The president of the Senate, Senator Godswill Akpabio in the last week subtly gave a hint to Ndigbo on how they can ease the yoke of political marginalization that has been the lot of their people since the 1966 crisis.

The new trail for Igbo emancipation surfaced at the night of tributes for the late Senator Ifeanyi Ubah on Monday. Senator Rochas Okorocha had in the course of the tributes urged Akpabio to plead with President Bola Tinubu to release Mazi Nnamdi Kanu from detention, warning that should he fail, Southeast leaders will take back his Igbo-born wife.

“So, I want to plead with you, Rochas, that I will come to your house, personally, to inform you after I have delivered the message to the federal government,” Akpabio said.

That an Igbo lady easily controls Nigeria’s number one lawmaker is one that may surprise some. It is no secret that as governor of Akwa Ibom and now as President of the Senate that Mrs Akpabio has been a major influencer behind the scenes of the actions and inactions of her husband. The manipulation of the head of Nigeria’s legislature Godswill Akpabio by his wife, Unoma is one that preceded his emergence as Senate President, going back to the time he was in Akwa Ibom State.

But many also are also deciphering that another Igbo lady is also primely positioned in the executive branch of the Federal Government.

Few dispute the fact that Nigeria’s First Son and potential Lagos State governor, Seyi Tinubu is about one of the major influencers of the present administration. Many notable appointments have been credited to him. It is also beginning to dawn on many that Layal Holms, the beautiful wife of Seyi Tinubu has maternal roots to Anambra State and paternal roots in Lebanon.

In effect, two of the three branches of the Federal Government have men controlled by Igbo women controlling them from home.

These two women are among Igbo women who have done themselves well by freeing themselves from the collective yoke of marginalisation through their nuptial engagements.

 Many examples of Igbo women exploring the marriage pathway outside Igboland to positions of political prominence abound.

Among the most notable Nigerian men of power from outside the Southeast that have found connubial leanings to Igbo are Liyel Imoke, Ibrahim Babangida, Atiku Abubakar, the Adeleke family, the late Rotimi Akeredolu, Buba Marwa among many others.

In almost and certainly all the cases above, their wives just like Mrs Nneoma Akpabio played and continue to play considerable roles in their political evolutions.

In one case when a top actor was about to get a prominent political position he was compelled by the authorities to marry a second wife from his region to mask the fact that his original wife was Igbo.

Indeed, among Nigerian women, there is no doubt that Igbo women are among the most adventurous willing to embrace men from other tribes in marriage.

But despite the love for Igbo women why do many Nigerian men from outside the Southeast still play politics of marginalisation against their Igbo in-laws? Why would a scion of the Nasir El-Rufai family sleep with a partly Igbo woman on his marital bed in the night and in the daytime espouse politics of exclusion in the daytime?

We remember that just over a year ago Bayo Onanuga issued a stern warning to Ndigbo to steer clear from the politics of Lagos State ahead of 2027.

With Seyi Tinubu beginning to be reckoned with in the Lagos governorship race it is now being claimed that the warning from Bayo Onanuga and some other Yoruba zealots was merely a chant for political rediscovery. After being browbeaten by the Obidient movement, the resort to ethnic jingoism became an easy route to political renaissance.

While it is true that Gbadebo Rhodes-Vivour, the Labour Party 2023 governorship candidate has maternal roots in Igbo land, he nevertheless shares the same marital identity with Seyi Tinubu in having an Igbo lady as a wife.

It is thus no shock that some are now already labelling Seyi a Chinedu ahead of a probable 2027 political outing.

It is as such refreshing that the politics of warmongering and ethnicity played by many political actors in Lagos was just for self survival. As Senator Akpabio loudly proclaimed when it comes to preserving his family as a reason to forge national unity, many political actors are willing to pay the price. We now enjoin other many Igbo wives from Mrs Tinubu Junior to others in lesser positions to exert their influence to push through the unity and national identity that Nigeria desperately desires.

Soon after independence, election rigging set the western region on fire and brought down the first republic. ‘Operation Wetie’ wasn’t just frustration and impatience; it was a rejection of the courts. In the second republic, malpractices returned to ruin elections’ credibility, and Baba Ajasin saw it better than others. Omoboriowo, who snatched victory from Baba, had to flee.

When that republic fell, the soldiers blamed their coming on economic hardship and rigged elections. The third republic didn’t last. Principal politicians, excluded, others were railroaded into an artificial dichotomy of two sterilised parties. Shorn of natural birth and passion and with a more transparent electoral procedure, the June 12 presidential election lacked edginess, fire and controversy. It didn’t precipitate confusion.

It had to be brazenly annulled. In the fourth republic, politics degenerated precipitously into a lucrative business, and people started stealing  elections. Apathy ensued. Social media has brought back passion, but now those who steal mock their bruised victims, telling them to go to court. Things haven’t fallen apart yet, but with astounding judicial impunity, it appears the falcon has stopped hearing the falconer.

Go to court. You can’t rig where you are not popular. Go to court. The law is an ass. Perhaps electoral laws that require poor victims to prove beyond all reasonable doubt electoral frauds perpetrated by powerful people in government must be a piece of shit. Go to court. The Justices of the Supreme Court are our comrades. Otherwise, we know their price. Go to court. We made them and have them in our pockets. Go to court. We will fill their mouths with sweet dollars, and they will teach you the difficulty of proving a lack of substantial compliance with the laws. Or they might find one or two useful technicalities to throw your petition into your face. You can’t forget Akpabio and Lawan, can you? Go to court. You dreamer, you think power is served on a plate 

 The constitution’s drafters could never have contemplated that the electoral process could be subjected to such gross and comprehensive abuses. Or that rogues would leave the underworld to vie to be leaders at all levels. The law is not for the jungle. It can’t check the conspiracy of the INEC, police, and judges to sabotage elections blatantly. The law lacks that capacity. Indeed, laws are tools, like knives and guns, for good but capable of evil. If society has been captured and seized by roguery, the law will inevitably be used to establish lawlessness to undermine truth, good faith and democracy. 

The law says INEC should be independent. But it can’t go looking for independent-minded, courageous and incorruptible people from Timbuktu  to lead INEC. Here, Governors nominate young and ageing Esaus to play the roles of presiding, collating and returning officers. Presidents handpick the INEC chairman and commissioners. And the presidents often don’t behave like statesmen. The law requires the police to provide security to ensure freedom and fairness during elections. If the drafters of the law knew that an entire police establishment could be reduced to thugs to snatch ballot boxes and result sheets, they would have left the duty to the people to help themselves or perish in servitude. 

Election tribunals are designed to be sparingly used. In Ghana, the United States, the United Kingdom, South Africa, India,  etc, they are rarely used. Our political culture is smash and grab, win-at-all-costs, and live hypocritically ever after. Institutions that regulate and conduct elections should manifest the dignity and integrity of principled umpires. The participants, like sportsmen, would ruin the game and themselves if they had no regard for agreed rules.

However, electoral tribunals will be inundated where the political culture is governed by naked opportunism. Sacred processes will be casually defiled if political office serves cynical personal rather than moral and public interests and the elections are decided by ill-gotten wealth and brigandage. If those who steal elections are allowed to assume office while the process is being adjudicated, then there is an incentive to steal it.

If those who steal it and are sworn in obtain instant access to the treasury and impunity, then the routine buying of judges to cement the electoral perfidies can’t but be rife. And since judges are not saints, and since they live in a society where money is worshipped and people in authority stack tons of it in holes so that they never return to poverty, judgments will be sold without compunction to the bidders who bid from the public treasury.

If the judges know election time is boom time, they might gamble their last naira to be on the tribunals. When that happens, this nefarious judicial decision-making becomes utterly transactional and loses the feel of criminality. It is this predictability that endows people who have grabbed power at elections by hook or crook with the arrogance to look into the faces of the victims and snort, Go to court. Go to your final Waterloo, you JJC!

Sometimes, the compromised judges must pull a rabbit out of their hats. These rabbits eat up the rational framework of the nation’s jurisprudence, leaving legal scholars of all ages in dispiriting quandaries. But our revered judges often need not break a sweat of knavishness. The thief in the government house will hire the best lawyers to hang onto his electoral heist. Besides knowing the handicaps of the law, some of these benighted legal luminaries actually acquired their deity reputations by developing promiscuous relationships with the bench.

So, a combination of their dubious mastery of the law and incestuous dalliance with the judicial cartel makes finding suitable technicalities easier. These judges and lawyers of easy virtue are blessed. Those who draft the legislation in Nigeria are never fastidious once they put their heads down to fashion legal reforms. Sometimes, it’s the benign ignorance of lawmakers, who, in being overly sentimental or sensational in protecting their presumed backward electorate from rapid modernisation, shoot them in the foot by inserting ambiguities in new electoral laws.

If the justices at the apex court had the country’s interest at heart, they would read electoral rules and regulations purposefully to cure the intended mischief. But if the judiciary is filled with Judicial Brother Jeros, piggybacked to the highest echelon by the election thieves and their political godfathers, the outcome will be a cynical, rigid interpretation of the law and arbitrary and underhanded technicalities undermine and frustrate  reforms to the benefit of election thieves. It does appear that the Supreme Court doesn’t want to become irrelevant in the electoral process. The more cases they get, the richer crooked justices become. 

The fourth republic is on the precipice. Some effort was made in preparation for the 2015  elections. The card reader. It should have been improved in 2019, but Buhari failed to drive electoral reforms for cynical self-preservative reasons. The BVAS came in time for 2023 with mandatory electronic accreditation and electronic transfer of result sheets. Hope replaced chronic apathy. But these lofty reforms have been effectively sabotaged by the INEC, Police and Judges. 

A mind-bending deterioration has set in. Without the introduction of electronic voting, we can as well suspend all future elections. Even though that won’t cure vote buying, anything that significantly discourages the hijack of ballot boxes and falsification of result sheets and returns authority to the voter will help now. 

Reforming a thoroughly contaminated system with a backward momentum will be difficult. Without fixing the political culture, the rot will only fester. Our leaders have lost the appetite for electoral reforms. 2023 mischiefs have been freely allowed to damage 2024 elections. Electronic voting must be instituted immediately and tested rigorously before 2027.  We must amend the laws to enable the speedy conclusion of all legal challenges before winners are sworn in. The albatross of an exorbitant, absurd and hopeless four-yearly dysfunctional ritual that perpetuates misery has to be dismantled with good faith and innovation. 

When Justice Dattijo Muhammad of the Supreme Court was retiring, he told the nation that the Supreme Court was manifestly corrupt. That court could become a cult. It will only get more power drunk and corrupt if we don’t clean up the electoral process and save it from the enticement of desperate politicians. The EFCC has been castrated. An Electoral Offences Commission is desirable but might suffer the same fate except if the political culture changes. Prayers alone aren’t good enough; we must do something to fix the mess. But at this point, we need prayers. 

The fourth republic is on the precipice. 

I don’t remember the very first time we met. It probably was on the football field, during a football match.

Thinking back now, it could have been in 1977, during the epic FA Cup match that year when my team, Shooting Stars FC, played against Raccah Rovers of Kano, the team that he played for at the time. I am not so sure again as I write this. 

It could also have been when he was invited to join us in the national team, the Green Eagles, in 1977, by Coach Father Yelisavic Tiko.

Either way, his impact on the national team from when he joined was massive and instantaneous. He was a different kind of player, of a different breed. He was a serious football player playing as if his life depended on winning every match.

He was left-footed, something the country was in short supply of at the time. Since the exit of Haruna Ilerika and Adekunle Awesu, both left-footed players in 1976 and 1977 respectively, there was not a single left-footed player left in the entire national team. It was a great deficit to the team for a short while during which Nigeria, that was a master at wing play with fast runners on both flanks, had to improvise with Adokiye Amiesimaka, a right-footed player but who could effectively use his left foot. Adokiye was an undergraduate at the University of Lagos, but loaded with football credentials as a young player in the Lagos area. He was drafted to the Green Eagles from his inside-forward position to the left side of Nigeria’s attack, to fill the gap. No one missed Awesu again from the moment Adokiye stepped in with his mesmerizing dribbles and pinpoint crosses.

Shortly after that, Felix Owolabi showed up on the national radar with a left foot that was deadly and packed with ‘venom’.

Felix was extremely fast, with the ability to dribble even at top speed, cutting back the ball sharply, and accelerating away in the next movement. Slightly limited in height, and with packed muscles in his legs, he could swivel on a coin whilst dribbling. He was as strong as an Ox.

When racing with the ball at his feet, he was the most difficult player to mark. The only way to stop him was to physically bring him down, or kick him to halt. He was fearless, could ride any tackle with the single-mindedness to get close to an opposing goal through the shortest and fastest route and release one of his hombs in his left foot.

He moves like a train meandering towards goal with the ball glued to his left foot. His attitude earned him the respect and love of fans and coaches.

On top of all those attributes, Felix also had ferocious power behind his shots with the left foot His right foot was like my left foot, fit for standing and as support only. He was a true attacking wing-back on the left flank of attack.

So, Felix joined us in the national team and became a challenge for Father Tiko who could no longer replace Adokiye whose dribbling skills and pullouts with the right foot from the left side of attack were creating goal-scoring chances particularly for me coming from the blind side of defenders to nod home floated balls.

That’s how Coach Father Tiko put on his creative cap and came up with the wing-back system that has now become the norm in modern-day football. He converted Felix to the left full-back position to replace the aging right-footed player manning that area of Nigeria’s defense. That’s how Samuel Ojebode’s career in the national team ended and Felix Owolabi’s began.

It was a tactical masterstroke. The weaker side of the Nigerian team suddenly became its stronger flank. Coping with fleet-footed, master dribbler Adokiye was hard enough for opposing defenders. To now add a second layer, a hardnosed, unstoppable powerhouse charging down the same flank from defense, became a nightmare for opposing teams.

That’s how Felix earned the nickname ‘Owoblow’. He was blowing like a tornado, breaking up attacks and blowing down defenses.

Meanwhile, following the only match that he played for Raccah Rovers against Shooting Stars FC, he became a target for the Shooting Stars’ scouts recruiting exceptionally gifted, Yoruba-born players from all over the country (a response to the system established by Rangers International FC after the Civil War in 1970. They recruited only Igbo players to their club).

That’s how Felix joined me at Shooting Stars FC and together we became very influential members of the Nigerian national team as well as of Nigerian domestic football as a whole for a few years.

When I retired from the game in 1982, Felix, almost single-handedly, won the national league for Shooting Stars FC the following year.

In 1984, I came out of retirement to play in the African Club Champions Cup in an attempt to win the continental trophy for the first time, and, possibly, earn my most-sought-for ‘Africa’s Best Player award’, something I had come close to winning twice before.

Had Felix not missed playing in the finals of the 1984 championship due to accumulated yellow cards, and I had not suffered a debilitating knee injury in the first leg of the semi-final match that would not heal up till the final match, Shooting Stars would have won the African Club Championship that year, with Felix’s presence making an important difference.

That was how our shared dreams were terminated and our football careers, playing together, ended.

He went on to play for another 8 to 9 years for Shooting Stars FC after I had retired rather prematurely it now seems, adding to his chest of medals a second continental club trophy.

His longevity in the game was not a surprise – his level of self-discipline and professionalism was uncanny. He never had time for the frivolities in the life of a superstar. He was, and still is, a staunch practicing Christian, a teetotaler, no messing around with girls and drugs, limited socialization and a strong family man.

He was every player’s friend, and we have been very close without being socially close.

On the football field, the rest of us always took lessons from Felix’s professional attitude and practice, traits that he took to his life after football.

That’s why he succeeded in his academic pursuits, as well as in his civil service career to which retired.

Felix Owolabi ‘Owoblow’ remains an epitome of decency, dignity, industry and family.

This week as he celebrates his climb to the 7th floor of life, I join with all members of our football ‘fraternity’ and generations of football players in Nigeria, to wish him a Happy 70th Anniversary. May his journey through the years of his life ahead be full of life’s best gifts.

Congratulations ‘Owoblow’.

The National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) says 65 percent of Nigerian households use traditional cooking methods. 

In its ‘Nigeria General Household Survey-Panel (Wave 5) 2023/2024’ report, the NBS said the three-stone cookstove is the most widespread cooking method used in the country.

“The most common cookstove type used in the country is the three-stone/open fire, with 65.0 percent of households relying on this traditional cooking method,” the report reads.

The NBS said a huge proportion of households (22.6 percent) make use of liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) and natural gas.

“Traditional cooking methods (three-stone/open fire) remain dominant in rural areas (78.8 percent) and certain geographical zones like North Central (72.1 percent), North East (82.4 percent), North West (85.7 percent), and South East (61.3 percent),” the bureau said.

“However, there is a noticeable use of modern cooking technologies (LPG/natural gas) in urban areas (49.0 percent) and the South West zone (51.0 percent).”

According to the NBS report, other types of cookstoves, including biomass, kerosene, and electric play a minimal role in the overall cooking landscape.

“When using traditional cookstoves, slightly more than half (51.2 percent) of households in the country use them outdoors, making this the most common location,” the report reads.

The NBS said 37.9 percent of households use such stoves indoors but outside the sleeping area.

According to the agency, only 1.8 percent of households use their stoves in a sleeping area.

“The North East (59.0 percent) and North West (50.5 percent) zones are more inclined towards indoor cooking, while households in North Central (60.7 percent) and all the southern zones predominantly cook outdoors/ in a separate building,” NBS said.

“Cooking outdoors or in a separate building is the prevailing practice in urban (46.2 percent) and rural (52.6 percent) areas.”

The bureau said wood is the most-used cooking fuel in Nigeria, reported by 70.2 percent of households, followed by LPG-cooking gas at 23.2 percent.

“Zonal disparities are significant. The North East and North West zones have the highest shares of households using wood as cooking fuel, at 93.4 percent and 84.8 percent respectively,” the report reads.

“In contrast, the South South and South West zones show a higher use of LPG, with 35.3 percent and 51.7 percent, respectively.”

According to the report, urban households have a stronger reliance on LPG (50.5 percent), while rural households mostly use wood (83.8 percent).

[TheCable]

The National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), empowered by the Statistics Act of 2007, is the official custodian of statistics in Nigeria. Tasked with advising federal, state, and local governments on statistical development, the agency is a vital institution for evidence-based policymaking. However, its recent report on the state of food insecurity and other household challenges in Nigeria raises a critical question: “Has the leadership of the NBS clearly communicated to the federal government, under President Tinubu’s administration, the urgency of the findings that two-thirds of Nigerian households lack money for healthy food?”

If it has, what measures are being taken? If not, the NBS must ensure its findings are not just data points in a report but a clarion call for swift action to alleviate the plight of Nigerians.

The reason for the foregoing views cannot be farfetched as the grim picture painted by the NBS Survey is stark.  In fact, the latest “Nigeria General Household Survey – Panel (GHS-Panel) Wave 5 (2023/2024)” sheds light on the realities faced by Nigerians. The findings are stark.

When the report is looked at from the perspective of food insecurity, it shows that two-thirds of households reported being unable to eat healthy or preferred foods due to a lack of money in the last 30 days, with additional facts that 63.8% of households ate only a few kinds of food because of financial constraints, 60.5% consumed less than they thought they should, and alarmingly, between 2018/19 and 2023/24, the proportion of households worried about not having enough food to eat surged from 36.9% to 62.4%.

Looking at the report from the perspective of energy and infrastructure, NBS Survey says urban areas fare better with 82.2% of households having access to electricity, but only 40.4% of rural households enjoy the same.  Worsening enough is that cooking remains a challenge, with 65% of households using traditional three-stone stoves and 70.2% depending on wood fuel.

Also when looked at from the angle of sanitation and housing, many households lack proper toilet facilities, and informal waste disposal (45.6%) remains common, while 70.4% of households own their homes with rural homeownership (80.1%) far surpassing urban areas (49.1%).

These statistics, though vital, must serve a purpose beyond informing Nigerians of their struggles, they must spur government action.

Beyond Statistics, the Role of the NBS in Advocacy is clearly stated in its constitutional mandate. The NBS cannot function in isolation as a data-gathering entity. Its findings are only as impactful as the actions they inspire. It is concerning if the Bureau’s leadership has not escalated these alarming statistics to the President Bola Ahmed Tinubu-led administration with the urgency they warrant.

In a nation grappling with rising prices, depleting purchasing power, and widespread poverty, food insecurity cannot be another statistic. The NBS must actively engage federal and state governments, advocating for policy interventions that address these issues head-on. Churning out data that only paints a bleak picture without prompting actionable solutions risks desensitizing the public and policymakers alike.

Given the foregoing view, there is no denying the fact that the government’s responsibility is to act.  However, it is sad to note in this context that President Tinubu’s administration has promised economic reforms, but Nigerians are yet to feel the positive impact. If two-thirds of households cannot afford healthy food, it reflects a systemic failure that demands immediate attention. The government must respond to these findings with policies that tackle:

The findings of the NBS must be seen as more than just information; they are a call to action for the government. The NBS, as the custodian of these statistics, holds the moral responsibility to ensure its reports do not merely add to Nigeria’s narrative of poverty but act as catalysts for change.

The federal government, on its part, must embrace these findings as a foundation for targeted interventions. Policies informed by robust data have the potential to drive real change, but only if they are implemented with urgency and transparency.

Ignoring the NBS’s findings risks deepening Nigeria’s socio-economic crisis. The inability of families to afford healthy food exacerbates malnutrition, stunts children’s development, and fuels a cycle of poverty. Energy poverty limits productivity, while inadequate infrastructure hampers public health and economic growth.

For the NBS, publishing reports is not enough. It must actively advocate for its recommendations and follow up on their implementation. For the Tinubu administration, addressing these issues is not just a political obligation but a moral imperative.

The NBS has a critical role in shaping Nigeria’s development trajectory. If it has not yet communicated the urgency of its findings to the Tinubu administration, it must do so immediately. And if it has, the government must act without delay.

It is unacceptable for the Bureau’s reports to serve merely as warnings to the public while the government remains passive. Statistics are tools for change, and in the face of such glaring challenges, the NBS and the government must work together to ensure these numbers translate into meaningful interventions.

The time to act is now. Nigerians deserve more than bleak statistics, they deserve solutions.

In recent times, Nigeria has witnessed a curious shift in the culture of charity. Rather than the wealthy focusing their philanthropic efforts on those in dire need, we increasingly see acts of “generosity” directed at their fellow elites, entertainers, politicians, and other high-profile individuals who are far from destitute. What once might have been considered benevolence now often appears as a calculated performance, a spectacle crafted for attention, and a glaring contradiction to the very essence of charity.

In its truest sense, charity is an act of giving with the intent to uplift the underprivileged. It seeks to bridge the gap between the haves and the have-nots, a gesture of kindness that addresses pressing societal inequalities. However, recent events in Nigeria paint a different picture.

Consider the viral episodes where celebrities gift luxury cars, expensive watches, or cash to their equally wealthy peers. For instance, a popular Nigerian singer recently surprised another celebrity with a N100 million. Prior to the foregoing case, he was among other celebrities who contributed more than N60 million for a controversial celebrity who was caught in the web of Nigeria’s law, sparking widespread applause on social media. While such gestures might be celebrated within their circles, they raise a fundamental question: How does this help the struggling masses who can barely afford the next meal?

The political class is not left out. Many governors and public officials have taken to awarding lavish gifts to wealthy individuals during public events. At a time when ordinary Nigerians face skyrocketing inflation, unemployment, and economic despair, these ostentatious displays of “charity” seem tone-deaf.

The evolution of social media has exacerbated this trend. Platforms like Instagram and Twitter have become stages for the wealthy to showcase their generosity, not to the underprivileged, but to their equally affluent friends. Each gift is carefully documented, shared, and hyped online, with fans applauding the magnanimity of their idols.

But is it truly charity if it comes with a spectacle? The essence of giving lies in humility and the genuine desire to make a difference. When acts of giving are performed for public applause or to sustain a carefully curated image of affluence and generosity, they lose their authenticity.

Nigeria is currently grappling with one of its most challenging economic periods. It is no more news that Nigeria in a World Bank report was said to have over 133 million Nigerians living in multidimensional poverty. Hunger, lack of access to healthcare, poor education, and unemployment are everyday realities for many. Yet, these pressing issues seldom attract the attention of the wealthy when they choose to “give.”

For instance, the billions of naira that could transform lives in rural areas are instead spent on lavish birthday parties, with luxury hampers handed out to fellow elites as party favors. Imagine the impact if just a fraction of those funds were directed toward building schools, funding healthcare, or setting up skill acquisition centers in underserved communities.

Philanthropy, when done right, has the power to transform societies. A shining example are the works of Aliko Dangote, Theophilus Danjuma, Tony Elumelu, Jim Ovia and Folorunso Alakija  Also philanthropists like Mike Adenuga, Abdul Samad Rabiu, Emeka Offor, Femi Otedola and Mohammed Indimi have done much in terms of charity to be applauded and recognized in a special way.

Contrast the foregoing with the trend today, where charity is no longer about impact but impression. The wealthy must be reminded that their giving should align with the needs of society. What use is a multimillion-naira car to a celebrity already driving a fleet of luxury vehicles when thousands in their community cannot afford basic transportation?

The Nigerian public, too, bears some responsibility for perpetuating this trend. By celebrating these ostentatious displays, society inadvertently encourages the wealthy to continue this cycle of misplaced charity. The applause should go to those who build homes for the homeless, sponsor education for the underprivileged, and create opportunities for economic empowerment.

Public figures like Tony Elumelu and Aliko Dangote, who have established foundations to address critical societal issues, offer examples of meaningful philanthropy. While their efforts may not garner as much social media clout as gifting a Rolex to a celebrity, they leave an indelible mark on society.

The fixation on public displays of wealth masquerading as charity reveals a deeper issue within Nigeria’s elite culture: a disconnect from the realities of the common man. In a nation where the majority struggle to survive, these acts of self-serving “generosity” are not just insensitive; they are a betrayal of the social contract that should bind all Nigerians.

True charity is not about elevating one’s social status or winning applause. It is about uplifting the downtrodden, addressing societal inequities, and building a more inclusive future. Anything short of this is merely an act of showoff, an exercise in vanity masquerading as virtue.

The solution lies in redefining what it means to give. Nigerian elites must understand that the greatest impact comes from targeting their resources where they are most needed. Initiatives like creating job opportunities, improving access to education, and investing in healthcare infrastructure have a far-reaching and sustainable impact on society.

Civil society, religious institutions, and media must also play their part in reshaping the narrative. The culture of glorifying empty displays of wealth should be replaced with one that celebrates impactful giving.

In fact, it is imperative for the government to incentivize genuine philanthropic efforts. Tax breaks for donations to credible charities, public acknowledgment of impactful projects, and collaborations with the private sector can encourage more meaningful contributions.

As Nigeria grapples with its many challenges, the role of the wealthy in shaping a better future cannot be overstated. However, that future will not be built through spectacles of gifting among the affluent. True charity lies in uplifting the poor, empowering the powerless, and addressing the pressing needs of society. Anything less is not an act of charity but a carefully staged performance, designed to impress, not to impact.

The question remains: Will Nigeria’s wealthy elite rise to the occasion and redefine their giving culture, or will they continue to squander opportunities to make a real difference? For the sake of the millions living in poverty, one hopes they choose the former.

Names carry deep meanings and stories, often reflecting the essence, history, and aspirations of families and communities. In many African cultures, names are more than mere identifiers; they are a legacy and a prophecy, encapsulating a family’s hope and dreams for their descendants. Against this backdrop, the recent decision by Ijeoma Josephina Otabor, popularly known as Phyna, the winner of Big Brother Naija Season 7, to renounce her surname, “Otabor”, is perplexing and calls for introspection.

Phyna, a household name since her victory in the Big Brother Naija house, has been at the center of discussions after she announced the renunciation of her surname during a live Instagram session. According to her, the decision stems from a need to reclaim her individuality. She described her journey post-Big Brother Naija as transformative yet challenging, weighed down by familial and societal expectations. In her words, “This is about evolution, not rejection,” asserting that the move was not a slight against her family but a step towards self-discovery and inner peace.

As a journalist familiar with Phyna’s hometown, Ekpon, in Edo State, which shares proximity with my hometown, Igbanke, I find this decision deeply concerning. The name “Otabor” is not just any name; it holds significant meaning. In its simplest translation, “Otabor” means “Wealth has come”. This is not a mere linguistic construct but a declaration of abundance, prosperity, and divine favor. By discarding the name, Phyna appears to misunderstand the profound blessings it symbolizes.

Phyna’s life and career trajectory are a testament to the prophetic nature of her name. Before her participation in Big Brother Naija, she was relatively unknown, a commercial model struggling to find her footing in a highly competitive industry. Born on June 2, 1997, in Ekpon, she pursued her career from college and was signed to a modeling agency. However, she had not achieved the level of fame or financial success that she now enjoys.

Everything changed after her remarkable performance in the Big Brother Naija house. On October 2, 2022, she was declared the winner of Season 7, amassing 40.74% of the final votes. This victory secured her a grand prize of ₦100 million, making her only the second female winner in the show’s history, following Mercy Eke’s win three years earlier. Phyna’s name resonated across the nation and beyond, as fans celebrated her vibrant personality, resilience, and authenticity.

The name “Otabor” seems to have lived up to its meaning in Phyna’s life. It heralded wealth, recognition, and opportunities. Her post-BBN journey is lined with endorsement deals and collaborations that have further cemented her place in the entertainment industry. Brands such as Firegin, Spedy Herbals, Rixari Skin Secrets, BeUnique Wears, and Spedy Weightloss have associated with her name, further enhancing her financial and social standing.

Phyna’s decision to renounce her surname raises questions about identity and self-awareness. This is not the first time she has shown signs of being at odds with her heritage. While on the Big Brother Naija show, she famously claimed to be Igbo by tribe, despite hailing from Ekpon, a community firmly rooted in Edo State. Such inconsistencies in her narrative suggest a possible identity struggle, a yearning to redefine herself in ways that might distance her from her origins.

Her assertion that the name “Otabor” has not attracted blessings is both ironic and inaccurate. By every measure, her name has brought her immense blessings, transforming her from a struggling model into one of Nigeria’s most recognized and celebrated personalities. To trivialize this name in public, particularly on social media, diminishes not only her family’s legacy but also the collective pride of her community.

In many African traditions, names are imbued with profound significance. They are seen as a connection between the past, present, and future, serving as a reminder of one’s roots and the aspirations of ancestors. The name “Otabor” carries weight in Edo State, associated with many successful and influential individuals. By renouncing this name, Phyna risks alienating herself from a legacy of prosperity and respect.

Furthermore, the public nature of her renunciation invites unnecessary controversy and scrutiny. For someone in the limelight, every action is magnified. Phyna’s decision has sparked debates online and offline, with many questioning whether she understands the cultural and emotional implications of her actions.

Phyna is undoubtedly in a period of transformation, as she herself acknowledges. However, personal growth and self-discovery do not require one to discard their roots. Instead, they call for a deeper understanding and appreciation of where one comes from. By embracing her heritage, Phyna can redefine herself in ways that honor both her individuality and her lineage.

She should also recognize the influence she wields as a public figure. Many young people look up to her as a role model, drawing inspiration from her journey. Her actions and decisions, therefore, carry a responsibility to inspire pride in cultural heritage and identity.

Phyna’s decision to discard her surname, “Otabor”, is a poignant reminder of the disconnect that can sometimes arise between success and self-awareness. While she frames her decision as a step toward self-discovery, it is important to consider the blessings and opportunities her name has brought her. The name “Otabor”, which translates to “Wealth has come”, has indeed lived up to its meaning in her life, propelling her to fame, fortune, and influence.

If Phyna truly understood the import of her name, she would celebrate it rather than renounce it. Her story is a testament to the power of identity and the blessings that come from embracing one’s roots. As she continues her journey, it is my hope that she will reflect deeply on the legacy she carries and the impact her decisions have on her family, her community, and her fans.

In the complex and often bewildering terrain of Nigerian politics, few personalities have oscillated between extremes as much as Joe Igbokwe. A man once regarded as one of the most steadfast defenders of Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, Igbokwe’s metamorphosis into one of his harshest critics has raised eyebrows and sparked debates. His journey offers a fascinating case study of political loyalty, personal ambition, and the frailty of alliances forged in the crucible of Nigerian politics.

Joe Igbokwe’s name became synonymous with unflinching loyalty to Tinubu. As the Publicity Secretary of the Lagos State chapter of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Igbokwe was among the most vocal advocates of Tinubu’s political ideologies and leadership style. He championed Tinubu’s legacy as a transformative governor of Lagos State and later as a kingmaker whose influence extended across Nigeria.

For years, Igbokwe’s rhetoric served as a shield for Tinubu against critics, portraying the APC leader as the solution to Nigeria’s myriad problems. His fiery defenses often dominated headlines, reinforcing his status as Tinubu’s loyal ally. However, political relationships, especially in a volatile environment like Nigeria’s, often come with an expiry date.

The turning point in Joe Igbokwe’s relationship with Tinubu seemed to coincide with the latter’s rise to the presidency in 2023. Expectations for political appointments, rewards, and the fulfillment of campaign promises gave way to disillusionment when Igbokwe ostensibly perceived himself as being sidelined from Tinubu’s inner circle. This discontent began to reflect in his public statements.

As economic hardship deepened across the country under Tinubu’s administration, Igbokwe’s displeasure became more evident. Headlines like “Why Is Our Currency Weak?’ Tinubu’s Supporter, Igbokwe, Rants Again Amid Hardship” captured his growing dissatisfaction. In this instance, Igbokwe voiced the concerns of millions of Nigerians grappling with the plummeting naira and rising inflation. His critiques extended beyond the economy to policies he believed were exacerbating the country’s struggles.

Another headline, “Hardship: Those who’ll rescue Nigeria not yet born – Joe Igbokwe mocks Tinubu govt” further exemplified his growing disillusionment. In a rare moment of stark candor, Igbokwe seemed to admit despair over Nigeria’s future under Tinubu’s leadership. For a man who once hailed Tinubu as the messiah of Nigerian politics, such statements marked a dramatic shift in perspective.

One of his most biting criticisms as headlined in one of the newspapers came in the form of a plea: “Joe Igbokwe begs Tinubu to lower electricity tariff after spending ₦20k in a day.” Here, Igbokwe transitioned from critic to advocate for change, highlighting the unbearable cost of living faced by average Nigerians, including himself. His frustration with the electricity tariff struck a chord with citizens who have long lamented the inefficiency and expense of Nigeria’s power sector.

Recently, headlines like “Seyi Tinubu not fit to rule Lagos – Joe Igbokwe” signaled a shift in his tone. The once-loyal supporter was now questioning Tinubu’s leadership and the influence of his family in Lagos politics. This criticism of Seyi Tinubu, the president’s son and a prominent figure in Lagos politics, struck a nerve, as it touched on the nepotism that many Nigerians perceive as pervasive in their political system.

In fact, not a few Nigerians, particularly Lagosians, have been taken aback by Joe Igbokwe’s sudden turn against the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Known for his unwavering loyalty to Tinubu over the years, Igbokwe’s recent criticism of the government has left many bewildered. His sharp comments on the administration’s policies, which he once fervently defended, have sparked widespread discussions across social and traditional media. For a man who stood as one of Tinubu’s staunchest supporters, this shift feels almost surreal, prompting questions about what might have triggered his apparent change of heart. Many Nigerians are grappling with disbelief, wondering if his dissatisfaction stems from personal grievances or a genuine concern for the nation.

The suddenness of Igbokwe’s apparent disloyalty has left both his admirers and critics speculating. His criticism is perceived by some as a betrayal of the loyalty that defined his public persona, while others argue it could signal an awakening to the realities of governance. However, the dramatic nature of his departure from Tinubu’s camp has raised eyebrows, as it contrasts sharply with his past vehement defense of the same administration. Whether his actions are borne out of principle or strategy, Nigerians remain divided, with many questioning what this development means for Tinubu’s broader political base and the loyalty of his allies.

Against the foregoing backdrop, the familiar question on the lips of not a few political observers sounds like, “What drives the Shift?” In answering the foregoing question, it is expedient to guesstimate that several factors could explain Igbokwe’s transformation from staunch supporter to ardent critic.

First is that his criticism could have arisen from unmet expectations. This is as loyalty in Nigerian politics is often transactional. Igbokwe’s criticism could stem from the perception that his loyalty to Tinubu was not adequately rewarded with political appointments or recognition.

In a similar vein, it could have arisen from genuine disappointment, even as his comments might also reflect genuine frustration with the Tinubu administration’s inability to address pressing issues such as economic instability and rising hardship.

Also, it could have emanated from political relevance.  Simply put, by publicly criticizing Tinubu, Igbokwe could be attempting to carve out a new political identity or relevance, especially in a political climate where dissenting voices often attract attention.

However, the school of thought conjecturing that personal resentment might have been right as it is common in Nigerian politics that personal grievances and perceived slights can evolve into public feuds. Igbokwe may feel betrayed by the very system he once defended so ardently.

In fact, the political establishment has not taken kindly to Igbokwe’s newfound stance. Tinubu’s loyalists have dismissed his criticisms as the rants of a disgruntled politician, while opposition voices have amplified his statements to underscore the alleged failings of the administration.

Public reactions have been equally divided. For some Nigerians, Igbokwe’s outbursts reflect the frustrations of many who feel let down by the Tinubu administration. Others, however, see his criticisms as insincere and opportunistic, questioning why he defended the same policies and leadership style when it suited his interests.

Joe Igbokwe’s shift from loyal supporter to vocal critic highlights several truths about Nigerian politics. First, it underscores the transactional nature of political loyalty, where support is often contingent on personal gain. Second, it reveals the fragile nature of political alliances, which can crumble when individual ambitions are thwarted. Lastly, it highlights the gap between the expectations of political allies and the realities of governance, particularly in a country as complex as Nigeria.

The story of Joe Igbokwe is one of political loyalty tested by the harsh realities of power dynamics. His transformation from Tinubu’s staunch advocate to one of his most vocal critics is not just about one man’s political journey; it is a reflection of the broader issues at play in Nigeria’s political landscape.

For Tinubu, the lesson is clear: loyalty, no matter how fierce, cannot be taken for granted. For Igbokwe, his new role as a critic may bring opportunities for reinvention, but it also comes with challenges, as he must navigate the skepticism of those who see his shift as a betrayal rather than a principled stance.

In the end, Joe Igbokwe’s metamorphosis is a cautionary tale for politicians and supporters alike, reminding us that in the unpredictable world of Nigerian politics, yesterday’s allies can easily become today’s adversaries.

In a society where traditional roles and economic inequalities often place women at a disadvantage, the importance of financial independence cannot be overstated. Nigerian music icon Tiwa Savage recently shared a powerful anecdote that drives this point home. During an interview, she revealed how she once returned a Range Rover gifted to her for her birthday because she was not interested in the giver and did not want to be indebted to him. Her decision underscores the critical role financial stability plays in enabling women to make decisions that align with their values and protect their dignity.

For women, financial independence is not just a luxury; it is a necessity. It offers freedom, respect, and the ability to live life on one’s own terms. Yet, many women still find themselves dependent on others, often at the expense of their self-worth and autonomy. This article explores why every woman should strive for financial independence, the pathways to achieve it, and how society can support this vital goal.

At its core, financial independence means having the resources to support oneself without relying on others. It is a tool for empowerment that allows women to make decisions free from coercion or undue influence.

Tiwa Savage’s story is a case in point. Her ability to return a high-value gift without hesitation was rooted in her own financial stability. Had she been reliant on others, she might have felt pressured to accept the gift and endure unwanted advances or obligations. Financial independence enables women to set and enforce boundaries, preserving their self-respect and peace of mind.

Beyond personal relationships, financial autonomy also empowers women to leave toxic environments, be it at home or in the workplace. It ensures they can walk away from situations that compromise their well-being without fearing financial ruin.

In fact, financial independence matters because it engenders freedom to choose.  When women have their own income, they can make decisions based on their needs and aspirations rather than out of desperation or dependency. This extends to everything from career choices to personal relationships.

In a similar vein, it breaks cycles of abuse.  Many women remain in abusive relationships because they lack the financial means to leave. Given the foregoing situation, it is not out of place to opine that financial independence provides an escape route and the confidence to build a better life.

Also in a similar vein, it empowers the next generation. The foregoing can be clarified by opining that financially independent women are role models for their children, especially daughters. They teach the next generation the importance of self-reliance and hard work.

In fact, it reduces gender inequality. When women contribute equally to household or societal income, it challenges outdated gender norms and promotes equality.

It also builds confidence. The ability to earn and manage one’s own money boosts self-esteem, giving women the confidence to assert themselves in various spheres of life.

Without a doubt, it creates the pathways to financial independence. Achieving financial independence requires effort, planning, and determination.

Given the benefits that are inherent in women being financially independent, it is germane to say that some practical steps women can take cut across pursuing gainful employment, embarking on education and training, networking and mentorship.

One of the most direct paths to financial independence is finding a stable job. Women should seek opportunities that align with their skills and interests, whether in the corporate world, public sector, or non-governmental organizations.

In today’s competitive job market, acquiring relevant qualifications and skills is essential. This may involve formal education, vocational training, or online certifications.

Building professional networks and seeking mentors can open doors to job opportunities and career advancement.

In a similar vein, it is expedient for everywoman to start a business. For women with an entrepreneurial spirit, starting a business can be a fulfilling way to achieve financial independence. The foregoing can be achieved by identifying a niche.   Successful businesses often address specific needs or gaps in the market. Women should consider their passions and expertise when identifying a business idea.

Also, to become financially independent, it is advisable for everywoman to access resources. Many organizations and governments offer grants, loans, and training programs tailored to women entrepreneurs.

In a similar vein, there is the need to embrace technology. In fact, leveraging digital tools and platforms can help women reach wider audiences and streamline business operations.

Added to the foregoing tips is that any woman who wants to be financially independent must invest wisely.  This is as earning money is just the first step; managing it effectively is equally important. Therefore, women should learn about saving, budgeting, and investing to grow their wealth over time.

Also not to be ignored is financial literacy.  Understanding concepts like compound interest, stocks, and mutual funds can help women make informed investment decisions.

In addition, women who want to be financially independent must seek professional advice. Financial advisors can provide personalized guidance on wealth management and long-term planning.

In a similar vein, women who are ready to become financially independent, must cultivate multiple streams of income.  This is as relying on a single source of income can be risky. Women should explore side hustles or passive income opportunities, such as freelance work, online tutoring, or rental income.

Besides, there is the need to master how to overcome barriers.  While the benefits of financial independence are clear, women often face significant obstacles on this journey, including societal expectations, limited access to education, and workplace discrimination. Addressing these challenges requires a collective effort. And these include supportive policies. Governments must implement policies that promote gender equality, such as equal pay laws, maternity leave, and affordable childcare.

Close to the foregoing is community support. Women need encouragement from their families and communities to pursue careers or businesses without fear of judgment or backlash.

Without a doubt, there is the need for women who are willing to become financially independent to challenge stereotypes. On the other hand, society must move away from outdated beliefs that a woman’s primary role is in the home.

Without a doubt, every woman has the potential to achieve financial independence, but it requires a proactive approach. Women must take ownership of their financial journey by setting clear goals and staying disciplined, surround themselves with supportive people who uplift and inspire them and never stop learning and adapting to new challenges and opportunities.

On the other hand, it is also crucial for society to recognize and support women’s aspirations. Employers must create inclusive workplaces, governments must provide equal opportunities, and families must champion the importance of independence for daughters, sisters, and wives.

In fact, Tiwa Savage’s decision to return a Range Rover she did not need or want is a powerful testament to the value of financial independence. It reminds us that when women control their finances, they control their choices and, ultimately, their destinies.

In a world where economic empowerment is key to breaking barriers and achieving equality, every woman must strive to be gainfully employed, manage her finances wisely, or build a thriving business. Financial independence is not just about survival; it is about thriving, inspiring, and living with dignity and confidence. As women take bold steps toward this goal, society must stand behind them, paving the way for a future where no woman is ever a pushover.