tell him that what Namibia got was political, not economic independence. Nujoma, he said, regarded Nigeria as his second home.
Ambassador John Kayode Shinkaiye, who was Chief of Staff to the Chairperson of the African Union Commission, said Nujoma was an exceptional and remarkable African leader who rallied international support for Namibia’s independence.
Shinkaiye who was one of the African diplomats who saw off Nujoma at the airport on his last visit to Britain as a freedom fighter, said the late Namibian President was known for his candid opinion. He said in and out of office, Nujoma was a friend of Nigeria. Regrettably, he added, same cannot be said of some other countries Nigeria supported in the liberation struggles.
The Director General of the National Institute of International Affairs, Professor Eghosa Osaghae, who described Nujoma as a great African liberator, recalled that a number of prominent post-colonial leaders in Namibia were educated in Nigeria. He gave the example of Professor Peter Katjavivi who attended Government College, Umuahia from 1963-1966 and went on to become the founding Vice Chancellor, Namibia University and later, Speaker of the Namibian National Assembly.
The Zimbabwean Embassy which spoke on behalf of the Southern African Development Community, paid tribute to liberation leaders like Nelson Mandela, Robert Mugabe, Kenneth Kaunda and Sam Nujoma all of whom, it noted, clocked at least 95 before departing. It thanked Nigeria for supporting the liberation struggles in the continent.
The Namibian High Commissioner Humphrey Geiseb said from an early age Nujoma recognised the injustice done to his people, had to go on exile and became the symbol of hope. His administration, he said, championed education, land reform and laid the basis for economic development. He thanked Nigeria for standing by Nujoma and SWAPO from 1960 and that in appreciation, the major road on which the Nigerian High Commission is situated in Namibia is named after Murtala Mohammed, a former Nigerian Head of State.
Nujoma passed away in Windhoek on February 8, 2025.
![[OPINION] The History Woman - Donu Kogbara](/media/k2/items/cache/c4feded7dd9bb26b84aa06d4b265f336_S.jpg)
I am chatting online, via zoom, with Zeinab Badawi, the Khartoum-born doyenne of British broadcasting and President of London University’s School of African and Oriental Studies.
We are discussing her book – AN AFRICAN HISTORY OF AFRICA FROM THE DAWN OF HUMANITY TO INDEPENDENCE – which became an instant bestseller when it was published in the UK last year and has been shortlisted for the Nero Book Prize (the winner will be announced on March 5th).
“Everyone is originally from Africa and this book is therefore for everyone,” is its bold opening line.
Badawi proceeds to inform her audience that: “Until 8,000 to 12,000 years ago, all humans were dark-skinned. Pale complexions, fair hair and light-coloured irises only evolved as humans migrated beyond Africa and adapted to different climates, which over time led to the varied racial characteristics we see today.
“Our lineage, Homo, and our place in it, is the subject of much study, conjecture and disagreement. There is growing evidence that archaic humans originated in different parts of Africa.
“However, what we can say with absolute certainty is that 99 per cent of our evolutionary history occurred on the continent. Everyone today is either African or the descendant of an African migrant.”
I say that I can imagine white supremacists (some Trump fans, for example) being absolutely outraged by this claim that even they have black ancestors.
She chuckles and adds that creationists who are wedded to the Biblical Adam and Eve tale are as unwilling to accept Africa as the cradle of all humankind as they are to accept Charles Darwin’s insistence that we are all descended from primates.
But after a couple of centuries of often heated scientific and religious rows about the origins of species and races, “the debate,” she says, “is settled”.
Naysayers are now massively outnumbered. “The Chinese were,” she says, “the last to capitulate, in 2016, and concede that they too originated in Africa.”
Badawi visited over 30 countries to research this book, an easily digestible masterpiece that provides us with numerous panoramic glimpses into the kaleidoscopic history of the oldest inhabited continent on earth.
Like an especially eloquent griot, she takes us on a series of fascinating guided tours around Maghreb and sub-Saharan countries.
We are educated about wars and defeats and victories and ancient civilizations and mediaeval superpowers and the Eastern Arabic and Transatlantic slave trades.
We hear about Great Zimbabwe, a sprawling stone complex and archaeological site so advanced that Cecil Rhodes and his settler successors not only refused to credit bygone Shona natives with its construction but punished academics who dared to do so.
This dishonesty, Badawi says, was driven by a determination to establish the “empty land” myth that nothing existed in Africa until white folks arrived.
We are told about artefacts that were stolen from Great Zimbabwe, Benin and elsewhere, then shipped off to foreign museums and private collections.
Badawi clearly relishes the task of introducing her readers to a colourful cast of larger-than-life characters:
Icons, villains, movers, shakers, victims, visionaries, sophisticates, resistors, designers, intellectuals, designers, disruptors, saints, liberators, female warriors, Jews, Christians, Muslims, animists plus numerous pharaohs and other legendary royals.
Asked to name her favourites, she doesn’t hesitate:
Piankhi (a principled 8th century BCE Kushite monarch), Mansa Musa (a Malian potentate who bestrode a three-decade segment of the Middle Ages like a colossus) and Yaa Asantewaa (a formidable Ghanaian queen mother).
“Piankhi was Sudanese and very morally upright. When he defeated the princes of Egypt, he was offered their women as spoils of war. And he said ‘no,’…
She also has a soft spot for Mansa Musa, reckoned to have been the richest individual to have ever lived and worth an estimated $430 billion in today’s terms.
Best known for his pilgrimage to Mecca in 1324-25, Mansa Musa set off with 12,000 followers, 600 silk-clad servants and countless camels. On the way back, he stopped in Cairo and spent so much money and gave away so much gold that its price plummeted for more than a decade, losing 25 per cent of its value globally.
Badawi says that she particularly likes this story “because it shows how Africa, even in the medieval period, was plugged into the global economy…
“He proves that it simply isn’t true that there are people who stand on the sidelines of history and those who make it. At a time when Europe was suffering from the Black Death, he had a flourishing kingdom.”
Mansa Musa also established centres of learning, imported scholars and transformed his domain into what Badawi describes as “a really buzzy place” that housed a great library (in Timbuktu) and attracted the attention of Abraham Cresques, a famous Catalan cartographer (Mansa Musa was one of only five big personalities depicted on his 1375 map of the world).
Yaa Asantewaa also won Badawi’s admiration for feistily rejecting British colonial rule despite being elderly and for shaming Asante men into helping her raise a 20,000-strong army to fight the invaders.
“She kept them at bay with a siege in 1900 that lasted seven long months. And she was one step ahead of the Brits, having hidden the sacred golden stool they wanted.
“She transcended her community’s significance, not just for the Asante, but for all Ghanaians. And it is not surprising that Kwame Nkrumah honoured her as a national heroine when Independence came in 1957 and featured her on postage stamps, coins and so on.”
And so, I ask, what has dwelling on the past taught you about the present and the future? What conclusions have you drawn about Africa’s current reality?
“The colonial legacy dealt Africa a bad hand culturally and economically. But African rulers have made a bad hand worse, in many cases. And I would like them to embrace good governance, address corruption and so on. We need to say ‘we are where we are and we have to make the best of it and try to turn the tide.’”
As for the future, she has a lot of faith in Africa’s youngsters and thinks that the African Union should actively encourage a Pan African approach to the teaching of history. Her book is already being used in schools and she’s writing a version for 8-11 year olds.
Her parting shot is a wistful observation, being that thanks to problems caused by poor political leadership – poverty, religious extremism, ethnic militias, criminal gangs, etc – “the fortunes of the Sahel have changed so much since the glorious days of Mansa Musa.”
THIS ARTICLE FIRST APPEARED IN AFRICA REPORT MAGAZINE (www.theafricareport.com).
![[OPINION] My Path to Afenifere (I) - Akin Osuntokun](/media/k2/items/cache/7191f35318f54128bff7c3c9f75a73a7_S.jpg)
The journey started with being born to Chief Oduola Osuntokun, cabinet minister, Western regional government from 1955 to 1966 straddling the government of Chiefs Obafemi Awolowo and Ladoke Akintola. This biological fact was reinforced with being portentously named Akintola. There was absolutely nothing wrong with this name until the Action Group, AG, crisis broke out in 1962 and rapidly degenerated into a supremacist struggle between Awolowo and Akintola. It subsequently skyrocketed into the January 15th 1966 coup and the breakdown of the first republic. Thus a four years old innocent was thrust into the vortex of a political crisis.
At the break out of the AG crisis my dad cast his lot with Akintola (who won his sympathy on account of the ridicule Akintola endured in apologising to Awolowo flat on his belly). The top Nigerian media figure Lade Bonuola is alive so he can verify what I’m about to say. He told me that in his last encounter with Awolowo (with whom he enjoyed a close relationship) in which the latter expressed regrets that he didn’t forgive Akintola. He said they were age mates and Akintola prostrated before him seeking forgiveness and wondered aloud what more could Akintola have done.
Some years ago I chanced upon the account of the eulogy the latter paid his principal when he turned fifty years old in 1959. “As a political leader, Chief Awolowo is miles ahead of his colleagues. His sincerity of purpose, his democratic leadership and inspiring example are yet to be equaled by any of the leaders of other major political parties in the country…Awolowo is the nearest approximation to Mahatma Gandhi. He is a good blend of Gandhi’s philosophy and Nehru’s dynamism and the only hope for democracy in Africa”.. After making allowance for the obligatory flattery, it was still a measure of the cordial relationship between the two political juggernauts.
Akintola’s first son, Yomi Akintola recalled “I went to England for a course, when I came back, I was informed that Olusegun Awolowo had died. For you to know how close Olusegun and I were, Segun, may his soul rest in peace, and I did spend our holidays together. Also, his immediate younger sister (Mrs. Tola Oyediran), was also very friendly, and did come to Dublin to also study, met her husband, Prof. Oyeniran in my house”.
I forwarded a copy of the Akintola eulogy to Dr Tokunbo Awolowo Dosunmu. She expressed a deep regret that the great prospect and promise of the partnership between the two political giants was cut short in such a brutal manner.
The biggest contradiction of my father’s life was that he was a model public servant whose exemplary accomplishment in office would be dwarfed by the politics of his bitter fallout with Awolowo.
In the words of a leading Nigerian journalist, Dare Babarinsa ‘Chief Osuntokun was the Minister of Works and Housing in the old Western Region (which is now Ekiti, Ondo, Osun, Oyo, Ogun, Lagos, Edo and Delta states). It was under Osuntokun that the Ikeja GRA, Ilupeju Industrial and residential housing estate and the Bodija Estates were created among other landmarks. He was minister for 11 years until the military seized power in 1966. Then he went back to his teaching job and was appointed Principal of Amoye Grammar School, Ikere-Ekiti”.
At his departure from Amoye Grammar School in 1973, the students said this of him
“’You did not only succeed in inculcating in us the peerless habits of honesty, dedication, charity towards others, you provided us all the gadgets with which we could reach the almighty God and be at peace with him. The physical structure of the school was transformed by you..You built both hostels for students and houses for masters. Academically, you did not leave us in the wilderness. It was a two stream school on your arrival but at your departure it had become a well blended three stream school. All the excellent contributions you made toward the growth of this school will stand as monuments of pride to you”
In the funeral oration for his brother, Professor Akinjide Osuntokun noted ‘If the First Republic Politicians were corrupt there certainly were a few whose honesty and integrity were transparent. Osuntokun was one and stood apart like a beacon of hope.
Most significant of all was his (singular) judicial gazetted exoneration by the Justice Kayode Eso panel established by the reformist first military Governor of the Western region, late Adekunle Fajuyi to probe the preceding leadership of the government in 1966.
Yet, at the age of four years, the first lesson I was made to learn of Nigerian politics was the horrific spectacle of arsonists putting our residence to the torch by a wetie mob for standing against Awolowo.
Our residence consisted of two big storey buildings which brimmed with nuclear and extended family members, family friends, political associates and sundry drifters all day and all night long; It was the melting pot for social and political activities in the small town, Okemesi and the larger Ekiti district.
Located on the outskirts of the town, the hurly-burly atmosphere increasingly gave way to desertion and desolation as the Western regional political crisis gathered momentum. It ultimately culminated in the arrival of the day we all knew and feared was coming.The peculiarity to our experience though, was that the arson attack was choreographed and led by a friend and protege of my father, a man named Ayeni Bata from Ado-Ekiti.
“It was the second day the Army took over power, January 17th, that both my houses, one built in 1954 before I became a Minister and the other in 1960-were attacked by the A.G arsonists, led by my erstwhile friend, Ayeni Bata”
Willy nilly, I became a student of Nigerian politics but not at a time and circumstances of my choosing. It was not really a choice. It was the story of how my childhood was stolen from me by events beyond my comprehension.
Given the encumbrance of this heritage, I had to grow up fast and develop a healthy skepticism towards the conflicting narratives I was provided. I readily challenged received wisdom and sundry distortions of history. It was no surprise that I was drawn to a political science course of study at the University and a rich career in journalism. With this pedigree and training, I came prepared.
I was privileged to write a newspaper column for more than thirty years and thereby afforded the latitude and opportunity to put my understanding of Nigerian politics in a broader perspective.
As a full-time occupation, my last station in journalism was the Guardian newspaper from 1996 to 1998. Anyone who knew my father would not be surprised at the way I write-the audacity, objectivity and truthfulness. I inherited his flair for writing. He once wrote to me when I sat for my A level examination and said “read as if you are going to live forever. But when you reach the saturation point (in geographical parlance) or diminishing returns (in economic parlance) take out time to refresh yourself”.
At the peak of the Sani Abacha murderous dictatorship in 1997, the Newswatch magazine ran a cover story on the most iconic figures standing against the Abacha dictatorship. I made the list of the ‘notorious’ thirteen categorised as such.
On the occasion of my uncle’s 80th birthday, Babarinsa wrote him a tribute including the acknowledgement that “At the home front, one of Osuntokun’s nephews, Akin, had become a member of the Editorial Board of the prestigious The Guardian newspaper, where he maintained a weekly column churning out regularly bristling criticism of the military regime”.
A few days ago, my egbon, Supo Shonibare repeated his admiration once again: “Waaaow, this fellow sha (Lasisi Olagunju). Always has the most apt treatise to meet live issues. That was how we used to look forward to so many known columnists on a weekly basis during the Military; particularly during the Abacha regime when many were fearful. Although these fellows were not physically with us in the struggle, we felt they were comrades in arms, as they always reflected the demands contained in our agitations in their weekly columns. That was why one of them was on our list for the Senatorial seat in Ekiti. When I was asked by 2 of the Leaders what I thought of him, although I had never met him, his reputation as reflected by his writings had preceded him & had for me, attested to his being deserving of the position, although was not an Afenifere card carrying member. I hold this Olagunji fellow in very high esteem too”. (Supo Shonibare). I suspect I was the one ‘on the Afenifere list for the Senatorial seat in Ekiti’
As the leader and driver of Afenifere, they don’t come better than Chief Ayo Adebanjo. One of his predecessors, Senator Abraham Adesanya used to counsel “iwa buburu koni ka ma d’agba ka d’arugbo, sugbon ojo a ti sun lebo” (you may evade accountability on your misdeeds while alive. The day of reckoning dawns at your departure from this world). It is the day your true measure will be brought to light.
Pa Adebanjo didnt know how to do things in half measure, he goes all the way. He would not just accept an invitation, you can easily mistake him for the celebrant in some occasions.
I invited him to the ceremony of my induction into the Nigeria Academy of letters, FNAL. After the ceremony, he overheard me whispering about an after-event nighttime gathering of the ‘boys’ (if you know what I mean).
I was mortified when he suddenly moved nearer and asked for the venue. I tried to explain the nature of this thing to him. He cut me off and angrily asked if I want him to attend or not? That was how baba came to partake of the ‘disco’!
Before I got to know him and while still at the Guardian, I wrote a saucy piece titled ‘the young shall grow’ to criticise the gerontocracy proclivity of the Afenifere. Surprisingly, I received an emissary from him the following day summoning me to come and help in the remedy of the tendency I had identified
Taking cognisance of the effusive and widespread goodwill and identification attendant on the announcement of his transition to immortality (including the high and mighty, friends and foes) we can unequivocally assert: he has fought the good fight, he has finished the race and has kept the faith and the crown of glory awaits him in heaven.
[OPINION] A Journey in Service: Babangida enriches Nigerian history, warts and all! - Olu Fasan
Admin![[OPINION] A Journey in Service: Babangida enriches Nigerian history, warts and all! - Olu Fasan](/media/k2/items/cache/14c9552946a64009117df7af6c296020_S.jpg)
For several years, I wondered whether General Ibrahim Babangida would go to his grave without writing his memoir. He played such epochal roles in Nigeria’s history that he would have done a great disservice to this country had he died without writing his biography and documenting those seismic roles. So, you will understand why I was excited when General Babangida recently published his memoir, and why I have read the entire 420-page book.
Whatever anyone may say about the memoir, titled A Journey in Service: An Autobiography, the truth is that General Babangida has enriched Nigerian history by making significant contributions to the body of knowledge about Nigeria’s historical evolution. Babangida truly deserves kudos for not going to his grave with the rich narratives, disputed or not, that he provides in the book. Warts and all, Babangida’s memoir is a collector’s item.
The issues General Babangida covers in the book are so significant that one can’t discuss them in one column. So, I’ll focus here on his take on the chain of events that led to the Nigerian Civil War, a monumentally devastating war that claimed the lives of nearly 100,000 combatants; took the lives of over two million civilians, with about five million people displaced; and, of course, left indelible scars on Nigeria’s psyche and internal wounds on its conscience. Inevitably, the question is: Was the war avoidable?
To answer to that question, one must start with Babangida’s take on whether the January 15, 1966 coup was an “Igbo” coup. This is important because if it was an “Igbo” coup, then history must record that the coup took the genie out of the bottle and led inexorably to the civil war. However, if it was not an “Igbo” coup, then the blame for the devastating war lies somewhere else. General Babangida argued both sides. Unfortunately, that equivocation gave ammunitions to some people to push their preferred narrative. For instance, social media was awash with uncontrolled elation by those who claimed Babangida said the January 15 coup “was not” an “Igbo” coup. Yet, there are people like Femi Fani-Kayode who assert that Babangida called the coup an “Igbo” coup. Fani-Kayode tweeted: “The truth is that the January 15th 1966 coup WAS an Igbo one and I am glad to say that IBB has confirmed it.” He added: “The coup was an ethnic one and that ethnicity were the Igbos.”
But Babangida did not say categorically that it was an “Igbo” coup. True, he said on page 39 that the handling of the coup gave it “an unmistakeably ethnic coloration”, especially with the “heinously callous” murder of Sir Ahmadu Bello and his wife, Hafsatu, “compounded by the fact that there were no related coup activities in the Eastern region.” However, Babangida also said earlier on the same page: “Ethnic sentiments did not drive the original objective of the coup plotters.” For evidence, he cited the following facts: a) the coup plotters had wanted to release Chief Obafemi Awolowo, a Yoruba, from prison and make him “the executive provisional President of Nigeria”, which would be strange if the coup was Igbo-centric; b) some non-Igbo officers, such as Major Adewale Ademoyega, a Yoruba, took part in the coup; c) some senior officers of Igbo extraction were also victims of the coup; and d) it was an Igbo officer, Major John Obiena, who crushed the coup. Babangida concluded by saying: “I admit that my position here may be the naïve insights of an unsuspecting young officer who viewed events from a distance!”
In truth, the “ethnic colouration” was one of perception than reality. A professional psychoanalysis of the coup plotters would probably show that they were idealistic young officers who were fed up with the status quo in Nigeria and genuinely wanted to bring about a change and were not motivated by ethnicity. Most educated young officers in those days were ideological. They probably shared Chief Awolowo’s welfarist ideology and were impressed with how he governed Western Region and wanted him to govern Nigeria. But Awolowo later made it clear that he would not have agreed to be a military-imposed leader of Nigeria. Unfortunately, in the aftermath of the January 15 coup, no Northerner was willing to contemplate that the coup was not ethnic, not Igbo!
General Babangida went to great lengths to describe, with impressive details, the pressure that Northern officers faced from the Northern politicians, and even the Northern populace, to retaliate against the January 15 killings. The officers were publicly ridiculed, called “big fools and cowards” and even reportedly denied “conjugal benefits” by their wives! Their response was brutal. On July 28, 1966, at Abeokuta Garrison, junior Northern officers killed several Igbo officers. The next day, on July 29, the actual countercoup took place as Northern officers killed the head of state, General Johnson Thomas Aguiyi-Ironsi, and the military governor of Western Region, Lt-Col. Adekunle Fajuyi, among others.
But here’s the point. The conventional wisdom says that the January 15 coup and the July 29 countercoup led to the civil war. Yet, that’s not exactly true. Lt-Col. Emeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu, the governor of Eastern Nigeria, did not declare secession because Aguiyi-Ironsi, an Igbo, was killed. In fact, Ojukwu moved on from Aguiyi-Ironsi’s assassination when he said that Brigadier Babafemi Ogundipe, the most senior Army officer, should succeed him as head of state. That was not the mindset of someone who wanted to secede. But here’s the truth: the North wanted a revenge so badly and had it in the Abeokuta killings of Igbo officers and in the July 29 countercoup. Yet, that did not appease them. Why?
General Babangida described in gory details the events between May 29 and September 29, 1966, when, according to Official Army Records, more than 213 predominantly Igbo officers and other ranks were killed. In what was described as a “pogrom”, over 30,000 Igbos were massacred and several thousand wounded in the North, while some 50,000 Igbos were forced to flee Northern Nigeria for the East by the end of July 1966. Babangida blamed General Yakubu Gowon, then head of state, for failing to protect the Igbos in the North, adding: “Faced with this intolerable situation, Ojukwu, understandably”, felt Igbos were unsafe in Nigeria. That triggered the secession and the war!
True, the 1966 coup and countercoup were dreadful. But those events were not the proximate cause of the civil war. It was the then Northern politicians’ insatiable braying for revenge against the Igbos, and Gowon’s failure to protect them in the North, that triggered the pogrom, the secession and the war. Those are the great insights from Babangida’s memoir!
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![[OPINION] After years of groundwork, Bitcoin DeFi is ready to soar - Dominik Harz](/media/k2/items/cache/c87a7a5a810a4bd048810c4bb4d376d8_XS.jpg)
2025 is the year when Bitcoin 
BTC-1.88%Bitcoin will reach its turning point. Historically regarded as a “store of value,” its role in decentralized finance has been minimal, capturing only close to 0.3% of its market cap compared to Ethereum 
ETH-3.91%Ethereum dominant position. Ethereum’s programmability has made it the natural home for DeFi, but Bitcoin’s $2 trillion market cap and unmatched security present an untapped opportunity ripe for investment and success.
Key advancements, including BitVM, a proposed system that allows complex computations and smart contracts to be executed on the Bitcoin blockchain, and Bitcoin staking protocols like Babylon, are now reshaping this narrative. These innovations can unlock Bitcoin’s dormant capital and create financial solutions that attract both retail and institutional investors. With venture capital flowing into Bitcoin DeFi projects and forecasts predicting a $47 billion Bitcoin layer-2 ecosystem, 2025 is poised to be the year Bitcoin asserts its position in the DeFi space.
Bitcoin’s emerging opportunity
Ethereum currently dominates DeFi due to its smart contract capabilities and dynamic ecosystem, capturing over half of the total value locked in crypto. Bitcoin, in comparison, has had a limited role in DeFi as it’s been constrained by its lack of programmability and slow block times.
Recent advancements aim to change that, though, and developers are positioning Bitcoin as more than an asset. Merging Bitcoin’s liquidity with Ethereum’s programmability could create a hybrid DeFi model that combines Bitcoin’s security and dormant capital with Ethereum’s thriving ecosystem and drive for innovation. By leveraging proposals like BitVM and trustless bridges, hybrid blockchains could expand DeFi’s reach, unlocking new use cases and driving broader adoption across retail and institutional users.
Bringing scalability to Bitcoin
Developers have explored several approaches to bring programmability and DeFi capabilities to Bitcoin, each addressing specific challenges. Wrapped Bitcoin (WBTC) enables interaction with Ethereum’s DeFi ecosystem, but it is heavily centralized. To convert Bitcoin into WBTC or redeem WBTC for Bitcoin, users must go through an authorized merchant and comply with know your customer and anti-money laundering regulations. Users must also trust the custodian to manage and safeguard the Bitcoin reserves. This is where BitVM comes in to offer a breakthrough, with two main objectives being enabling true Bitcoin rollups and trust-minimised Bitcoin bridges. BitVM introduces the ability to execute programs on Bitcoin without requiring protocol changes
In practice, this means BitVM allows Bitcoin to support complex decentralized applications and financial operations, such as lending or token swaps. By bridging BTC to a Bitcoin-secured layer-2 in a trust-minimized way, we are able to dramatically increase utility while preserving core principles of security and decentralization.
BitVM positions Bitcoin as more than a store of value. It paves the way for Bitcoin to play a central role in DeFi, combining utility and trust to meet the demands of an evolving financial landscape.
The opportunity for retail and institutional investors
Before 2025, Bitcoin’s role in DeFi has been slowly gaining traction and platforms like Babylon are already facilitating billions in staking deposits. A large pool of Bitcoin holders are eager to put their assets to work, earning yields through BTC staking. Until now, limited technology and infrastructure, along with a lack of trust-minimized solutions, have been significant barriers. However, this surge in activity highlights growing confidence among investors in Bitcoin’s potential to unlock new financial opportunities in 2025.
Bitcoin’s unmatched $2 trillion market cap, robust security, and global trust mean it is uniquely positioned to bridge the gap for retail and institutional investors who have previously avoided DeFi due to concerns about regulation or risk. Its scale and reputation provide a foundation for the mainstream adoption of DeFi.
Bitcoin DeFi is now a movement. With key innovations and a growing TVL, it can compete, and possibly surpass Ethereum in the DeFi space. As we get further into 2025, the narrative is shifting. Those who recognize Bitcoin’s unlocked potential now will be poised to benefit as the ecosystem continues to evolve.
[OPINION] Sad, As Those Who Allegedly Governed Nigeria Into Economic And Political Disrepair Are Still Clutching Onto Power - Isaac Asabor
Admin![[OPINION] Sad, As Those Who Allegedly Governed Nigeria Into Economic And Political Disrepair Are Still Clutching Onto Power - Isaac Asabor](/media/k2/items/cache/a6046113e26a99ea9e307b0bfac5d7cd_XS.jpg)
It is both tragic and infuriating that those who allegedly led Nigeria into its current state of economic and political disrepair are the same ones still clutching onto power, refusing to loosen their grip on a country they have run aground. It is as though, after bleeding the nation dry, they now circle its carcass like vultures, scavenging whatever is left for themselves and their cronies.
The Nigerian economy, once full of promise, is now characterized by an unbearable cost of living, a depreciating currency, and an overwhelming sense of hopelessness among its citizens. Under successive administrations, corruption, nepotism, and policy failures have driven the nation into an abyss. Yet, rather than making way for fresh, visionary leadership, the same figures who orchestrated Nigeria’s decline continue to dominate the political space, either directly or through their surrogates.
Despite countless economic summits, policy reviews, and supposed interventions, the situation has worsened over the years. The cost of food, transportation, and basic utilities has soared beyond the reach of ordinary Nigerians, while salaries remain stagnant. Inflation has eroded the purchasing power of the middle class, pushing more people into poverty. Meanwhile, the ruling elite continue to enjoy lavish lifestyles, insulated from the economic struggles faced by the majority.
In a just society, those responsible for economic mismanagement and national decay should have been held accountable. They should have faced investigations, and where necessary, prosecutions. But in Nigeria, these individuals remain in the corridors of power, still making decisions that impact millions of suffering citizens. Worse still, they disguise themselves as the saviors of a nation they helped ruin, offering so-called reforms that are nothing but recycled failures. They use state resources to fund their extravagant lifestyles, amassing wealth through shady government contracts, misappropriation of funds, and the outright looting of public assets.
The political elite in Nigeria have mastered the art of self-preservation. They form alliances not for national progress but for their own survival. When one of their own is in danger of losing political relevance, a new strategy is quickly devised to keep them in circulation. They move from one political party to another, rebrand themselves as reformists, and continue to exploit the nation’s resources with impunity. It is not uncommon to see political figures who once governed poorly return to power in a different capacity, using state machinery to suppress opposition and perpetuate their hold on governance.
This cycle of exploitation is further sustained by a political system that rewards mediocrity, discourages accountability, and suppresses the will of the people. Elections in Nigeria are often a mere formality, where the highest bidder secures victory, not the most competent or visionary candidate. As a result, governance is reduced to a transactional endeavor, where the interests of the masses are secondary to the ambitions of the elite. The same individuals who once mismanaged public funds are rebranded and repackaged to return to the helm of affairs, ensuring that the country never experiences the true change it so desperately needs.
The suffering of ordinary Nigerians is evident everywhere, on the streets, in marketplaces, in homes, and even in educational institutions. Youth unemployment remains alarmingly high, leading to frustration, crime, and the loss of valuable human potential. Nigeria’s young population, once regarded as its greatest asset, has become one of its most neglected groups, with many struggling to find opportunities for growth. Meanwhile, those who led the country into this quagmire continue to send their children abroad for quality education while domestic institutions crumble under poor funding and neglect.
One would expect that the dire economic conditions, marked by hyperinflation, fuel scarcity, and soaring unemployment, would force a radical departure from this destructive status quo. However, the political elite remain insulated from the suffering of ordinary Nigerians. Their wealth, mostly acquired through dubious means, allows them to live in luxury while the common citizen struggles to afford basic necessities. They continue to manipulate the masses, using tribal, religious, and ethnic sentiments to distract the people from their real enemy, corrupt governance.
The question remains: “How long will this tragic cycle continue?” When will Nigeria be freed from the grip of those who have drained its lifeblood? The answers lie in the hands of the people. Until Nigerians demand real accountability, resist the recycling of failed leaders, and insist on genuine political and economic reforms, the nation will continue to be held hostage by the same individuals who led it to its current state.
It is time for Nigerians to wake up. The future of this country cannot be left in the hands of those who have repeatedly failed to deliver meaningful change. Civil society organizations, youth groups, and progressive movements must rise to challenge the status quo. The people must reject politicians who have nothing new to offer, those who have looted the treasury, and those who see governance as a personal entitlement rather than a service to the nation.
Nigeria is not yet beyond redemption, but the path to recovery requires that those who contributed to its downfall relinquish their hold on power. If they refuse to do so willingly, it is the duty of the electorate to force them out through democratic means. The country must move beyond political theatrics and demand real, measurable progress. Anything less is an insult to the suffering millions who still hold onto hope for a better Nigeria.
The time for action is now. The burden of saving Nigeria falls on the shoulders of its citizens, who must refuse to be pawns in a game played by those who see the country as their personal fiefdom. The future of the nation depends on its people’s collective resolve to break the cycle of recycled leadership, hold wrongdoers accountable, and chart a new course toward prosperity and genuine progress.
![[OPINION] “Igbo coup” and Babangida’s good turn to Nigeria - Ikechukwu Amaechi](/media/k2/items/cache/7492b8d4067dd3c17cba173b86898a65_XS.jpg)
To be sure, there is no earth-shaking revelation in General Ibrahim Babangida’s 420-page autobiography – A journey in Service. Nigerians have always known about the issues, even as tons of literature have been written on them. For instance, unless for the foolhardy who revel in self-deceit for pernicious reasons, many have come to the inevitable conclusion, based on empirical evidence, that the Nzeogwu-led bloody putsch of January 15, 1966 was not an “Igbo coup.”
Also, before the June 12, 1993 presidential election was officially annulled, Nigerians were already aware that the presidential candidate of the Social Democratic Party, SDP, Chief MKO Abiola, won. It was a real shellacking. In fact, Alhaji Bashir Tofa, candidate of the National Republican Convention, NRC, had already congratulated Abiola before the military threw a spanner in the works by stymying the process.
So, why is public attention riveted on a book that does not pack any new punches? The author – Babangida, the self-styled evil genius – has made all the difference. And for his efforts, he raked in over N17 billion, a fulfilment of the Bible verse which says: For to everyone who has will more be given, and he will have an abundance. But from the one who has not, even what he has will be taken away – Matthew 25:29.
I am particularly interested in what Babangida, who spent his entire military career plotting coups, said about the January 15, 1966 putsch, and, of course, the June 12, 1993 election annulment. I intend to examine, starting this week, what I consider the truths, half-truths and outright lies in his memoirs.
First, the truth. I salute Babangida’s courage in saying the truth about what happened on January 15, 1966, not necessarily because he said anything new, but because by his audacity, he shamed the many devils, some of them were there at the book launch, who have decided to eternally deploy the unconscionable lie of “Igbo coup,” that wilful distortion of history, to perpetuate the injustice against Ndigbo.
Babangida wrote: “As I have said elsewhere, as a young officer who saw all of this from a distance, probably, ethnic sentiments did not drive the original objective of the coup plotters.” Having joined the Army on December 10, 1962, Babangida was a Lieutenant in 1966 and barely 24 years old. His reason for believing that the coup had no ethnic motive bears restating. “The head of the plotters, Major Kaduna Nzeogwu, was only Igbo in name. Born and raised in Kaduna, his immigrant parents were from Okpanam in today’s Delta State, which, in 1966, was in the old mid-western region. Nzeogwu spoke fluent Hausa and was as ‘Hausa’ as any! He and his original team probably thought, even if naively, that they could turn things around for the better in the country.”
Which explains why, when he was killed on July 29, 1967 in Nsukka fighting on the Biafran side, his body was taken to Kaduna by federal troops where he was buried with full military honours. In his 2009 article titled, “Who killed Major Nzeogwu?” Max Siollun, a Nigerian historian, recounted: “The corpse was sent to 1 division headquarters in Makurdi where the commander Colonel Mohammed Shuwa informed the head of state Major-General Gowon. Despite the fact that Nzeogwu was now technically an enemy soldier killed in combat against the Nigerian army, Gowon ordered that Nzeogwu’s body should be flown to Kaduna and buried with full military honours – even as the war raged on in the Eastern Region.”
So, even in death, Nzeogwu, the man who led an “Igbo coup” was respected in the North. General Domkat Bali said he was “a nice, charismatic and disciplined officer, highly admired and respected by his colleagues… we believed that he was a genuinely patriotic officer who organised the 1966 coup with the best of intentions… If we had captured him alive, he would not have been killed. I believe he probably would have been tried for his role in the January 15 coup, jailed and probably freed after some time. His death was regrettable.”
As Babangida correctly pointed out, it was “heinously callous for Nzeogwu to have murdered Sir Ahmadu Bello and his wife, Hafsatu, because not only were they eminently adored by many but also because they were said not to have put up a fight.” But even if they were not adored by anyone and even if they had put up a fight, there was no justification for the killings. That said, the killings neither conferred any advantage on the Igbo nor were they killed on behalf of Ndigbo. It was simply a reckless act by idealistic, young military officers who felt that the country was drifting dangerously and needed to do something to halt the drift. Nzeogwu was only 30 years when he was killed.
Another lie that has been told over the years to justify the “Igbo coup” label was that only Northern officers were killed. Babangida punctures that. “It should be borne in mind that some senior officers of Igbo extraction were also victims of the January coup. For instance, my erstwhile Commander at the Reconnaissance Squadron in Kaduna, Lt-Col. Arthur Chinyelu Unegbe, was brutally gunned down by his own ‘brother,’ Major Chris Anuforo, in the presence of his pregnant wife, at his 7 Point Road residence in Apapa, for merely being a threat to the revolution.”
Another lie from the pit of hell is that all the plotters were Igbo. As at January 15, 1966, there were 40 Majors in the Nigerian Army, out of which 24 were Igbo. Going by the account of one of the key players, Captain Ben Gbulie, who joined the army in 1960, Major Adewale Ademoyega, a Yoruba, born in Ode Remo, Ogun State, a graduate of history from the University of London, was one of the Majors that included Emmanuel Ifeajuna, Timothy Onwuatuegwu, Chris Anuforo, Don Okafor and Humphrey Chukwuka, who initiated the plot in August 1965.
Then, the big elephant in the room – motive for the coup!
“Those who argue that the original intention of the coup plotters was anything but ethnic refer to the fact that the initial purpose of the plotters was to release Chief Obafemi Awolowo from prison immediately after the coup and make him the executive provisional president of Nigeria,” Babangida wrote. But this is not a fact known to him alone. It is a fact engraved on the pages of many books, including Awolowo’s “My march through prison,” Gbulie’s “The Five Majors” and Ademoyega’s “Why we struck.” Captain Gbulie reiterated that fact at the Oputa Panel in 1999.
Weighing in on the “Igbo coup” bugaboo in an interview, the inimitable Dim Chukwuemeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu, who was then a Lt. Col. and already commanding a battalion in Kano, ticked exactly the same boxes as IBB. “The whole aim of the coup was to halt this apparent drift in Nigeria. But significantly you know what they wanted to do? To create a presidential commission of army officers as a safeguard of the people who would guard the nation and hand over government to Chief Obafemi Awolowo. The idea was to release him from prison and make him Prime Minister with the hope that Nigeria will become a better place. And not only that, who actually halted the coup? Aguiyi Ironsi in Lagos – an Igbo; Emeka Odimegwu-Ojukwu in Kano, an Igbo. The Igbos halted the coup. How can it be at the same time be an Igbo coup, halted by Igbos?”
Significantly, Babangida heaped the blame for the civil war that ensued on the doorstep of the then head of state under whose watch heinous crimes were committed against Ndigbo. “Gen. Yakubu Gowon’s failure to secure and protect the lives and properties of the Igbos in the North forced Col. Emeka Ojukwu to declare the secession of the Eastern Region from Nigeria in May 1967, leading to the fratricidal Nigerian-Biafran civil war.” Sadly, till date, Gowon, at 90 years, has refused to own up and apologise. He needs to be reminded, once more, of Uthman Dan Fodio’s immortal admonition: “Conscience is an open wound. Only truth can heal it.”
Truth is, there was absolutely no reason for an “Igbo coup” in 1966 because Eastern Nigeria was already a global economic powerhouse, with Harvard reviews ranking it as the fastest-growing economy in the world between 1954 and 1964. Not only had the region prioritised education, infrastructure, and business, it was already boasting of the largest electricity supply, best hospitals, and the highest number of registered businesses and cars in Nigeria, with 60 per cent of the Nigerian civil service made up of Igbos.
The deliberate mischaracterization of the coup was a sinister ploy to halt and possibly reverse that quantum leap. It was a premeditated gambit. The coup only provided a perfect alibi to execute an ethnic cleansing project to halt “Igbo domination” which the Northern Premier, Sir Ahmadu Bello, spoke about in 1964, when he said: “The Igbos are more or less a type of people whose desire mainly is to dominate everybody. If they go to a village, a town, they want to monopolise everything in that area. If you put them in a labour camp as a labourers, within a year they want to emerge as the headman of that camp.”
For summoning the courage to say the inconvenient truth, even if it changes nothing, Babangida has done Nigeria a good turn and deserves commendation, not ridicule.
![[OPINION] The making of an infinite vote of confidence - Sunday Dare](/media/k2/items/cache/0a2e9b01ed76ca70ef88306990c994b7_XS.jpg)
At the just concluded All Progressives Congress National Economic Council meeting, which was held at the Blantyre Street Headquarters of the governing party, the seminal contributions from party leaders, governors and NEC members ruled the day. Beyond party politics, Nigeria took center stage. National issues and the current positive trajectory of the reforms under the Bola Tinubu administration easily became the topic of the day. Speaker after speaker spoke unscripted, yet with facts and eloquence. APC leadership in full parade, with President Tinubu leading the charge, was caught in a moment of testimony and confession draped in the colors of patriotic zeal and desire to see a stronger and better Nigeria. The mesage that rechoed across the NEC meeting and across to Nigerians was the fact that Nigeria was gradually turning the curve. The Tinubu Reforms are working, and the gradual transformation of the Nigerian economy was taking shape.
Speaker after speaker rolled out veritable data and clear pointers that the headwinds were clearing for Nigeria to move forward. From Governor Dapo Abiodun of Ogun State to Governor Hope Uzodinma to Senator Adams Oshiomole, the analytic elucidation of the specifics of President Tinubu’s performance and the strong emerging positive signs was very clear. They spoke to many things, all made possible by the boldness the President brought to bear on taking tough decisions with conviction. It was a cascade. The floating of the naira, which was thought to be unwise by some critics, now proves a wide and timely decision as the naira has strengthened against the dollar crashing from N1,890 to N1,470.
The fuel subsidy removal that signaled the oil sector reforms has reduced the pressure on the demand for forex, reduced petrol imports, and given birth to a local refinning capacity of PMS never witnessed before.
Contrary to the gloomy predictions of some ideological antagonists, Nigerians are seeing PMS prices dropping slowly but steadily. The unleashing of market forces and the willing seller and willing buyer principle now fully in play is opening up the economy. And there is more. Foreign reserves have gone up close to $40 billion. GDP in the 4th quarter of 2024 is again up to 3.84. Exports volume is up with over N16 trillion surplus as at January 2024.
In the same vein, oil production is climbing up to 1.7mbd. The student loan program, NELFUND is working, helping many of our young ones to achieve their educational aspirations. Consumer credit scheme being executed by Credit Corp is making purchase of new cars and access to credit easy for thousands of civil servants. Foreign Direct Investment is on the rise. Nigeria is turning out to be one of Africa’s strongest economies. By the time the microphone got to the Rt. Honorable Speaker Tajudeen Abbas, the atmosphere was already saturated with applause, claps, and large doses of positive indicators and data that the Tinubu reforms were yielding fruits and Nigerians are beginning to feel the relieving impact.
Rt. Hon. Abbas who had a prepared speech lived up to his credential as a PhD holder with a seminal paper on Tinubunomics and how to lead in troubled times. He reeled out facts. Nigeria’s GDP rose from 2.5 percent to 3.8 percent under President Tinubu.
The improving performance of key sectors under President Tinubu were highlighted. He also dwelt on security, praising Mr. President for realizing that without security, everything else will amount to nothing. Security has improved with well over 30 percent reduction in violent crimes across the nation. When Senator Godswill Akpabio took over, he simply endorsed all that the Speaker said and added his own icing, warning the opposition to continue in their ways. Converts confessed. Doubters became believers, and many hitherto in the dark saw the light at the NEC meeting.
But perhaps the most important aspect of all of these was the Vote of Confidence moved by the Chairman of the Progressive Governors Forum, Governor Hope Uzodinma who, before he moved the vote, took his time to slice through the achievements of President Tinubu. He gave a well calibrated rendition with an unusual intellectual depth. The script he delivered was tight and well written and clearly justified the vote of confidence. Before Uzodinma, Governor Abiodun had set the mood and tone of conversation with his effusive commendation on how President Tinubu has set the economy on a new path of growth. Governor Abiodun urged the Chairman of the Progressive Governors forum to move the vote of confidence, but not until he had finished delivering his own eloquent assessment of President Tinubu’s stewardship. It was a vintage delivery loaded with facts about the direction the country was headed. The right direction.
Perhaps the most engaging was the mea culpa delivered by Mr. President himself. The best closer. I offer you Mr. President’s words at NEC today :
“I am happy with your vote of confidence, and I accept it. The vote is a challenge to do more work; we will vigorously pursue our sovereignty in food security, investment and development. I am happy with food prices coming down, especially as Ramadan approaches. The Sun is high, and the sky is bright outside. While the rest of the world unravels, we see growth in Nigeria. We are seeing a gradual return to stability. We are seeing improvements. I thank you, governors. I’m grateful to all Nigerians for the electoral successes recorded from one state to the other. Governors, you have embraced these changes, and I thank the leadership of our party. I also thank members of the National Assembly for expeditiously considering the budget.
“We can only build the party on a progressive platform to deliver good service to Nigerians. Though the journey has been very challenging for us as a ruling party, given the big task we have at hand and the expectations from Nigerians. We can sufficiently submit that we have collectively risen to the occasion and challenges.”
Dare is the Special Adviser to President Tinubu on Media and Public Communication