The CEO of OpenAI, Sam Altman, has accused Mark Zuckerberg’s Meta of offering as high as $100 million in signing bonuses in its aggressive bid to poach AI talent from the ChatGPT maker.

Altman made the disclosure during an episode of Uncapped, a podcast hosted by his brother, where he described the compensation packages Meta is offering as “crazy.” 

“They’ve tried to hire a lot of people at OpenAI. “So far, none of our best people have decided to take them up on that,” Altman said.

Mark Zuckerberg’s superintelligence team 

Meta CEO Mark Zuckerberg is reportedly taking a hands-on role in building the company’s new “superintelligence” team, personally recruiting top AI researchers from across the industry.

• In a major show of intent, Meta recently invested $14.3 billion in Scale AI, and brought on Scale’s CEO Alexandr Wang to join its AI efforts.
• The company has also lured talent from other top AI labs. According to Bloomberg, Meta recently poached Jack Rae, a principal researcher at Google DeepMind.
• While acknowledging Meta’s aggressive strategy, Altman suggested that OpenAI’s talent is not easily swayed by massive paydays.

“I respect being aggressive and continuing to try new things. But I don’t think they’re a company that’s great at innovation,” he said.

He added that cultural factors play a key role in retaining talent, arguing that chasing high compensation could ultimately detract from meaningful work.

“I think we understand a lot of things they don’t,” he said.

Meta has not responded to requests for comment at the time of this report.

What you should know 

Meta, once recognized as a leader in open-source AI models, has suffered from staff departures and has postponed the launches of new open-source AI models that could rival competitors like Google, China’s DeepSeek, and OpenAI.

As part of its aggressive push for dominance, Meta recently invested in Scale AI in a deal that values the data-labeling startup at $29 billion and brings in its 28-year-old CEO, Alexandr Wang, to play a prominent role in the tech giant’s artificial intelligence strategy.

• Meta takes a 49% stake for $14.3 billion. However, sources who are in the know of the deal told Reuters that the main driver for Meta’s substantial investment in Scale was to secure Wang to lead its new superintelligence unit.
• Wang, who was born in Los Alamos, New Mexico, to Chinese immigrant physicists, dropped out of MIT to co-found Scale.
• He was quickly lauded as one of Silicon Valley’s most promising entrepreneurs, raising funding from blue-chip venture capital firms and achieving billionaire status in his 20s.

[Nairametrics]

Global payment giant Visa has appointed Senegalese-born Aminata Kane as its Senior Vice President and Head of Western and Central Africa, effective September 4, 2025.

According to a company announcement on Tuesday, the appointment is part of a restructuring effort at Visa, which is now organising its operations in the region around four key hubs: Abidjan, Accra, Kinshasa, and Lagos.

Based in Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire, Aminata will lead Visa’s newly established sub-regional team, covering 23 markets ranging from major economies such as Nigeria and Côte d’Ivoire to developing digital ecosystems in the Sahel and Congo basin.

By establishing the Orange Foundation and the Orange Digital Centre in Sierra Leone, Kane has spearheaded initiatives that empower youth and women through technology. According to Visa, she has remained committed to promoting leadership and shaping individuals’ digital skills for their future.

Visa’s Regional President for Central and Eastern Europe, the Middle East, and Africa, Andrew Torre, said that Kane’s leadership and deep expertise in digital financial services will be instrumental in driving Visa’s mission to expand financial inclusion across Western and Central Africa.

“We are excited to have her lead this dynamic region and believe that her strategic vision will help enhance our efforts to create more accessible and innovative digital payment ecosystems,” he added.

The development comes in light of Visa’s expansion in West and Central Africa, a region where mobile money services are growing.

While the space holds high potential, circumventing structural challenges, inflexible operations, and limited platforms continues to hinder seamless payment. Also, several SMEs operate in low-banking environments, thereby creating financial inclusion gaps.

For Visa, addressing these barriers includes prioritising inclusive innovation, enhancing local partnerships, and scaling programs such as its Fintech Accelerator to support early-stage digital payment ventures. Making this a success involves building trust in an ecosystem where cybersecurity and financial literacy threaten digital finance.

Aminata Kane’s experience is pivotal for Visa’s expansion

Aminata Kane is a respected figure in digital financial services and telecoms, where she has over a decade of experience from Orange’s operations in the Middle East and Africa.

Recently, she served as the regional Chief Executive Officer for Orange Money Group, where she oversaw its services across 17 countries. As an advocate for digital inclusion, she also founded an Orange Digital Centre in Sierra Leone to equip youths and women with digital skills.

Kane is a graduate of HEC Paris and the MIT Sloan School of Management. She began her professional journey at Goldman Sachs and joined McKinsey & Company as a consultant in Paris, where she gained experience in financial strategy, transformation, and market expansion.

She has been recognised as a Young Global Leader by the World Economic Forum and ranked among the 100 most influential female CEOs in Africa.

Kane expressed that the appointment is a unique opportunity for her to shape a more inclusive, innovative ecosystem that reflects the talent, ambition, and potential of Western and Central Africa.

“I am deeply honoured to join Visa at such a pivotal moment for Africa’s digital transformation. I look forward to collaborating closely with our teams, partners, and public sector stakeholders to expand access, empower businesses, and deliver trusted, impactful payment solutions that drive sustainable growth and opportunity for all.”

Kane will build on years of work to advance digital and financial inclusion across Africa and the Middle East at Visa.

[technext24]

Ganiu Nofiu, the Nollywood actor known as Alapini, has expressed regret over his decision to campaign for President Bola Tinubu during the 2023 elections. 

In a recent interview on ‘African A-List‘, the filmmaker revealed that he and other actors supported Tinubu out of “genuine admiration” for his past contributions to the film industry, not for “financial gain”.

He disclosed that he and over a hundred other actors dedicated two months to campaigning for Tinubu, neglecting their work and personal lives in the process.

However, Alapini lamented that they have received no compensation or recognition for their efforts.

“We had to abandon all our work to campaign for Tinubu. During the campaign, we were not fighting for our own pocket but genuinely for the well-being of the citizens,” he said.

“We campaigned happily back then, thinking our Messiah had come because Tinubu is someone we love and he had contributed positively to the industry, which is why we supported him.

“We campaigned for two months, and nobody went to work or home. We were not compensated probably they are not yet in the right frame of mind to do so.”

The actor also directed criticism at Seyi, Tinubu’s son, questioning why his philanthropic efforts seem “concentrated in the north” while “neglecting the southwest”.

“Will Seyi Tinubu claim he didn’t see us, the old actors, when we were campaigning? We were over a hundred actors, both old and young, walking around and reaching areas some people can’t even access,” he said.

“We weren’t given anything before the campaign. We just did it out of love for the person who asked us to, and because Tinubu is someone we genuinely love, so it was voluntary.

“…Seyi is running around the north paying their hospital bills. Aren’t there sick people in Yorubaland too? How many hospitals has he visited here to pay bills for the sick?”

When asked if he would campaign for Tinubu again in 2027, Nofiu said he has no such intentions.

“I haven’t thought about being involved in his second term campaign. They should reflect and acknowledge those who supported him during the first term campaign,” he said.

Nofiu is not the only Nollywood star to express regret over supporting Tinubu’s administration.

In 2023, actress Ronke Oshodi Oke disclosed that she regretted campaigning for the All Progressives Congress (APC) after witnessing the events of the EndSARS protests.

[TheCable]

As part of its ongoing efforts to strengthen the banking system, the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) introduced time-bound measures for a small number of banks still completing their transition from the temporary regulatory support provided, mostly in response to the economic impact of the COVID-19 pandemic.

This step is part of the CBN’s broader, sequenced strategy to implement the recapitalisation programme announced in 2023. The programme, designed to align with Nigeria’s long-term growth ambitions, has already led to significant capital inflows and balance sheet strengthening across the sector. Most banks have either completed or are on track to meet the new capital requirements well before the final implementation deadline of March 31, 2026.

The measures announced apply only to a limited number of banks. These include temporary restrictions on capital distributions, such as dividends and bonuses, to support retention of internally generated funds and bolster capital adequacy. All affected banks have been formally notified and remain under close supervisory engagement.

To support a smooth transition, the CBN has allowed limited, time-bound flexibility within the capital framework, consistent with international regulatory norms. Nigeria generally maintains Risk-Based Capital requirements that are significantly more stringent than the global Basel III minimums.

These adjustments reflect a well-established supervisory process consistent with global norms. Regulators in the U.S., Europe, and other major markets have implemented similar transitional measures as part of post-crisis reform efforts.

The CBN remains fully committed to continuous engagement with stakeholders throughout this period via the Bankers’ Committee, the Body of Bank CEOs, and other industry forums. The goal is to ensure a transparent, predictable, and collaborative regulatory environment.

Nigeria’s banking sector remains fundamentally strong. These measures are neither unusual nor cause for concern; they are a continuation of the orderly and deliberate implementation of reforms already underway. The CBN will continue to take all necessary actions to safeguard the sector’s stability and ensure a robust, resilient financial ecosystem that supports sustainable economic growth.

Hakama Sidi Ali (Mrs.)

Ag. Director, Corporate Communications

The National Working Committee (NWC) of the Young Progressives Party (YPP), at its 26th meeting held on Tuesday, June 17, 2025, at the National Secretariat in Abuja, deliberated extensively on key internal and national matters. At the conclusion of the meeting, the following resolutions were adopted:

1. The immediate dissolution of the Akwa Ibom State Executive Committee of the party due to persistent and unresolved internal crises that have continually brought the party’s image into disrepute. However, all other structures of the party in the state, aside from the dissolved State Executive Committee, remain intact and are to continue with party activities uninterrupted.

2. ⁠Members of the dissolved State Executive Committee are henceforth barred from representing or acting in the name of the party, as such actions will be deemed impersonation and treated as a criminal offense. Any individual found culpable will face prosecution. Additionally, all official documents, assets, and property of the party are to be surrendered to the National Secretariat through the Zonal Chairman, Prof. Tosan Blessing Harriman, who has been assigned the responsibility of overseeing the party’s activities in Akwa Ibom State pending the constitution of a caretaker committee.

3. ⁠The NWC mandates the Imo State Chairman, Barr. Greg Okemili, to convene all relevant stakeholders and submit a harmonized list of the State Executive Committee comprising individuals elected through congress and those appointed through nomination for immediate ratification by the national leadership.

4. ⁠The NWC directs the Anambra State Executive Committee (SEC) to provide full and unwavering support to the party’s gubernatorial candidate, Sir Paul Chukwuma, in the upcoming election. Any act perceived as anti-party activity will be met with firm disciplinary measures, in accordance with the provisions of the party’s constitution.

5. ⁠The NWC ratified the establishment of an 18-member Electoral Committee for the conduct of party primaries across the Area Councils in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT).

6. ⁠The NWC approved the appointment of Baba Nyako Hyellagiziya as the Interim Chairman of the Young Progressives Party in Adamawa State, pending the conduct of the state congress.

7. ⁠The NWC strongly condemns the ongoing senseless killings in Benue and Plateau States, describing the violence as genocide. The party calls on President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to prioritize the safety and security of Nigerians above political ambitions for 2027, which currently appear to overshadow governance. The federal government must move beyond issuing condolences and take urgent and decisive action to apprehend and prosecute the perpetrators. Peace will remain elusive until justice is served.

8. ⁠The NWC expresses heartfelt condolences to the people of Mokwa in Niger State over the loss of lives and property following recent flooding. The party calls on all tiers of government, especially the state government to act with urgency, compassion, and responsibility by implementing proactive measures to prevent or mitigate such disasters, especially with early warnings already issued by NIMET.

Signed:

Comrade Egbeola Wale Martins

National Publicity Secretary

https://www.facebook.com/share/1AZsCsFPu7/?

Those who are still in doubt about the fate of the PDP and why some of its elected officials are decamping to other parties should read a letter written by INEC last week to the party’s National Chairman. Dated June 13, the letter is a response to an earlier one written by the party to the electoral body in which the party had notified INEC of its intention to hold its 100th NEC meeting. In its response, INEC stated that the notice to hold the NEC meeting was not in compliance with the requirements of part 2(12)3 of the Regulations and Guidelines for Political Parties, 2022 which provides that ‘’the National Chairman and National Secretary of the Party shall jointly sign the notice of convention, congress, conference or meeting and submit same to the commission’’. The PDP’s letter dated May 30 and signed solely by the party’s Acting National Chairman, Umar Damagun, did not meet INEC’s guidelines, and so the party could not hold its NEC meeting which was to lay the groundwork for important activities like organizing a national convention.

 PDP has been embroiled in a series of intractable crisis that has weakened the party and left many members confused. After the ouster of Iyorchia Ayu as National Chairman in 2023, two persons, Umar Damagun and Yayari Ahmed Mohammed emerged as Acting Chairman. Damagun was appointed on March 28, 2023, while Yayari Mohammed was thrown up by a different faction of the party as Acting National Chairman on October 11, 2024, following Damagun’s suspension by another group within the party.

The National Secretary position is no less unstable. Crisis began when Samuel Anyanwu was selected as the PDP governorship candidate for Imo State in 2023. The party's South-East zone nominated the National Youth Leader, Sunday Ude-Okoye to replace him, citing a constitutional provision. Anyanwu, however, claimed that he did not resign as National Secretary when he went for the governorship election, insisting that his tenure was valid until November 2025. Litigation ensued. A Federal High Court judgment supported his argument,only to be sacked by from his position by the Court of Appeal in Enugu, which affirmed Udeh-Okoye as National Secretary. The Supreme Court later overturned this decision, and reinstated Anyanwu as the National Secretary.

But the matter remains quite contentious, with some leaders supporting Anyanwu and others recognizing Ude-Okoye. Despite the Supreme Court's verdict reinstating Anyanwu, some organs within the PDP still haven't recognized him as the valid secretary, leaving the matter unsettled. The controversy has sparked intense debate and power struggles within the PDP, affecting the party's unity and stability ahead of the 2027 general elections.

There is also the Nyesom Wike factor. Anyanwu is a close ally of the FCT Minister who, in turn, is a close associate of President Tinubu’s. Anyanwu’s refusal to sign the notice of NEC meeting to INEC is a plot to prevent the PDP from functioning, with APC as the ultimate beneficiary of the chaos. By the end of this year, political parties will commence activities leading to the holding of congresses and primaries mid next year. If the PDP does not resolve its leadership crisis (this is unlikely), it has no chance of fielding candidates for the 2027 elections. This explains why elected officials who would be seeking a second term in 2027 are bailing out of the party.

Looking back, the PDP should learn from its mistakes. In the first instance, it committed a fantastic blunder by not kicking Wike out of the party since early last year when it was clear that he would be a clog in the wheel of progress. Wike is working for the advancement of APC and disintegration of PDP. He’s now holding the party to ransom, fueled by his personal grievances against Atiku Abubakar. Does anybody expect Gov. Eno to watch idly as power play and intrigues consumed the party?

But many like Kenneth Okonkwo, the former Nollywood actor, who recently criticized Gov. Umo Eno of Akwa Ibom State for leaving the party, probably do not have a keen understanding of the plots and deceptions designed to frustrate the party. I refer them to President Tinubu’s speech at the National Assembly on June 12 in which he stated that he is excited to see the PDP disintegrate. That’s telling enough. Politics is all about advancing self and group interests. Gov. Eno has made a judgment call to leave the PDP. His choice should be respected.

Kenneth Okonkwo himself has also moved around quite a bit. Originally in APC, he defected to Labour Party in 2022 where he worked for Peter Obi as his spokesperson. After the 2023 elections, he parted with Obi (some say he was not satisfied with his remuneration) and went on to dish insults to the Labour Party Presidential candidate. Just this week, there are reports that Okonkwo been hired by Atiku Abubarkar as a new spokesman. He will take the place of Daniel Bwala who was with the former Vice President during the elections, but has since early this year ported to President Tinubu as one of the numerous presidential spokespersons.

In the evolving political landscape of Akwa Ibom State, recent developments have reignited debates about party loyalty, political identity, and the future of governance in the region. For decades, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) has held sway, not only as the ruling party but as a political institution deeply woven into the fabric of the state’s history and leadership structure. To some, PDP is more than a party, it is an article of faith, a symbol of continuity, and a guarantor of stability. As such, any perceived departure from its fold is viewed by loyalists as political heresy or outright betrayal.

However, the narrative is beginning to shift. His Excellency Governor Umo Eno is leading an unprecedented number of political actors and stakeholders to declare allegiance to the All Progressives Congress (APC), challenging the longstanding dominance of the PDP. While the media space is flooded with emotionally charged rhetoric, ranging from warnings of doom to accusations of disloyalty, even by people who have no interest in the affairs of the State, it is crucial to locate the perspective of the relationship between the Party (PDP) and the State in substance rather than sentiment.

In Akwa Ibom, PDP’s uninterrupted control since the return to democracy in 1999 has created a perception of invincibility. Generations of leaders, appointments, and political legacies have been built within its fold. This long history has contributed to the party’s identity becoming interwoven with the political psyche of the people. As a result, for many, political relevance and legitimacy seem to stem almost exclusively from PDP affiliation - any body who has held a political appointment or won an election has done so under the PDP – there lies the perception!

The emotional reaction to defections, therefore, seeks to becloud the substance of this collective decision. It is not just politics—it is about identity, belonging, and a collective history. The use of words like “betrayal” reflects a deeply personal connection to the party, a feeling that those of us who leave are turning their backs not just on a party, but on a shared legacy.

Whatever our views, it is moot that democracy must remain dynamic, and political realignments are part of its natural progression. Governor Umo Bassey Eno cited his fundamental right to associate. He clearly stated that his defection to APC was not self-serving but was driven by the need to connect with the Government at the centre in view, particularly, of frustration with internal party dynamics of the PDP’s lack of transparency, and resistance to reform.

The fixation on loyalty to PDP as a measure of political value risks overlooking the real questions: Is the party supportive of the people delivering on their mandates? Are they accountable? Are they serving the interests of the people of Akwa Ibom State?

Akwa Ibom’s political evolution need not be seen as a threat. Instead, it should be embraced as evidence of a maturing democracy. Change is rarely comfortable, especially in environments where tradition has long defined political behavior. But the true test of a democracy is not in how tightly parties hold onto power, but in how well they adapt to changing realities, accommodate dissent, and prioritize the will of the people. I make bold to say that, from my own perspective, the Peoples Democratic Party has always given Akwa Ibom the short end of the stick. Governor Umo Eno has been bold about ending the charade.

Six months before he formally resigned from the Peoples Democratic Party, Governor Umo Eno used all his public speeches to show his discontent with the leadership style of the Party. He regularly questioned the rationale of leaving the resolution of the internal problems of the party to attack and insult President Tinubu while the party clearly abandoned its role as the leading opposition party. His discontent was palpable. Even the blind saw it. He was completely ignored. For those of us in the state, we wondered why the NEC or NWC of the PDP could not invite our Governor for a discussion on why he would decide to dump the PDP midway into his four-year term. They learnt no lesson from the Parable of the missing sheep. It was for this same attitude and reason that we lost the Presidential elections of 2015 and 2023 and allowed Governor Amaechi and Governor Wike to lead people who would have supported us to victory, out of the party. They could not be bothered, and this has been the trade mark of the Party.

From May 1999, President Olusegun Obasanjo took office under the platform of the Peoples Democratic Party , the PDP. For eight long years, he held the reins of power. But for the people of Akwa Ibom State, those years were marked not by progress, but by painful neglect. Despite being a state that voted overwhelmingly for the PDP, Akwa Ibom was treated as an afterthought — a political orphan in a house it helped build. Our only reward for loyalty? Hostility. Instead of partnership, what Governor Obong Victor Attah met in Aso Rock was resistance.

Rather than support, he was given silence. And when he dared to speak — when he banged the table to demand fairness for his people , the response from the President was chilling: “He had to be caged.” Caged — for wanting what was right. For asking for the rights of his people. For requesting approvals for an airport , not for himself, but for the state. Obasanjo, both President and PDP National Leader, denied those approvals. He denied our people their fair share of the oil wealth drawn from their land. Not one kilometer of federal road. Not one federal project. Not one gesture of gratitude for our votes, loyalty and support.

Yet through it all, Governor Victor Attah persevered. He borrowed when he had to , just to keep the lights on and salaries paid. He found a way, where there was none. And against all odds, that same airport Obasanjo refused to approve now stands proudly, bearing Governor Attah’s name — a monument to resilience, not federal support. -Officially Commissioned by CHIEF OLUSEGUN OBASANJO, former President, Commander in Chief of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

And what did the PDP do to help Akwa Ibom in all this? Nothing. Not a word. Not a hand of support. Not even the pretense of concern.

But perhaps the most shocking part of this narrative is what came next.

In 2007, after eight years of marginalization, the people of Akwa Ibom State still voted overwhelmingly for the PDP. We gave the party a second chance. Another opportunity to prove that loyalty means something. What did we get in return? More of the same.

Another PDP Government returned to power in 2007. It came with fresh hopes, renewed expectations. But before President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua could fully chart a course, fate struck. He passed on — leaving behind dreams half-drawn, a vision unfulfilled.

The mantle of leadership fell to Dr. Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, a brother from the oil-rich, long-neglected minority South. For many in Akwa Ibom State, it felt like a homecoming. Perhaps, finally, we would be seen. Perhaps, finally, justice would flow from the center to our corner of the nation.

But six years came and went. And what did we receive from that brother in Aso Rock? Nothing. No roads. No refineries. No projects. No recognition. No redemption for all the years of our loyalty.

Then came February 2015 — barely two weeks to the general election.

President Jonathan stood on the podium of the brand-new Godswill Akpabio International Stadium — a magnificent edifice built not by the federal government, but by the sweat and vision of our own.

Before the people of Akwa Ibom, the President spoke words that stunned: He apologized. He acknowledged in public that he had done nothing for our state. And then, in the next breath, he pleaded. He reminded us that we were brothers. He appealed to us to stand by him. And we did.

Again, Akwa Ibom voted overwhelmingly for the Peoples Democratic Party. Again, we stood firm while others walked away. But that plea — that final cry for support — fell on deaf ears elsewhere. Dr. Jonathan lost. And with that loss, so too ended yet another chapter of abandonment.

Let’s count it clearly:

✅ Eight years of President Obasanjo — zero federal projects in Akwa Ibom.

✅ Nearly seven years of President Jonathan — only regrets.

✅ Total: Sixteen years of PDP rule at the center, and Akwa Ibom had nothing to show for its steadfast loyalty. Nothing but a nickname: The Heartbeat of the Party. They laughed as they said it. Because to them, we were not partners — we were pawns.

We bore the neglect with equanimity. We waited. We hoped. But other states watched us and mocked: Look at the people who swear by the PDP, who clap when they’re ignored, who cheer when they’re left behind.

And then in 2015 — came a turning point. President Muhammadu Buhari of the All Progressives Congress won the election. We did not vote for him. We did not campaign for him. Yet — he gave.

? Federal University of Technology, Ikot Abasi.

? Three sons of Akwa Ibom appointed to critical Federal ministerial positions.

? Dignity, not pity — recognition, not apologies.

Under President Tinubu, that commitment continues. Not only has he stood with our Senator, Godswill Akpabio, to support his emergence as Senate President -the third highest office in the land, he has also fostered a quality, respectful relationship with our state and cited the second Police Academy for the Training of Officer Cadets in Akwa Ibom State and paid all our outstanding Ecological funds, withheld from Obasanjo’s time. He has the Calabar – Lagos Highway running through our state. The single most expensive project South of the Niger since this democratic dispensation.

He has offered something we’ve never had from the PDP: A seat at the table. A voice in the room. A stake in the future.

So, we must now ask ourselves a question — not with emotion, but with clarity: Which party should we support? Is it the one that made promises but delivered nothing for 16 years? The one that took our votes and returned silence? Or is it the one that, without our votes, still honored us with projects, appointments, and presence?

This is no longer a partisan debate. This is common sense. It is clear now. The PDP does not want Akwa Ibom State as a partner in its political structure. They want subjects, not stakeholders. Slaves, not equals. But let this be known — we are not slaves. We are a proud people. Industrious. Resilient. Dignified. And we will no longer accept crumbs from the table we helped build.

We demand justice. We demand respect. We demand leadership that sees Akwa Ibom not as a pawn, but as a partner. This is not just a story of Governor Umo Eno’s struggle. It is the story of a state that has been loyal, but unloved. Committed, but cast aside. Hopeful, but heartbroken.The State, Elders, men, women, youths, student even children have given Governor Umo Eno their commitment to go with him and to support him. He has not just left the party, he has led the State out of the Peoples Democratic Party. This is survival. This is strategic politics. This is maturity. Akwa Ibom has paid its dues And this time — we will not be silent. If a house you built refuses you entry, and the one you didn’t build opens the door and gives you a seat — which house should be called home?

It is NOTEWORTHY THAT ALL WE HAVE ACCOMPLISHED AS A STATE HAS BEEN DUE TO THE POWER OF CONVICTION AND THE VISION OF OUR SONS WHO HAVE LED THE STATE: OBONG (ARC) VICTOR ATTAH, SENATOR GODSWILL OBOT AKPABIO, GCON, DEACON UDOM GABRIEL EMMANUEL, CON, PASTOR UMO BASSEY ENO, Ph.D is taking the State to another level with THE ARISE AGENDA.  

Now is the time to collect — with our heads high, not hands out. Now is the time to align with a party that sees our potential, not just our numbers. Now is the time to move with wisdom, not habit. And so we ask, calmly, boldly, and with conviction: Is moving to the APC not a common sense issue? The answer is clear. The moment is now.

This is not a shift. It is a return to reason, to self-respect, and to the politics of progress. Governor Umo Eno deserves our complete and inalienable support.

Chief Assam E. Assam, SAN, Eket, Akwa Ibom State

Whenever the national discourse borders on policies, polity and politics, Anambra State Governor, Professor Chukwuma Charles Soludo, CFR, is in his most perceptive, dispassionate, blunt elements. 

In his most provocative intervention yet, in his Democracy Day speech, Governor Soludo diagnoses what may be Nigeria’s most fundamental political ailment: the absence of ideological foundation in its party system. 

His frank assessment that contemporary Nigerian politics consists of “one party, 'Nigerian Elite Plc' (NEP), with the sole goal of grabbing power and governing 'as the spirit directs'” represents perhaps the most dispassionate review of the country’s democratic adventure.

Governor Soludo’s prescription is equally bold: “...We must give our politics a soul by intentionally orchestrating ideologically driven political parties.” This clearly goes beyond just prescribing political reform to advocating the very survival of Nigerian democracy.

To understand the depth of Nigeria’s current politics, Governor Soludo invites us to examine what we have lost. His nostalgic reflection on the Second Republic (1979-1983) reveals a period when political parties actually meant something distinct. The six parties, GNPP, NPN, NPP, PRP, UPN, and NAP, were not just electoral vehicles but represented genuinely different visions for Nigeria’s future.

“I can still remember their ideologies and cardinal programmes,” Governor Soludo reminisces, “and I miss the rigorous ideological debates among parties of those days.” This is a resonant nostalgia for a time when politics had substance. 

Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s UPN states uniformly implemented “free education and free medical services,” while NPN states pursued “mass housing and green revolution” programmes. Citizens could then predict policy outcomes based on which party governed their state. Even the Third Republic’s brief experiment with ideologically defined parties, NRC as right of centre and SDP as left of centre, represented a more sophisticated approach to democratic organisation than today’s ideological vacuum.

Indeed, Governor Soludo’s concept of “Nigerian Elite Plc” brilliantly captures the reality of contemporary Nigerian politics. Rather than competing ideologies, what we have are “different factions of the NEP, largely split by quarrels over exclusion or inclusion in the ‘dining table’.” This analysis exposes the transactional nature of modern Nigerian politics, where principles matter less than proximity to power.

The governor’s observation that individuals who “can’t get a sit at the table suddenly realise that ‘nothing is working’” and either form new parties or join opposition movements “to fight for a better Nigeria”, which he correctly identifies as “a euphemism for 'bring me closer'”, reveals the cynical foundation of much political opposition in Nigeria.

This dynamic explains why Nigerian politics feels so predictable yet chaotic. Predictable because regardless of which faction wins, the fundamental approach to governance remains unchanged. Chaotic because without ideological anchors, policy directions shift with personnel changes and political calculations.

Then, Governor Soludo poses a poignant question about Nigeria’s two dominant parties: “Can you tell an APC or PDP state if you see one? What is the difference?” The inability to answer this question definitively exposes the bankruptcy of contemporary party politics. In healthy democracies, party control typically produces visible differences in policy priorities, governance approaches, and developmental outcomes.

The “speed with which people switch parties,” as Governor Soludo notes, testifies to the reality that “political parties are mere platforms of convenient opportunism, no principles, no public purpose, only personal convenience!” This political nomadism would be impossible if parties represented genuinely different worldviews. Even the APC, which began as a merger designed to challenge PDP dominance, represents what the governor describes as “a marriage of convenience” rather than ideological coherence. After “10 years of governing at the centre and controlling most states of Nigeria,” the party still lacks clear ideological foundations.

Perhaps, Governor Soludo’s most candid assessment concerns the registration process for political parties. His review reveals that party manifestos are “largely ‘copy and paste’, to scale through registration by INEC, with little or no substantive differences.” This bureaucratic approach to party formation ensures that new parties emerge not from genuine ideological movements but from administrative requirements.

The result is what Prof. Soludo identifies as an ideological paradox: “In substance, almost all the political parties subscribe to the social democratic ideals (left of centre). Ideologically speaking, there are no opposition political parties in Nigeria.” In other words, when everyone claims the same ideological space, ideology becomes meaningless. This explains why “the executive would still have to 'lobby' members of its own party in the legislature to support its agenda.” Without ideological discipline, party membership provides no guarantee of policy alignment.

So, what is the redemptive path forward? Governor Soludo’s solution is as radical as his diagnosis. He argues that “organising Nigerians around ideological divides is the sustainable way to mobilise citizens across ethnic and religious divides.” This represents a fundamental reimagining of Nigerian politics, moving from ethnic and regional calculations to ideological alignments. If done, the potential transformation would be profound. Instead of politics organised around “turn by turn” ethnic rotation or what he calls “Chop I Chop politics,” ideologically driven parties could create “transformational politics of development” that transcends parochial interests.

Yet, the governor also acknowledges uncertainty about implementation, as he says “I don’t know how the authentic parties will emerge”, but advocates for intentional intervention through “legislation or regulation.” This suggests that ideological party formation may require state intervention via constitutional guidance rather than organic development.

The timing of Governor Soludo’s intervention is really significant. Speaking on Democracy Day, he essentially argues that Nigerian democracy lacks its most essential component: meaningful ideological choice. Citizens can change governments but not governance approaches because all parties represent variations of the same elite consensus. His assertion that “the time for both was yesterday but today is still on time. Tomorrow may be too late” creates urgency around political reform. The warning also suggests that without ideological grounding, Nigerian democracy may continue to struggle with its current challenges.

On a more profound praxis, the Anambra State Governor’s vision extends beyond party politics to fundamental questions about Nigerian nationhood itself. Ideological parties could serve as vehicles for the “new Nigerian” he advocates, citizens organised around shared values rather than ethnic identities. Even the connection to his earlier theme of creating rather than rebuilding Nigeria becomes clear: ideological politics could provide the organising principle for national unity that ethnic federalism has failed to deliver.

Thus, Governor Soludo’s exposition forces uncomfortable questions about Nigeria’s democratic trajectory. If political parties are merely factions of the same elite club, can elections produce meaningful change? If all parties advocate similar policies, what does political choice really mean? This discussion implies that Nigeria’s political crisis runs deeper than corruption or bad leadership; it is about the absence of competing visions for the country’s future. Without ideological competition, politics becomes purely transactional, and democracy loses its transformative potential.

Compatriots, I don’t mean to scare you. I just thought we should do some cross-fertilisation of ideas and intellectual cobwebbing. What do you think can solve this rising cost of living crisis? Can you rely on the government for your daily survival? Do you believe things will get better with time? Are you hopeful of improved service delivery by government ministries, departments and agencies? Don’t you think it’s time to take responsibility? I mean, shouldn’t you and I take our destinies in our hands?

Last Thursday was June 12, our Democracy Day, and we commemorated 26 unbroken years of civil rule in this Fourth Republic, which started in 1999. The President addressed the nation at the joint session of the National Assembly. He gave an update on his achievements in two years in office, particularly in the economy and used the occasion to recognise the heroes and heroines of democracy, dead and alive, as he gave them national honours. In about three months from now, it will be October 1 and we will again roll out the drums in celebration of 65 years of our independence. However, amid this fanfare, how has the average Nigerian fared? Better or worse?

One of my hobbies, apart from writing, is listening to music. I like the oldies. The classic and timeless songs are across different genres. On reflection, I recall Fela Anikulapo’s timeless song “Shuffering and Shmiling” released in 1978; Dr Victor Olaiya, highlife maestro’s song titled “Ilu Le o”, which was released in 1983; I remember reggae star, Ras Kimono’s song “Under Pressure” and “What’s Gwan?” released in 1989 and 1990, respectively; “Formula 0-1-0” song by Chief Commander Ebenezer Obey released in 1989; African China’s song “Mr President” released in 2006; all of them decrying the rising cost of living. I asked myself, when will Nigeria become an El Dorado that our leaders, both civilian and military, have been promising us?   When shall we get to the Promised Land (of milk and honey)?

Patriots, don’t let anyone deceive you any longer; you’re O-Y-O (On Your Own) if you don’t know that by now, you’re living in denial. A friend shared three newspaper banner headlines with me last week, which I posted on my Facebook wall. The first one is titled “2015: Be patient with me, I will not let you down, Jonathan tells Nigerians” (Daily Post, August 18, 2014); the second one is titled “Be patient with me, Buhari begs Nigerians” (Vanguard, July 17, 2015); the third one says “Be patient with me, Tinubu begs Nigerians” (The PUNCH, June 1, 2025). Three presidents pleaded with their country’s people to be patient and bear with them. Will any future president have a different plea to make? Your guess is as good as mine.

What’s to be done? You and I have to develop coping mechanisms with the sustained rising cost of living. One such measure is to embrace family planning and child spacing. This is not the era of having a “battalion” of children. It’s a warped philosophy to continue to believe that the God who gives a child will miraculously provide what to eat for them. If it were to be so, nobody would be living in hunger and starvation. There should be no poor person who should not be able to feed. But today’s reality is that people are scavenging for food from refuse bins and trash cans. So, it is advisable to limit the number of children to between one and two maximum. China at a time came up with a one-child policy but that may not work in Nigeria because of our bigotry.  The current reality is that those with fewer children are able to better afford the basic necessities of lives and live decently than those with multitudes.

In times past, farmers had many children because they were of the view that these children would be able to assist them in farm work. That is no longer fashionable. The number of farmers has reduced considerably, while those who are farming in contemporary times no longer need manual labourers, as science and technology have made farming easy and less labour-intensive. Recall that it was the Industrial Revolution that facilitated the abolition of the slave trade. Thus, many farmers now want their children to go to school and train to be professionals like medical doctors, lawyers, architects, engineers, etc.

Another coping mechanism is for us to cut our coats, not according to our size, but according to our clothes. Yorubas will say, “Se bi o ti mo, elewa Sapon,” which denotatively means learn to live within your means. Borrow less, earn more. Leave out what you can’t afford. If you don’t earn like the Joneses, don’t live like them. If you can’t afford to live in a three-bedroom flat, go for the less expensive ones. If you can’t afford to send your child to a private school, you have the choice to send him or her to a public school. If the private hospitals are unaffordable to you, go to public hospitals. If you can’t afford imported goods, patronise the made-in-Nigeria ones. You don’t have to eat exotic cuisines; local foods are even more nutritious. It’s a manner of cooking! You can’t afford carbonated drinks, beverages, spirits, and wines? No problem, go for local versions like zobo, kunu, palm wine, burukutu, fura de nunu, kain-kain (local gin), etc. They are healthier and affordable.

It’s high time we started to discourage our children from going to tertiary institutions to read just any course. They have to be very choosy and survey the job environment or ecosystem for what employers need. How many employers need graduates of social sciences like political science, psychology, sociology and even economics? How many business owners need graduates of the humanities, such as history, philosophy, religious studies or languages?

It’s better to have vocational skills in contemporary times than to have useless degrees that cannot guarantee employment. Information communication technology has opened vistas of job opportunities that can make those who are skilled in it self-reliant. Look at the skit makers who are smiling at the banks now. They have a multitude of followers on social media and rake in millions of naira from advertisements, endorsements and sponsorships.

The Holy Book says a man’s talent will make a way for him. (Proverbs 18:16). Are you a talented writer, drummer, singer, actor, fashion designer, sculptor, web designer, or repairer?  You can prosper with your gift. Remember the Holy Book said, God will bless the work of your hands (Deuteronomy 28:12). It’s important to have two skills, no matter what you study in school. One is digital literacy, and the other is financial literacy. These are essentials, a sine qua non to daily living. All said and done, I am not here saying we should not demand good governance or dividends of democracy from our governments at all levels. However, what can they offer? At best, tokenism. Ask government employees if they are earning a living wage. The answer is capital NO! This is a time and season to have multiple streams of income to keep one’s head above water. Enough said!

This is the season of coalitions, alignments, and realignments of political forces ahead of the “magical” 2027, which may make or mar both the political and economic fortunes of politicians, their supporters, hangers-on, and their regions.

Coalitions, or crossing of political carpets, are not exactly new to Nigeria. In January 1952, some politicians, presumed to be members of the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons, joined forces with those of the Ibadan People’s Party and other independents to form the Action Group, led by Obafemi Awolowo, as Western Nigeria’s Leader of Government Business.

Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe, leader of the NCNC, left for Eastern Nigeria in 1953 and got someone to step down for him to contest a by-election to the Eastern Nigeria House of Assembly. Expectedly, he won and found a way to get Eyo Ita to yield the office of leader of government business to him.

Ahead of the 1965 general elections, the Northern Peoples’ Congress and the Nigerian National Democratic Party formed the Nigerian National Alliance against the United Progressives Grand Alliance of the AG and the NCNC. In 2012, David Cameron led the coalition government of the Conservative Party and the Liberal Democrats.

Within a mere two years, politicians of Northern Nigeria, who claimed to have ceded the presidency to the South in 2023, began clamouring for the power to return to their region. And some mercenary southern politicians, who profit by playing all games on all sides, are joining forces with them to oust their fellow southerner, President Bola Tinubu.

However, many Southern Nigerian politicians, gung-ho about retaining the presidency in 2027, are massing up to send signals about their intention to the northern political establishment that started the coalition idea, which is reminiscent of the watershed formation of the All Progressive Congress in 2013.

Nyesom Wike, a member of the People’s Democratic Party, who is now Minister of the Federal Capital Territory under the APC government, in his capacity as a core protagonist of the lobby to retain the presidency in Southern Nigeria, mocks what he describes as “coalitions that were born and died the same day”.

Also, President Tinubu cruelly taunted members of the opposition political parties who complained that his ruling APC was enticing their members with a most caustic jibe, “It is, indeed, a pleasure to witness you in such disarray.”

But the jibe cut both ways: Firstly, it may be a celebration of the APC’s winning streak. Secondly, it may also serve as a motivation for the opposition to regroup and get together to vigorously contest the political space with the APC ahead of 2027.

The President’s argument that “We cannot blame anybody seeking to bail out of a sinking ship”, is helped by Section 40 of the Constitution, which provides that “Every person shall be entitled to assemble freely and associate with other persons, and in particular… may form or belong to any political party”.

But he took pains to assure the opposition, and Nigerian citizens in general, that because “A greater power did not want Nigeria to become a one-party state… Nigeria will not become such a state now… A one-party state is not in the offing”.

The opposition may argue that action speaks louder than words by pointing to opposition party governors and legislators who moved to the APC. The President rubbed it when he made a point of welcoming the “newest members” of APC, led by Delta Governor Sheriff Oborevwori, Akwa Ibom State Governor Umo Eno and some members of the National Assembly and state legislatures.

Critics of the defectors accuse them of making a desperate beeline to the APC ahead of 2027 to gain access to Nigeria’s commonwealth or find refuge from the long arms of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission.

You may not be able to blame any politician who “ports” to a ruling party because of self-preservation. Section 40 of the Constitution allows every Nigerian to “form or belong to any political party… for the protection of his interest”, though it may sound unethical to purists.

Even Karl Marx and several other political thinkers have argued that political parties often serve the interests of the ruling class or the elite, which may include the personal interests of a small group of politicians, who find a clever way to make it look as if they are serving the interest of the citizens.

Those in the APC ruling party who fault opposition party members who are forming a coalition with the hope of wresting political power from President Tinubu in 2027 may not know that Section 84(1) of the Electoral Act allows “any two or more registered political parties (to) merge…”

So, neither the ruling party nor the opposition parties can fault each other as either pursues its interest in the political subterfuge that comes with the game of winning more numbers. Neither can question the motive of the other, as long as neither takes the path of insurrection or violence of any kind.

The APC that is “harvesting” members from other political parties has not broken any laws, nor are those forming coalitions to wrest power from it ahead of the “magical” 2027. The fault is in the Constitution and the Electoral Act, which do not insist that politicians and their political parties must have ideology or even manifestos.

The best attempt at recommending an ideology for Nigerian politicians is Section 224, which provides that “The programme as well as the aims and objectives of a political party shall conform with the provisions of Chapter II of (the 1999) Constitution.”

Unfortunately, Section (9)(6)(c) of the Constitution provides that “The judicial powers vested in (this Constitution) shall not… extend to any issue or question as to whether any act… is in conformity with the Fundamental Objectives and Directive Principles of State Policy set out in Chapter II of (the) Constitution.” In other words, citizens cannot compel the government to abide by the provisions of Chapter II.

Sections 65(2)(b), 106(d), 131(c) and 177(c) do not help much either. They merely require anyone who aspires to run for election into any of the legislative houses at the federal or sub-national level, the offices of president, governors and their deputies, to “be a member of a political party and is sponsored by that political party”.

So, those politicians who throw accusations and counteraccusations of playing bad politics against each other are merely playing the political game of brinkmanship in a political atmosphere that does not operate with ethics or stated ideology.

Those who leave the ruling APC may have been excluded from the share of sinecures or “stomach infrastructure” gains, while those who are joining APC from opposition parties may be doing so because of promises of some gains, a zero-sum game of what some lose is what others gain.

Any citizen who gets carried away by either side is showing his or her level of ignorance or gullibility. The rule of Nigerian democracy is that there are no rules of the game. For now, each player runs according to his perceived options.

A wise man admonishes that citizens in a democratic realm must never fall in love with politicians, whose sole concern is all about winning the next election to gain political power at all costs, even if it is to the detriment of the electorate.