A Magistrate’s Court sitting in Ago-Iwoye, Ogun State, has sentenced a 21-year-old man, Adebanjo Segun, to six months imprisonment for stealing a fowl.

The Public Relations Officer of the Ogun State Command of the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps, Ogbonnaya Dyke, disclosed this in a statement on Wednesday.

According to the statement, Segun’s troubles began on February 19, 2025, when he was arrested for stealing a hen.

Ogbonnaya noted that investigations revealed the convict had committed a similar offence in December 2024 but was pardoned as a supposed first-time offender.

The statement read: “Following the discovery of his previous offence, he was arraigned before the Ago-Iwoye Magistrate’s Court on February 20, 2025, on a lone charge under Section 430 of the Criminal Code Laws of Ogun State, Nigeria, 2006.

“After pleading guilty before His Worship O.F. Adeduntan (Mrs.), he was convicted and sentenced to six months’ imprisonment.”

In a related development, the court also sentenced a 20-year-old, Kazeem Tobi, to six months’ imprisonment for stealing an Elepaq generator valued at about ₦120,000.

Tobi was arrested by an NSCDC patrol team at Idode One Way in Ago-Iwoye while attempting to sell the stolen generator to a scavenger.

According to Ogbonnaya, the suspect was re-arrested on February 4, 2025, and after investigations, was charged with conspiracy to commit a felony and possession of stolen property.

He stated: “The defendant pleaded guilty before His Worship O.F. Adeduntan (Mrs.) and was remanded at the Nigerian Correctional Centre, Ijebu-Ode, while the case was adjourned to February 10, 2025, for trial and sentencing.

“Upon presentation of the facts, the court found the defendant guilty under Section 430 of the Criminal Code Laws of Ogun State, Nigeria, 2006, and sentenced him accordingly to six months’ imprisonment.”

After three years in operation, Nigerian education technology startup Edukoya has ended operations, saying poor infrastructure and economic challenges made it impossible to scale.

The startup which secured Africa’s largest pre-seed funding of $3.5 million in 2021, said it will return capital to investors rather than persist in what it described as an unsustainable market environment.

In a statement on Wednesday obtained by PUNCH Online, the startup said despite its early success, it faced fundamental adoption challenges, including limited internet penetration, high device costs, and declining disposable incomes that undermined its target audience’s ability to pay for digital education services.

Unveiled to revolutionise digital learning for K-12 (primary and secondary) students, Edukoya rapidly gained traction, onboarding over 80,000 students, facilitating millions of practice questions, and conducting thousands of live tutoring sessions.

After exploring strategic alternatives, including partnerships, mergers, and business model pivots, Edukoya found no viable path forward.

Part of the statement read, “Having explored various strategies to sustain operations—including partnerships, mergers, and business model shifts—without success, we’ve made the difficult decision to shut down and return capital to investors rather than exhaust resources in an unsupportive market.

“This strategic shutdown—though counterintuitive in a startup culture that emphasizes persistence at all costs—creates better outcomes for everyone: our investors can redeploy capital, our team can transition with dignity, and we preserve our vision’s integrity instead of compromising to survive.”

Edukoya’s shutdown highlights the broader struggles of Africa’s edtech sector, where startups face difficulties balancing innovation with the realities of infrastructure gaps and affordability constraints.

While digital learning remains a high-potential market, achieving large-scale adoption continues to be an uphill battle.

Edukoya expressed gratitude to its team, parents, students, and investors, stating that while its journey is ending, the insights gained could help pave the way for future innovations in African edtech—when the market is ready to support them.

The immediate past governor of Kaduna State, Nasir El-Rufai, has expressed uncertainty over his support for President Bola Tinubu’s re-election bid in 2027.

El-Rufai also stated that he is unsure whether he will remain in the All Progressives Congress (APC) before the next general election.

El-Rufai made this revelation on Monday while appearing on Prime Time on ARISE News Channel.

During the interview, El-Rufai was asked about his stance on Tinubu’s second-term ambition, but he declined to give a definite response, stating that his decision would be based on future circumstances.

He stated, “I don’t know (if I will support Tinubu in 2027). I will evaluate the situation at the time, and I will consult widely. When I supported President Tinubu before the primaries, it was a decision that the leaders of APC took in Kaduna. Who do we support? We succeeded in ensuring that power goes to the south, and we know that all the northern candidates will go nowhere, Yahaya Bello, Ahmed Lawan, we knew.

“But among the southerners, who do we support, they know those that are my friends. Tinubu was not my friend. I was never close to him. But the consensus of the APC in Kaduna was that we should support Bola Tinubu because he is the one that is more likely to win. Politicians make these calculations.

“In 2027, I’m going to consult the same people. We are going to take the same decision, which candidate to support and in which party.”

Asked if he would support a Southern candidate in 2027, El-Rufai said he couldn’t answer the question because he is no longer a governor.

He said, “Now I’m a private citizen. I’m not sure I would be in the APC 2027, so I cannot answer that question… Now in 2027, I will not be a governor, so I will not have the sort of clout that I had in 2023.”

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has again called for synergy and cooperation among security agencies to deal a final blow to what is left of terror attacks, banditry, kidnapping and other forms of criminality in Nigeria.

To this end, he restated his administration‘s resolve to improve the Nigeria Police Force (NPF)’s institutional capacity and position the force to actualise its inherent mandate as the frontline agency in internal security. 

President Tinubu gave the charge on Monday in Abeokuta when he officially opened the fifth annual Strategic Security Conference and Retreat for Senior Police Officers in the Ogun State capital.

The President, who was represented at the event by his deputy, Vice President Kashim Shettima, in a statement by his spokesman, Stanley Nkwocha, implored the conferees to focus a significant portion of their discussions on strategies for multi-agency collaboration.

“During my visit to the Office of the National Security Adviser and the National Counter Terrorism Centre in Abuja, I stressed the importance of inter-agency cooperation in tackling security challenges.

“Synergy among all security agencies is vital to eliminating banditry, kidnapping, armed robbery, and other forms of criminality. Please dedicate a significant portion of your deliberations to advancing strategies for multi-agency collaboration,“ he stated.

According to the Nigerian leader, the retreat‘s timing is crucial in advancing his administration‘s goals, just as the conference theme, „Improving Nigeria‘s Internal Security and Economic Prosperity Through Inclusive Policing,“ aligns seamlessly with the administration‘s core objectives.

However, he observed that while one of the administration‘s objectives is to use the nation‘s human and natural resources to foster economic growth, the vision cannot be attained until the country‘s internal security becomes stable.

“We are committed to fostering economic growth by leveraging the vast potential of our human and natural resources. However, this vision is unattainable without a stable internal security landscape and strong stakeholder collaboration,“ the President noted.

President Tinubu pointed out that since coming on board in 2023, his administration had „embarked on bold and decisive reforms to address the deep-rooted challenges stemming from years of mismanagement and neglect.“

He listed the impact of some of the reforms in various sectors, including internal security, food security, unemployment, inflation, and infrastructure, acknowledging that they may have been quite challenging at the onset.

Noting that the reforms are vital to realigning Nigeria with the vision of its founding fathers, the President said, „We have introduced reforms to restore investor confidence, stabilise the macroeconomic environment, and reduce inflation.

“We are also taking firm measures to instil fiscal discipline, stabilise the foreign exchange market, and eliminate financial leakages by removing fuel and electricity subsidies. These efforts free up critical budgetary resources, enabling us to address long-standing infrastructure deficits.

“We are investing in roads, railways, and energy projects through public-private partnerships, which will lower transportation costs, expand market access, boost productivity, and create much-needed jobs.“

Mindful of creating an environment where businesses and investments flourish, President Tinubu said his administration has prioritised strengthening the nation‘s security agencies and their operational capabilities by equipping them with enough „to confront emerging threats and effectively combat crime.“

The President reaffirmed his administration‘s resolve to enhance „the institutional capacity of the Nigeria Police Force, ensuring it is more effective and well-positioned to fulfil its constitutional mandate as the lead agency in internal security.“

He outlined the government‘s efforts to achieve this, including recruiting and retaining a competent workforce while fostering a positive and supportive work environment and bridging existing security infrastructure and equipment gaps „through a comprehensive and sustainable programme that includes renovating police barracks, improving mobility, and upgrading essential combat and protective gear.

“Implementing the new minimum wage is among the many steps we have taken to enhance the welfare of Nigerian workers, including police personnel. We will continue collaborating with the police leadership to provide financial incentives to motivate officers and all security personnel to perform at their highest levels.

“While no remuneration can truly compensate for the sacrifices made by our security forces, we remain committed to supporting them in their crucial role of keeping Nigeria safe and united,“ he added.

Acknowledging that security is a shared responsibility, President Tinubu charged communities and the citizens to „actively collaborate with the police to foster a safer society.

“No matter how well-funded, well-equipped, or well-trained a police force is, it can not succeed without the cooperation of the people it serves. Public engagement and trust are central to the success of inclusive policing,“ he maintained.

Earlier, Governor Dapo Abiodun of Ogun State applauded President Tinubu and Vice President Shettima for their visionary leadership, saying their unwavering commitment to peace and national prosperity has continued to inspire him and his colleagues.

He observed that security underscores the ideal society where citizens feel saved, valued and protected, stressing that security and development are intertwined.

He highlighted Ogun State‘s contributions to efficient policing, including securing more police vehicles and motorcycles and collaborating with the French government to Secure high-tech drones.

In his welcome remarks, the Inspector-General of Police, Kayode Egbetokun, described the annual Police conference as “a critical platform for assessing the administrative and operational strategies of the Nigeria Police Force, extensive insight and realigning policy objectives with evolving global security landscape.”

He stated that in the past two years, the conference has offered valuable insight that has served contemporary policing in Nigeria, promoting innovation, collaboration and best practices.

He said the conference‘s theme naturally flowed from the last conference, which focused on the broader issues of enhanced security mechanisms and international development, emphasising internal policing.

Also, the Inspector General of Police of Kenya, Mr. Douglas Kanja Kirocho, said Kenya and Nigeria have enjoyed a cordial and mutual relationship for many years while seeking good benefits for their citizens.

He noted that, as African Union Police Chief, he had informed the AU heads of state and government during their meeting in July 2023 in Nairobi of the need for joint exercise and security training, particularly in surveillance of the respective borders in the wake of terrorism and trans-border crimes.

He called for collaboration to improve the needs and welfare of the citizens.

Similarly, the Inspector General of Police of Rwanda, CG Felix Namuhoranye, described the conference theme as „very significant, timely and relevant, as we resonate with the security concerns not only in Nigeria but also in Africa in general.“

He said development and peace could only occur in a secure environment, noting that inclusiveness is a moral obligation necessary in the police force and paramount in government policy.

The most important event in Nigeria in the last week has been the publication and public presentation in Abuja, of a book titled A Journey in Service: An Autobiography of Ibrahim Babangida. In many ways, this should be perfectly understandable. General Babangida was Nigeria’s military ruler (1985-1993), although he styled himself President, to show as he argues in this book, his preference for the Presidential system of government. Since he “stepped aside” as he claimed in 1993, and with rumoured and failed attempts to “step back” in 2007, IBB, as he is known has remained topical and controversial in Nigerian politics. The big things around his neck include the assassination of Newswatch journalist, Dele Giwa in October 1996 and the annulment of the June 12, 1993 Presidential election, which he has now openly admitted was won by Chief MKO Abiola (pp. 390 - 391).

General Babangida argues that “this is not a book about finding blame, inventing excuses or whitewashing known facts.”(p. xv).  But that is precisely what the book is all about, for the most part. This is certainly not the first attempt to write General Babangida into the positive side of history, such enterprise has been quite an industry over the years for a number of intellectuals and non-intellectuals alike. The basic references in this regard would include Chidi Amuta’s Prince of the Niger: The Babangida Years, published in 1992 by Dr. Yemi Ogunbiyi’s Tanus Communications. Interestingly, both Drs Amuta and Ogunbiyi are acknowledged in this book as two of Babangida’s friends who encouraged him to write A Journey In Service. The story is even more interesting with the reference to Dr. Chidi Amuta who after the annulment of the June 12 election, had written what sounded like a renunciation of Prince of the Niger in a scathing re-appraisal of Babangida’s Presidency.  Dr. Amuta, like the alleluia chorus of praise-singers who attended the presentation of this book in Abuja, have with the benefit of hindsight, rediscovered their “Prince of the Niger.” 

This was the same man the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO), the Nigerian media, civil society and others described as “Maradona” or “the evil genius. The hypocrisy that we have witnessed, the gutless amnesia on display speaks to the hollowness of the Nigerian character. History is written by the living and if you live long enough, you would find a ready audience for your side of the story. Students of the Babangida story in our national life should also remember the book, Foundations of a New Nigeria by Sam Oyovbaire and Tunji Olagunju, and Transition to Democracy in Nigeria (1985 – 1993) by Tunji Olagunju, Adele Jinadu and Sam Oyovbaire (1993). When Babangida turned 65 on August 17, 2026, two groups – Initiative for Equal Co-Existence and IBB for President Organisation organised a four-day carnival-like event in Abuja to celebrate him. The newspapers were awash with adverts and Professor Bolaji Akinyemi, his first Minister of External Affairs, delivered a friendly lecture. 

What is new is that this is the first time, apart from media interviews in the past, that General Babangida is telling his own story in full detail, and the product is a 440-page book in Five Parts and 13 Chapters, with a prologue, an epilogue, acknowledgements and appendices. It is an interesting, intriguing and engaging personal narrative about his life and his “journey through Nigeria’s path to the public.” (p. xviii). Dedicated to his parents: Isha Aishatu and Muhammadu Badamasi, “our fallen heroes, my comrade in arms who fought gallantly to protect the unity of Nigeria” and his wife, Maryam Ndidi Babangida, the foreword is written by General Yakubu Gowon, Nigeria’s military Head of State, 1966 -1975. I consider the book an important and welcome contribution to the extant literature on Nigeria’s political, social and military history, written by a direct participant for more than three decades in that history, and whose perspectives shed more light on not just the general history of Nigeria but also the Nigerian military, the civil war, ethnic politics, coups and coup-making and the challenges of leadership and governance. Babangida enriches our knowledge and public discourse with his boldness to tell his story. This is an example that should be emulated by other Nigerian leaders, for it is from the interplay of narratives that a more robust context of our historical experience can be constructed for public enlightenment.  I am however concerned that most of the persons who have been running commentaries on this book in the last few days sound typically Nigerian- commenting on a book they have not read, even when the full text was already in circulation on social media before the public presentation ended. There is more to this book than the civil war and June 12. 

It is a sinful act of dishonesty and mental laziness for anyone to run commentaries on the basis of hearsay. Curiously, this is one book, whose open piracy has not attracted complaints about copyright and intellectual property rights. With about N17 billion donated at the book presentation and the launch of a proposed Babangida Presidential Library, the bulk of that donation done on behalf of “all Nigerians”, many think that the retired General is getting more than he deserves. Sometime in 2002, General Yakubu Gowon had publicly apologised to the people of Asaba over the 1967 Asaba massacre; on another occasion he apologised to Professor Wole Soyinka for his incarceration during the civil war. Perhaps, following this cue, Professor Soyinka during a visit to Kaduna prisons had remarked that Babangida owes Nigerians an apology for annulling the June 12, 1993 Presidential election. He does something close to that in this book, with caveats to which I shall return, but what is frightening is that rather than interrogate Babangida’s acceptance of responsibility for what went wrong, most of those who attended his recent Abuja event behaved and spoke as if it is Nigerians who owe Babangida an apology! This looked like they were dancing on Dele Giwa’s grave, and spitting at MKO Abiola’s tombstone.     

In the first Three Parts of the book: Early Years, Early Military Career and Governance and Military Rule – The Murtala Muhammed Years - written in lucid and readable prose, the author leads us on a journey through his family background in Wushishi and Minna, how he came about the name Badamasi, and later Babangida, his early school years at the Gwari Native Authority Primary School, the death of his father, and how he ended up at Provincial Secondary School, Bida (founded in 1910), which later became Government Secondary School, Bida. He tells the stories of his teachers and also his classmates, and how his stocky physique and sporting skills earned him the nicknames - “Blockbuster and Kulele”. In November 1962, Babangida and some of his classmates including Garba Duba, Sani Bello, Mohammed Magoro, Gado Nasko and Mamman Vatsa were encouraged to join the military by their teacher, Papa Onimole (later Dr Adeyemi Onimole) and also by Captain Yakubu Gowon, Sir Ahmadu Bello, Alhaji Ibrahim Tanko Galadima and other Northern officials who visited their school. In December 1962, they were admitted into the Nigerian Military Training College (NMTC), founded in 1960, the precursor to the Nigerian Defence Academy (NDA). The Northern political elite saw a future in the military for young Northerners and had actively mobilized them to become soldiers.  

In Part Two, Babangida offers an insight into the early history of the Nigerian military and the training that he and his colleagues received at the NDA and the early friendships that he forged with others with whom his path crossed at the Academy. He and others received further training in India, at the India Military Academy, Dehradun now in Uttarakhand and returned to Nigeria in January 1964 as 2nd Lieutenant. In this part of the book, General Babangida gives an interesting account of the January 15, 1966 coup and the counter-coup of July 15, 1966, and the ethnic colouration that the events assumed, and this has been perhaps a controversial part of the book resulting in name-calling and abuses, which I find shocking and unnecessary.  The author is accused of claiming that the January 15, 1966 was not an Igbo coup. He has been asked at what point did he arrive at that since he participated in the killing and marginalization of Igbos during the civil war and after. My own reading of the author’s submission is that the coup plotters of January 1966 were driven by ideology, rather than ethnic sentiments. They were idealists not ethnic gladiators.  Major Kaduna Nzeogwu, who led the coup “was only Igbo in name”. He was born and raised in Kaduna and was “as Hausa as any!” (p.59). He was also the first Nigerian soldier with training in intelligence and in that position he and his colleagues were privy to the excesses of the political elite of the time. There were non-Igbo officers in the coup-making, and part of their plan was to release Chief Obafemi Awolowo and make him “the executive provisional president of Nigeria” (p. 60). 

Babangida explains convincingly that the problem was what came after.  It was an Igbo man, General Thomas Aguiyi-Ironsi who emerged as Head of State after the January coup. This led to suspicions in the North that Igbos were planning to dominate Nigeria after killing prominent Northern leaders including the Sardauna and his wife and the much-loved Brigadier Zakariya Maimalari. The coup- makers were not punished, instead some of them were promoted. To worsen matters, the Aguiyi-Ironsi-led administration introduced the Unification Decree No. 34 of 1966 which Babangida says was “a significant disadvantage to Northern Nigeria” (p. 62). This infuriated young Northern soldiers who staged a counter-coup on July 28, 1966.  There is not much that Babangida has said here that is unknown, either about the coups of 1966 or the Ironsi administration, but it is a measure of how deeply divided Nigeria is along ethnic lines that this has generated so much furore. 

Subsequently, Babangida gives an account of the Nigerian civil war, the horrific circumstances that led to it, the blow out in the North and the massacre of Igbos, the Aburi Accord, and the beginning of the war. He was sent to the 1st Infantry Division in the Nsukka sector, under Colonel Muhammed Shuwa as sector commander. I doubt if anyone would disagree with the author’s conclusion about “the futility of war” (p. 66) or that “War is horrifying and painful. All wars erode human dignity in places and sometimes destroy the best in us and remain so for a long time.” (p. 95). Truly, Nigeria is yet to recover from that war that ended on January 15,1970. The scars remain. The country is still at war with itself. Part Three is devoted to the Murtala Muhammed Years. I find particularly useful here, the author’s reflections on “coup d’etats and the Nigerian military” (pp. 104 – 115) especially his submission that military interventions in politics are often prompted by the failure of the civilian leadership and the political class and that the military alone cannot be blamed; the civilian populace often invites and welcomes military interventions. 

On August 27, 1985, Babangida emerged as Nigeria’s new Head of State after a bloodless coup that ousted Major General Muhammadu Buhari.  In Chapter Six titled “Mounting the Saddle, Defining a Military Presidency” (pp. 137 – 170), he describes the circumstances of his emergence and his priorities in settling down to office. Chapter Seven – “Reforming the Economy: Privatisation, IMF, SAP and other matters” explains the open, free market, liberalization and privatization directions of his administration and the IMF loan debate which led to a home-grown Structural adjustment Programme (SAP). In Chapter Eight, Babangida reflects further on some of the highlights of the new socio-economic order that he introduced – People’s Bank, Community Banks, DFRRI, and MAMSER. Chapter Nine is focused on Foreign Policy – Nigeria’s leadership of ECOMOG, restoration of ties with Israel, Concert of Medium Powers, Hosting the OAU, and the Technical Aid Corps. In the foregoing, Babangida thus deals with the highlights of his stewardship and whereas many persons may pick issues with his economic policies and manipulative political engineering processes, no one could readily doubt the fact that he ran a hardworking, well-meaning, charismatic government. He recruited some of the brightest brains in the land, from every part of the country, creating a cult of pro-Babangida intellectuals and technocrats. 

It is in Chapter 10 that the author finally arrives at the controversial issues of his tenure. He calls them “the challenges of leadership.”  On each of the issues, he offers “excuses” that are either downright disingenuous or that may be legitimately considered insulting by the affected parties.  He tries to rewrite history.  On the death of Dele Giwa, he blames the Newswatch team for “playing to the gallery” (p.  226), the media for hysteria, and he plays the victim. Years later, the question is still being asked: Who killed Dele Giwa? He was President of Nigeria. He could not solve the riddle. On “The Vatsa Coup” (pp. 207 - 231), again Babangida plays the victim, relapsing into a schoolboy tirade about how Vatsa had always been envious of his achievements since their secondary school days! Babangida should repeat that to Hajiya Safiya, Vatsa’s widow and her children, and have a second look at a documentary titled “A Widow’s Pains, A General’s Burden” (2006). He also reflects on the Gideon Orkar Coup, the OIC palaver, the 1989 SAP Riots, and the C-130 Air Crash. Other issues are covered in an interview with TELL magazine reproduced as Appendix II (pp. 342-379). Chapter 11 is a well-considered tribute to his wife, Maryam - without doubt an outstanding First Lady, a memorable Juliet to Romeo IBB, and an accomplished citizen in her own right. 

In Chapter 12, the book reaches its highest moment titled “Transition to Civil Rule and the June 12 saga.”  Here, Babangida tries to whitewash his own story. He says he regrets the annulment of June 12 1993 election. Mistakes were made. And although he accepts responsibility, he wants it known that Abacha-led forces were the ones who suspended the announcement of the results and when the Presidential election was annulled, it was done without his knowledge. He claims he “had a duty to protect the country at all costs” (p. 288). In retrospect, it looks like the General. was so afraid of his own lieutenants, he was more interested in saving his own neck! His June 12 story is a confession of cowardice. Is he aware that many died and Nigeria suffered because of that annulment?  Many years after him, a Goodluck Jonathan as President stopped an attempt by a certain Elder Godsday Orubebe to derail the announcement of the results of the 2015 Presidential election. Where a civil war hero turned President ran from his own troops, a civilian President stood firm and defended due process and the rule of law. It is all about character. 

Immediate-past governor of Kaduna State, Malam Nasir El-Rufai, has said that he would want another Nigerian from the South to replace President Bola Tinubu in 2027 election circle.

El-Rufai disclosed this on Tuesday night while speaking on Arise News Channel’s PrimeTime show.

The embattled chieftain of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) also said he was not sure of remaining in the party by 2027.

He addressed the alleged lop-sided appointments by President Tinubu in favour of the South-West, saying that the President was rather favouring his ‘boys’ in appointments but not the Yorubas.

The Lagos State Police Command has arrested a 23-year-old man, Gbolahan Adebayo, for allegedly beating his girlfriend to death at Ijedodo in the Alimosho Local Government Area of Lagos State.

PUNCH Metro learnt that the incident occurred during the deceased’s visit to the suspect’s house on Friday.

A resident who identified himself simply as Akin told our correspondent on Monday that the 23-year-old victim was heard screaming for help around midnight while being beaten by her boyfriend.

Akin added that Adebayo later raised the alarm at daybreak after he found out she was no longer responsive after the assault.

He said, “The girl was a regular visitor to the suspect’s home and came around as usual on Friday night. But when it was about 2 am, neighbours started hearing someone screaming and later discovered it was the suspect who was beating her girlfriend in his room. The screaming lasted at intervals for about an hour.

“After that, the screaming stopped. It was in the morning that the boyfriend started shouting for help and when the neighbours who were around at that time went to attend to him, they saw the girl lying motionless on the bed.”

A police source, who spoke to our correspondent on the condition of anonymity because he was not permitted to speak on the matter, said the incident was reported at the Isheri-Oshun Police Division by the suspect’s neighbour on Sunday.

The source said the girl was first taken to the hospital where she later succumbed to the injuries sustained during the incident before it was reported to the police.

“When the neighbour came, he explained that the incident happened two days ago and that efforts were first made to resuscitate the girl but she eventually passed away. As a result, a team of policemen were immediately drafted to the scene, leading to an ongoing investigation.”

When contacted, the spokesperson for the command, Benjamin Hundeyin, confirmed the incident.

The image maker said visible marks of violence were found on the deceased’s body, adding that her corpse had been deposited in the morgue.

He said, “One neighbour reported at Isheri Osun Division that on 21/02/25 at about 2 am, he saw his neighbour, one Gbolahan Adebayo ‘m’ age 23 years beating his girlfriend aged 25 years in his home in Ijedodo for a yet-to-be-determined reason. However, at about 7 am the said Gbolahan Adebayo reportedly screamed for help and on getting to his apartment, the said girlfriend was met lying unconscious on the bed with visible marks of violence found on the body.

“She was immediately taken to a hospital in Ijegun where he was confirmed dead by the doctor on duty. Based on the report, a team of detectives visited the scene of the incident. The hospital was also visited, where the corpse was inspected and photographed. The corpse was evacuated and deposited at the IDH morgue, Yaba for autopsy. The suspect was promptly arrested and an investigation is in progress on the matter,” Hundeyin concluded.

A new investigation by the Platform to Protect Whistleblowers in Africa has uncovered that a former Nigerian National Security Adviser purchased a 127-acre horse farm in South Carolina in 2002 using questionable funds.

According to the report published on February 24, 2025, at the time of the purchase, the ex-NSA was the head of the Nigerian Security Printing and Minting Company, responsible for printing the nation’s currency.

The investigation, conducted in collaboration with the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project, The Post and Courier in South Carolina, and The Houston Chronicle* in Texas, reveals that the ex-NSA’s wife applied for an American investor visa using the farm purchase as a basis.

The report stated that in her application, she told U.S. officials that the funds came from a $1m lobbying contract the ex-NSA allegedly secured as head of Nigeria’s Mint to influence officials in Ghana on behalf of a Texas oil company.

The report added that the U.S. authorities rejected the visa application, citing concerns over the source of the funds, though no further action was taken against the farm.

The report partly read, “Former Nigerian National Security Adviser purchased a 127-acre horse farm in South Carolina in 2002.

“At the time, he served as the head of Nigerian Security Printing and Minting, which was charged with, among other duties, printing Nigeria’s currency.

“In an application for an American investor visa based on their million-dollar investment in the horse farm, the ex-NSA’s wife told the US government that her husband obtained the funds through a lobbying contract he had as head of Nigeria’s minting operation. She told US officials that the ex-NSA was paid USD 1 million to lobby officials in Ghana on behalf of a Texas-headquartered oil company that sought access to an offshore oil platform, which took place during the time when ex-NSA was the head of Nigeria’s Mint.

“ In rejecting the visa application, the US government raised serious questions about the source of the funds used to purchase the property. Still, there is no indication the government took any further action concerning the farm.”

The report noted that the property was transferred to the ex-NSA’s wife, adding that it is now rented out as an Airbnb and wedding venue.

“The farm, which the ex-NSA transferred into his wife’s name, includes an equestrian centre described as having 55 stalls, 16 paddocks ranging from small to large, a quarter mile track, stadium ring equipment with jumps, four horses, four barns, and trails throughout. It is now used as an Airbnb rental and wedding venue,” the report added.

Marketers of petroleum products have expressed concerns that the alleged harassment of tanker drivers by officials of the Lagos State Government could lead to fuel scarcity in a few days, as some filling stations were shut in various parts of the state on Monday

They also vowed to shut down operations in the South-West if the 30 tankers arrested by the Lagos State Government are not released.

This came as the Nigerian Association of Liquefied Petroleum Gas Marketers has warned that the imposition of illegal levies on petroleum product trucks by agencies of the Lagos State Government could trigger a nationwide scarcity of Liquefied Petroleum Gas, commonly known as cooking gas.

The oil marketers berated the Lagos State Government for allegedly invading the park of the tanker drivers along the Dangote refinery road in the Lekki Free Trade Zone to tow away vehicles.

They said 30 tankers loaded with 45,000 litres of Premium Motor Spirit were towed out of the Dangote refinery at about 2 am on Saturday.

The PUNCH reports that tanker drivers have stopped fuel loading over alleged harassment by officials of the Lagos State Government and the Federal Ministry of Transportation.

The PUNCH learned that the truck drivers could not load fuel on Saturday and Sunday, creating fears of scarcity in Lagos and other states. They also did not load on Monday.

Our correspondent learned that the tanker drivers refused to load fuel on Monday because they feared being harassed or arrested by the government task force.

In an interview with our correspondent on Monday, the National Vice President of the Independent Petroleum Marketers Association of Nigeria, Hammed Fashola, said members of the association were affected by the situation because most of the trucks belong to marketers.

Fashola condemned the government’s action, advising that there should have been a dialogue with stakeholders in the midstream and downstream.

He alleged that the officials of the government stormed the area where the trailers were packed around 2 am last week and made away with many trucks, loaded and unloaded.

“This is really affecting us because most of these trucks belong to us, even the product belongs to some of the IPMAN members. So, it’s really affecting us and we are not happy with the action of the Lagos State Government. So, if there is anything, there is a need for dialogue.

“The task force went there at 2 am to arrest those trucks. And for most of our tankers, we gave them instructions that they should not be travelling at night. So, they all loaded and parked for them to take off, maybe as early as 5 am. But the task force went there and towed all the trucks along the Dangote refinery Road. We don’t know what the government’s complaints are. When they call for a meeting, we will know the motive behind the action,” Fashola stated.

He maintained that the inability of the truck drivers to transport fuel for days would result in scarcity unless something is done urgently. He said that though the filling stations are still selling, they will not have anything to sell when their tanks are empty in a few days.

“Of course, there could be fuel scarcity. Though we have not closed down our stations; if we run out of stocks, what do we do?” he asked.

The IPMAN leader maintained that the task force “would have done something more reasonable than going there to tow away all the trucks.”

He added, “If they have any complaints, they are challenged to make their complaints known instead of taking such an action. So, I’m sure they will call for a meeting and we will know why they do that.”

When told that the state government has insisted on enforcing its e-call-up system, Fashola asked the government to provide an alternative park for trucks.

“Have they shown you their own park where the tankers will go and park? A law without provisions will not work.

“When you say nobody should park trucks, maybe along the road or anywhere, you must find a modern park. All these things are not there. We don’t want to talk much, but when we see them or when they call for a meeting, then we will talk one-on-one because this action is uncalled for.

“The cost of a truck now is no less than N150m, regardless of the content. The content is no less than N50m. And the task force went there at midnight and towed them, without minding the safety; without minding that there could be an explosion. It’s very dangerous. But I don’t understand how government officials could behave this way, especially in Lagos,” he stated.

LASG reacts

In a statement by the Deputy Director of Public Affairs in the Ministry of Transport, Lagos State, Bolanle Ogunlola, the government stated that it arrested 11 trucks, alleging that its officials were attacked.

According to the statement, the government said enforcement of the e-call-up system commenced on January 24, 2025, with 10 trucks apprehended but were later released as an act of goodwill by the state government with assurance from the stakeholders to adjust by coming onboard the e-call up system.

“However, on Friday, February 21, 2025, 11 trucks were apprehended again for non-compliance, which led to the attack of the enforcement officers and the arrest of some suspects connected with the attack, though, the suspects and trucks have all been released as further indication of government’s support for willful compliance.

“The state government warns that these acts of clemency should not be seen as weakness on the part of the government. Stakeholders on the axis are cautioned that a total enforcement process will commence from March 1, 2025. All violators will be apprehended and made to face the full wrath of the law.

“The Lagos State Government remains committed to providing a conducive environment for the success of all stakeholders situated and operating along the Lekki-Epe axis, and, by extension, the state as a whole,” the statement concluded.

Cooking gas scarcity

The Nigerian Association of Liquefied Petroleum Gas Marketers has warned that Lagos State Government agencies’ imposition of illegal levies on petroleum product trucks could trigger a nationwide scarcity of Liquefied Petroleum Gas, commonly known as cooking gas.

NALPGAM President Abideen Olatunbosun, raised the alarm in a statement on Monday, cautioning that continued harassment of truck drivers and levying by government officials could cripple LPG distribution, leading to severe consequences for households and businesses.

According to the association, truck drivers have boycotted loading at Dangote Refinery since February 22, 2025, in protest against commuting levies they described as “extortion” by regulatory agencies.

Olatunbosun warned that the commuting levies imposed on petrol product truck drivers may result in LPG scarcity, asserting “There is an imminent scarcity of cooking gas looming in the country. Agencies of the Lagos State Government’s drive for revenue have imposed commuting levies on petroleum products trucks including LPG trucks moving in and out of the State.

“Their activities have led to the paralysis of loading activities at Dangote Refinery since Saturday 22nd February 2025. The boycott of the Refinery by truck drivers as a result of the extortion by these agencies will result in a mass scarcity of cooking gas if the government does not address the situation immediately.”

The association called on Lagos State authorities, the Minister of State for Petroleum Resources (Gas), Ekperikpe Ekpo, and the Minister of State for Petroleum Resources (Oil) to intervene urgently to avert a crisis.

“It is imperative that these agencies cease their harassment of tanker drivers and put an end to the collection of illegal fees. The current strike action that is affecting loadings at all the terminals in Lagos, if allowed to continue, may spread to other states of the Federation, the overall effect of which will have far-reaching consequences on the economy and the well-being of Nigerians,” the NAPGALM president remarked.

NALPGAM explained that since December 2024 cooking gas prices have been on a downward trend. This follows an earlier surge that saw a 20-metric-tonne truck of LPG peak at over N24m, pushing the retail price to nearly N2,000 per kilogram.

According to Olatunbosun, Ekpo’s intervention and Dangote refinery’s entry into the domestic LPG market contributed to a price drop to around N16m per 20MT truck, significantly improving affordability for Nigerian households.

However, the association warned that the ongoing strike action by truck drivers could erase these gains and reverse the current stability in the cooking gas market.

South-West stations

The South-West Zone of IPMAN threatened to shut down operations across the region if the tankers seized were not released, as some filling stations were shut in the region on Monday.

IPMAN Western Zone Chairman, Joseph Akanni, made this known on Monday, during an interview with newsmen in Ibadan, the Oyo State capital.

Akanni declared the association’s support for the Petroleum Tanker Drivers and other stakeholders in the industry over the issue, saying “An injury to one is an injury to all.”

Similarly, the National President of the Nigerian Association of Road Transport Owners, Yusuf Othman, expressed dissatisfaction that the Lagos State officials and the Lagos State Traffic Management Authority were allegedly extorting tanker owners and drivers.

He said the e-call-up system would not commence until March 1, wondering why about 20 trucks were seized.