The Lagos state Chairperson of the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), Comrade Mrs. Funmi Sessy has advocated a shift from aggressive unionism to strategic engagements.

She said this during the 2-day capacity-building workshop for executive members of the Parliamentary Staff Association of Nigeria (PASAN), Lagos Chapter.

Held at the Lagos State Assembly premises, the event themed: ‘The Role of Unionism in a Political Environment,’ had many dignitaries in attendance such as Mrs. Adenike Oshinowo, Deputy Clerk; Mrs. Kemi Quadri, Director of Finance; Princess Jumoke Sotonwa, Director of Training and Mrs Branco Adekoya Abisola , Director of Public Affairs.

She urged continued training and capacity-building initiatives to keep PASAN members aligned with their counterparts across the state.

Chairman of the association, Mr. Babatunde Ogunlana, stressed the need for executive members to fully understand their responsibilities within a political setting. He pointed out the significance of revisiting the union’s involvement in the events of January 13 at the assembly, noting that it serves as a backdrop for the workshop.

[TheNation]

The Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project has filed a lawsuit against the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited over the failure to account for and explain the whereabouts of N500bn. It claimed that the NNPCL failed to remit the amount to the Federation Account between October 2024 and December 2024.

In a statement signed by SERAP Deputy Director, Kolawole Oluwadare, on Sunday, the suit followed the recent allegations by the World Bank that out of the N1.1 trillion revenue from crude sales and other income in 2024, maintaining that the NNPCL only remitted N600bn, leaving a deficit of N500bn unaccounted for.

“In response to SERAP’s Freedom of Information (FoI) request, the NNPCL had claimed through its lawyers Afe Babalola and Co that the FoI Act does not apply to it.

But in the suit number FHC/L/MSC/553/2025 filed last Friday at the Federal High Court in Lagos, SERAP is seeking: “an order of mandamus to direct and compel the NNPCL to account for the alleged missing N500 billion, which it allegedly failed to remit to the Federation Account between October 2024 and December 2024,” the statement read.

SERAP said it is also seeking the court to “direct and compel the NNPCL to invite appropriate anticorruption agencies to investigate the spending and whereabouts of the said N500 billion and to ensure the prompt recovery and remittance of the money to the Federation Account.

“SERAP is also asking the court to ‘direct and compel the NNPCL to identify those suspected to be responsible for the alleged missing oil funds, surcharge them for the full amount involved, and hand them over to appropriate anticorruption agencies for investigation and prosecution.”

In the suit, SERAP is arguing that: “The NNPCL has a responsibility to comply with the Nigerian Constitution 1999 [as amended], the Freedom of Information Act, and the country’s international human rights and anticorruption obligations in the exercise of its statutory functions.

“SERAP is also arguing that, “The missing oil revenues have further damaged the already precarious economy in the country and contributed to high levels of deficit spending by the government and the country’s crippling debt crisis.”

According to SERAP,  the missing oil revenue reflects a failure of NNPCL’s accountability more generally and is directly linked to the institution’s continuing failure to uphold the principles of transparency and accountability.

“SERAP is also arguing that, “the Supreme Court in a groundbreaking judgment recently declared that the Freedom of Information Act is applicable and applies to the public records in the Federation, including those kept by the NNPCL.”

“The suit filed on behalf of SERAP by its lawyers, Kolawole Oluwadare, Ms Oluwakemi Oni, and Ms Valentina Adegoke, read in part: “Nigerians continue to bear the brunt of these missing public funds from the NNPCL meant for the economic development of the country.

“There is a legitimate public interest in providing the details sought. The NNPC has a legal responsibility to account for and explain the whereabouts of the missing oil money.”

SERAP pointed out that the country’s oil wealth ought to be used solely for the benefit of the Nigerian people, and the sake of the present and future generations, saying that without the full recovery and remittance of the missing N500 billion oil revenues, the dire economic situation may worsen and Nigerians will continue to be denied access to basic public goods and services.

“Nigerians have the right to know why the NNPCL failed to remit the subsidy removal savings to the Federation Account, and why the NNPCL is deliberately denying states and local governments their allocations from the Account, contrary to the provisions of the Nigerian Constitution.

“The failure by the NNPCL to remit the money to the Federation Account is a grave violation of the public trust and the provisions of the Nigerian Constitution, national anticorruption laws, and the country’s anticorruption obligations.

“Despite the country’s enormous oil wealth, ordinary Nigerians have derived very little benefit from oil money primarily because of widespread grand corruption, and the entrenched culture of impunity of perpetrators.

“Combating the corruption epidemic in the oil sector would alleviate poverty, improve access of Nigerians to basic public goods and services, and enhance the ability of the government to meet its human rights and anti-corruption obligations.”

The statement noted that the Nigerian Constitution, Freedom of Information Act, and the country’s anti-corruption and human rights obligations rest on the principle that citizens should have access to information regarding the spending of their commonwealth.

“The Auditor-General of the Federation and Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative have for many years documented reports of the disappearance of oil money from the NNPCL.

“The World Bank recently disclosed that out of the N1.1tn revenue from crude sales and other income in 2024, the NNPC only remitted N600bn, leaving a deficit of N500bn unaccounted for.

“The revenue and other income were expected to be paid into the Federation Account and shared by all levels of government, but the NNPCL reportedly failed to do so.

“SERAP notes that Section 15(5) of the Nigerian Constitution requires public institutions to abolish all corrupt practices and abuse of power. Section 13 of the Nigerian Constitution imposes clear responsibility on the NNPCL to conform to, observe,  and apply the provisions of Chapter 2 of the Constitution.”

SERAP added that Nigeria has made legally binding commitments under the UN Convention against Corruption to ensure accountability in the management of public resources, stressing that articles 5 and 9 of the UN Convention against Corruption also impose legal obligations on the NNPCL to ensure proper management of public affairs and public funds.

“These commitments ought to be fully upheld and respected.

“The missing oil revenue has also impeded Nigerians’ ability to enjoy their economic and social rights, and denied them access to essential public goods and services, especially at the time of the cost of living crisis in the country.

“Had the NNPCL accounted for and remitted the alleged missing N500 billion to the Federation Account, it is likely that more funds would have been allocated to the fulfillment of economic and social rights, such as increased spending on public goods and services.

“The Freedom of Information Act, Section 39 of the Nigerian Constitution, article 9 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, and article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights guarantee to everyone the right to information on the whereabouts of the missing N500 billion of oil revenue. No date has been fixed for the hearing of the suit.”

Exactly three (3) weeks ago, that is, Sunday May 11, 2025, this column predicted that “Nigeria’s judiciary was set to rescue itself.” The article made several fundamental points. First, that Chief Justice Kudirat Kekere Ekun had chosen to depart from the course of timidity to which her predecessors had put themselves. Oh yes; rather than following the subsisting strategy of circumlocution, Kekere-Ekun led the National Judicial Council to sanction judges that had been engaged in judicial misconduct. Second, that certain Kano cases which had recently turned the spotlight on the judiciary needed to be urgently concluded. It was as if the Court of Appeal in Abuja had us in mind when some 48 hours ago, it did the needful by throwing judicial rascality under the bus in Kano – a development that has reverberated nationwide!

According to media reports, the Court of Appeal reversed the October 22, 2024 judgment given by a Federal High Court in Kano voiding the composition of the Kano State Independent Electoral Commission (KASIEC) and the local government election it conducted on October 26, 2024. In three unanimous judgments, a three-member panel, presided over by Justice Biobele Abraham Georgewill, held that the Federal High Court lacked the jurisdiction to entertain cases bordering on the composition of states’ electoral bodies and the qualification of members of such bodies.The Appeal Court Justices were convinced that the primary claims of the plaintiffs at the Federal High Court, were outside the jurisdictional competence of the said Court. Indeed, it was held that the same Federal High Court lacked the jurisdiction to interpret Section 4 of the KANSIEC Law 2001 as it did.

A major gain from the ruling of the Appeal Court is its capacity to put an end to political lawlessness in Nigeria. To start with, our political class has been behaving as if the federal high courts were established to help federal politicians destabilize state politicians especially in states where the ruling party is different from the ruling party at the federal level. Before now, state governors were perceived to be manipulating the state high courts as most cases there were usually resolved in the favour of state governments. Perhaps that explains why their federal counterparts quickly took control of the federal high courts and started to divert cases there. This played out quite well last year in Kano state where the state and federal high courts gave conflicting rulings on the same case; thus, creating two Emirs for the historic city to the embarrassment of the nation.

One can only hope that a quick resolution of any such conflict is immediately followed by a prompt sanctioning of the offending courtso as to prevent a continuation of the embarrassment. The old idea that it is in order for cases in court to be allowed to drag on through unnecessary adjournments has only institutionalized the bad stance. If that approach is halted quickly, many litigants especially politicians would be stopped from congesting our courts with mundane issues. The judiciary needs to be consistent with its rulings in order to help the nation get proper political parties. As at today, many administrative functions of political parties are performed on their behalf by some judges. Why will a political party that has been unable to perform the functions provided for by its own constitution be allowed to bring issues arising from such negligence before the judiciary?

The Nigerian experience has been one in which politicians that have held no party congresses or conventions for years are seen fighting over party offices with claims and counter claims filed in different courts. The way forward is to shut down such political party cases which are purely on management issues that are internal to the parties concerned.It is heartwarming that the Supreme Court recently placed a hammer on cases which concern purely internal matters that political party organs are mandated to handle. Therefore, no court should continue to entertain cases by persons such as the case of the Labour Party where those fighting for offices are relying on tenures that have long expired.The judiciary should similarly bar all courts from directing electoral commissions to accept or reject factions of political parties.

One of the greatest problems facing Nigeria today is political impunity in which certain well-placed individuals are allowed to do and undo. The judiciary is the arm of government that is best positioned to resolve the problem from which it should no longer abdicate. The moment a political party or its organ or indeed any organ of government takes the law into its hands, the judiciary should promptly halt it. We cannot justify our system which prioritizes political matters such as election petitions while at the same time treating other political matters differently. It is the fact that other political matters are allowed to drag for so long that all our courts are brazenly congested. As soon as it becomes obvious that political matters are expeditiously handled, those who use courts to sustain their illegal positions will lose their hitherto lucrative market.

The judiciary can also save itself from further embarrassments if it puts its house in order. A major advantage to that arm of government from the latest Appeal Court ruling is that the bad eggs in the system are now being unveiled and are getting quite visible. The NJC must not allow them in the system through the process of looking for soft landing. Many Nigerians fondly remember Justices Mohammed Bello, Kayode Eso, Lawal Uwais, Otutu Obaseki, Chukwudifu Oputa, Adolphus Karibi Whyte etc for their courage and meritorious performances. Many more judges will sooner or later become as famous if we do not return to the lethargy of the immediate past. Accordingly, Nigerians may soon begin to get familiarized with erudite Justices such as Biobele Abraham Georgewill, Abubakar Mahmud Talba and Oyejoju Oyebiola Oyewumi of the Court of Appeal who stood firm last week. 

If the judiciary remains upright, irritating episodes such as the executive and legislative arms colluding to remove state chief judges they are unable to manipulate will not only stop, judges will suddenly return to their well-respected positions. But if the bad eggs remain protected, many more wrong hands will be brought in to supersede the righteous. Once such misfits are allowed to lead, the story of the Nigerian judiciary will remain that of an arm of government whose allocations are being used by others to build houses and procure vehicles for the “orphan-judges.” There is therefore no better time than now for the judiciary to maintain a positive shine on judges with integrity especially those that are overworked using analogue facilities. At the same time, there should be no hiding place for the bad eggs in the system who are not only few but who have for long sustained a bad reputation for the entire judiciary.  

This article must also necessarily draw attention to the numerous issues that are still being swept under the carpet in Nigeria. The Kano local election matters like all other political issues have their other sides. Whether at state or federal levels, we are all aware that we run a system which pretends to be unaware of several partisan electoral referees that are wrongly embedded in our so called independent electoral commissions. Such unacceptable compositions ought to be rejected by the courts but such courts must not be those with defective jurisdictions that are designed to be fault-finding. The best way the judiciary can be of help hereis to part ways with its friends and relations in the political parties that are used to throw mud on the judiciary.

We honestly look forward to when our courts will courageously stop electoral malpractices and assist the nation to always do what is right, fair and just in our leadership recruitment process.The judiciary must stop helping to assist politicians and INEC to cover up poorly conducted elections. In 2007, former President Umaru Yar’Adua who was declared winner of the presidential election of that year testified that the election was bad but some judges in our highest court still gave victory to Yar’Adua thereby crying more than the bereaved. If some such old cases have put on us an indelible negative tar, the Supreme Court which is allowed to reverse itself can clean the ‘Augean’ stable by reversing some of its decisions. Such a patriotic posture will get as much bravo as we extend today to the Court of Appeal that has chosen to hold the bull by its horn.

Ask the AI about how important the rule of law is in a democracy and one of the answers that you get is that the rule of law is absolutely crucial for the proper functioning and legitimacy of a democracy.

It tells you that rule of law acts as a foundation for a stable and just society, ensuring that everyone, including those in power, is accountable to the law.

AI goes on to say that without the rule of law, a democracy can easily descend into tyranny, with leaders acting arbitrarily and without regard for the rights of citizens.

This suggests that the rule of law is an essential ingredient of democracy, and that without it, democracy is nothing; it is useless.

This presupposes that when there is rule of law, government will be accountable to the people.

There will be no imperial president and everyone will be equal before the law.

The judiciary will not be encumbered in the discharge of its responsibilities while the executive will not emasculate the legislature.

In other words, the principle of separation of powers will be strictly enforced.

Election will count because operators of the system will know the consequences for conducting a flawed election.
Public utilities will be in place because the regulators are watching.

Corrupt public officials will know what awaits them as law enforcement is not selective.

All the sectors of the country will work because this is rule of law at work and not the rule of man.

No arbitrariness. No impunity. No clampdown on dissent. No rigging into public office at elections.

When President Bola Tinubu assumed office on May 29, 2023, expectations were high that rule of law is one of the areas his administration would give due attention.

The expectations were not misplaced given his antecedents as a former pro-democracy activist under the despotic Abacha regime and his fight for democratic ideals as governor of Lagos State under the ‘repressive’ Obasanjo administration.
So what has happened two years down the line to the rule of law under the Tinubu administration?

Opinions are divided but many people, especially Civil Society Organizations (CSOs), believe that rule of law is lagging under the Tinubu administration, citing instances.

In their mid-term assessment of the government, some CSOs, among others, spoke to Sunday Vanguard.

They pointed out areas, including alleged non-adherence to human rights, alleged repression of protests, worsening insecurity, perceived manipulation of the judiciary to achieve selfish ends, sacking of an elected governor, choosing which court order to obey, lawmakers acting as law breakers and alleged selective fight against corruption, to back their positions.

‘Unfulfilled promises’

One of the opposition parties, Because Of Our Tomorrow, BOOT, declared that Tinubu has failed to fulfill his promises to Nigerians during the 2023 campaigns.

The National Chairman of BOOT party, Sonny Adenuga, reeled out scores on some of the promises Tinubu made to Nigerians.
He said: “Regrettably, the administration’s performance falls far short of the ‘Renewed Hope’ Agenda (RHA) it once promised.

20% score on human rights and justice

“On rule of law and equal access to justice. Reality: Under Tinubu’s rule, the protection of human rights has suffered gravely. Citizens find themselves navigating a legal system that favours those with deep pockets—those who can ‘buy’ justice—while grassroots protests are met with unnecessarily heavy-handed measures. “This deliberate constriction of judicial independence undermines our democratic fabric, leaving Nigerians with little recourse when their rights are trampled. It is high time that justice and fairness be restored—not as abstract ideals but as tangible realities.

Policies on insecurity — 20%

“He promised every Nigerian must feel safe—through enhanced capabilities and intelligence-led operations. Reality: Despite persistent calls for robust security reforms, there has been no tangible shift in combating terrorism, banditry, and kidnappings.

“The state security apparatus has been reduced to a display of uniforms and firearms, lacking the intelligence-led operations needed to neutralize threats effectively. This strategic void leaves our communities exposed and underscores a broader failure to secure the nation against incessant violence.

Fight against corruption — 10%

“He promised to overhaul anti-graft agencies to ensure impartial enforcement. Reality: The administration’s anti-corruption drive remains dishearteningly superficial. Institutions like the EFCC now function more as political instruments than as impartial watchdogs.

“Instead of eradicating corruption, the regime appears to have normalized selective accountability while protecting its own interests. Genuine reform demands transforming these bodies into transparent, efficient entities committed to rooting out graft at every level.

Agricultural policies for food security — 20%

“He promised modernized farming, expand credit access, and secure abundant harvests. Reality: Promises in the agricultural sector have largely gone unfulfilled.

“Northern farmers continue shouldering largely the responsibility of feeding the nation under challenging conditions, while their southern counterparts wait in vain for announced subsidies.

“This uneven support deepens regional disparities and jeopardizes national food security. An effective policy must distribute resources equitably and empower all Nigerian farmers to thrive.

Appointments — 15%

“He promised to enhance governance structures to ensure efficient and transparent service delivery. Reality: Recent appointments have done little to inspire confidence in the government’s commitment to merit and inclusivity. “Selections appear driven by patronage, political expediency, and loyalty rather than competence and integrity. Such decisions erode public trust and highlight a troubling trend of consolidating power at the expense of accountability.

Employment generation — 15%

“He promised so much under economic reform and social investment. Reduce unemployment and cut poverty rates. Reality: Employment strategies under this regime have proven inadequate and short-sighted.

“Instead of creating sustainable job opportunities, Nigeria is witnessing the ‘Japa Syndrome,’ as citizens seek greener pastures abroad. Poverty-alleviation initiatives remain superficial, failing to address systemic drivers of unemployment. “The government must invest in dynamic vocational training and local enterprise development to break the cycle of deprivation.

Improvements in education, healthcare, and infrastructure — 10%

“He promised to revamp schools and hospitals; expand social-welfare schemes to build human capital. Reality: Much-touted improvements in education, healthcare, power, and infrastructure remain unfulfilled. “Bureaucratic bottlenecks continue to impede progress and frustrate young Nigerians; for example, JAMB reforms that once held promise now bog applicants down with glitches. Overburdened healthcare services force our healthcare heroes to operate under extreme pressure. Additionally, stalled infrastructure and power projects have left communities underserved.

“The federal government must urgently redirect priorities to rebuild these essential sectors and genuinely uplift Nigerians’ quality of life.

Opposition parties’ functioning — 10%

“He also promised to strengthen institutions to safeguard democratic participation and free association. Reality: In an environment where dissent is often met with state hostility, opposition parties—including the BOOT Party—have shown commendable resilience. Despite operating with limited resources and facing significant challenges, we have steadfastly advocated for transparency, accountability, and inclusive governance.

“Our efforts to mobilise the citizenry and present viable alternatives underscore our unwavering commitment to the core values of democracy, even amidst adversity. “Moreover, the ruling APC continues to pose a significant threat by incessantly attempting to co-opt opposition members and stifle dissent.

Democracy under threat — 10%

“He promised under federalism and decentralization to amend the national governance structure to afford states greater autonomy. Reality: The imposition of an unelected ex-military ‘state administrator’ in Rivers State exemplifies an administration drifting toward authoritarian shortcuts rather than democratic solutions—what we at the BOOT Party have described as ‘an echo of dictatorship’.

“This undemocratic measure is a stark symbol of government failure; it directly undermines state and local governments’ autonomy and bypasses the crucial checks provided by our judicial system.

“As highlighted following Attorney General Prince Lateef Fagbemi’s press briefing, such unilateral decisions subvert the rule of law and erode public trust in our democratic institutions. This approach is unsustainable and must be reversed if we are to restore true democratic governance.

Local government autonomy — 30%

“He promised to enhance governance structures to ensure efficient and transparent service delivery. Reality: While greater local autonomy could improve service delivery, some governors have threatened to resist.
“The federal government’s recent imposition of an unconstitutional ‘state administrator’ in Rivers State sends the wrong message about genuine devolution.

Fuel subsidy removal impact — 45%

“He promised a diversified, resilient economy that spurs investment, reduces unemployment, and spreads wealth equitably. Reality: Though this policy holds promise, its execution has increased deprivation and work-poverty, especially among the poorest Nigerians.

“The federal government has not ensured that additional funds, available to state and local governments as a result of this policy, are ring-fenced for poverty alleviation to mitigate the policy’s impact”.

There has been a sustained effort to quash dissent — Global Rights

The Executive Director, Global Rights Nigeria, Abiodun Bayeiwu, for its part, asserted that under the Tinubu administration, the state of human rights, protests, and access to justice has deteriorated significantly.

“There has been a deliberate and sustained effort to quash dissent and shrink civic space, targeting freedoms of expression, peaceful assembly, and the press”, he said. “Rather than respond to public grievances with accountability, the government has embraced repression. Peaceful protesters have faced excessive force, unlawful arrests, and, in some cases, baseless charges like treason.

“One of the most shameful episodes in a democratic journey occurred in 2024, when malnourished minors fainted at the Federal High Court in Abuja while being arraigned for treason in connection with the #EndBadGovernance demonstrations, a stark indictment of the current administration.

“Press freedom has also been under siege. According to the Centre for Journalism Innovation and Development, CJID, over 50 journalists were attacked in 2024, including arrests, physical violence, and surveillance, evidence of deepening hostility toward the media. Nigeria’s classification as ‘repressed’ on the 2024 CIVICUS Monitor underscores this worsening climate for civic actors.

“Meanwhile, the justice system inspires little confidence. Many Nigerians view the judiciary as compromised, often siding with the executive rather than upholding citizens’ rights.

“Law enforcement routinely responds to protests with intimidation, brutality, and arbitrary detention.
“These violent responses expose another layer of failure: a government unwilling to tolerate criticism and dismissive of the civic freedoms guaranteed under the Constitution.

Fight against corruption

“The administration’s fight against corruption leaves a lot to be desired. While the rhetoric around anti-corruption remains strong, the reality on the ground suggests that efforts are often selective and politically motivated. Anti-graft agencies like the EFCC appear to focus more on individuals perceived as political enemies of the administration, while those aligned with the ruling party often enjoy protection or leniency.

“A clear example is the case of former Kogi State Governor Yahaya Bello, a member of the ruling party, who evaded arrest for a long time despite being declared wanted. “The optics of that incident, and the EFCC’s struggle to bring him to custody, have only reinforced public perception that the fight against corruption is partisan and inconsistent.

“This selective approach has contributed to the troubling trend of politicians carpet-crossing to avoid prosecution, undermining the credibility of anti-corruption institutions. Moreover, the government’s failure to prioritize and pass critical legislative reforms—particularly the Whistleblower Protection Bill—further weakens the structural framework needed to fight corruption effectively.

“Without strong legal protections for whistleblowers, potential insiders are discouraged from coming forward, and institutional accountability remains out of reach.

“For a genuine anti-corruption war, the administration must move beyond slogans and empower systems that ensure transparency, fairness, and the rule of law, regardless of political affiliation.

‘CSOs treated with suspicion and hostility’

“Under the Tinubu administration, civil society has continued to operate in a hostile and unnecessarily restrictive regulatory environment. Rather than being regarded as partners in development and democracy, CSOs are too often treated with suspicion and hostility.

“A key example of this is the introduction of the Not-for-Profit Governance Code by the Financial Reporting Council (FRC)—an extra compliance burden that many organizations view as a veiled attempt to exert control over the sector.

“While accountability frameworks are important, the Code introduces vague and duplicative standards that risk stifling grassroots organizing and increasing operational uncertainty for civil society actors already operating in difficult conditions.

“Compounding this is the administration’s pattern of making unfounded accusations against CSOs, particularly in the North-East, where they have been repeatedly accused of supporting terrorism, without a shred of credible evidence. This narrative escalated dangerously after the closure of USAID, when the agency was falsely accused of funding terrorist activity, prompting the House of Representatives to launch an investigation into CSO operations in Nigeria. These attacks, coming at a time of shrinking donor support, threaten to cripple the sector at a moment when its work is most needed.

“The vibrancy of civil society is essential in any democracy, and even more so now, when transparency, service delivery, and human rights protections are faltering. Rather than clamp down on CSOs, this administration should be creating an enabling environment for them to thrive and do the work”.

Section 39 serially violated – Adeyanju

A human rights lawyer and activist, Deji Adeyanju, took a position, faulting the Tinubu administration on adherence to rule of law.

“Nigeria’s 1999 Constitution guarantees freedom of expression under Section 39, yet reports from human rights organizations indicate persistent restrictions under the current administration”, Adeyanju said. “Journalists, activists, and critics have faced arrests, detentions, and harassment, often under vague or broadly interpreted laws.
“For instance, in May 2024, Daniel Ojukwu, a journalist with the Foundation for Investigative Journalism, was detained for 10 days under allegations of violating the Cybercrimes Act after publishing a report implicating a former presidential aide in corruption.

“Similarly, Chioma Okoli, a private citizen, faced charges under the same law for posting a critical review of a commercial product, sparking public outrage over the misuse of legal frameworks to silence dissent. These cases highlight a pattern where the Cybercrimes Act, originally intended to combat online fraud and cyber-terrorism, is increasingly used to target critics, raising concerns about executive overreach and judicial complicity.

“The administration’s response to dissent has also extended to civil society and opposition figures.

“The United States Department of State’s 2024 human rights report further noted instances where critics faced threats, intimidation, and arbitrary arrests, with ‘cyber-stalking’ charges used to detain individuals for derogatory online statements.

“These actions suggest a governance approach that, at times, prioritizes control over open dialogue, undermining democratic principles.

“The right to peaceful assembly, enshrined in Section 40 of Nigeria’s Constitution, has been a flashpoint under Tinubu’s administration, particularly during the #EndBadGovernance protests from August 1–10, 2024.

“Triggered by soaring inflation (reaching 34.19% by June 2024) and food insecurity following economic reforms like fuel subsidy removal and naira devaluation, these protests saw citizens across multiple states demand accountability and relief from economic hardship.

“However, the government’s response was marked by significant violence and repression.

“Amnesty International documented that Nigerian police used excessive force, resulting in at least 24 deaths across states including Borno, Kaduna, Kano, Katsina, Jigawa, and Niger. Over 1,000 protesters were detained, with reports of tear gas, live ammunition, and physical assaults deployed against largely peaceful demonstrations.

“In September 2024, 10 protesters were charged with treason, a capital offense, and in November, 76 others, including 30 minors, faced similar charges, prompting widespread condemnation for disproportionate legal escalation.

“The government’s preemptive rhetoric, with officials labeling the protests as politically motivated and warning of ‘regime change’ plots, further heightened tensions, recalling the violent suppression of the 2020 #EndSARS protests, where security forces killed at least 12 at Lekki Toll Gate.

“The lack of accountability for these violations remains a critical issue.
“No security personnel have been prosecuted for the deaths or injuries during the #EndBadGovernance protests, perpetuating a culture of impunity.

“The shrinking civic space is a call for concern and I hope that the civil society organizations and the media will rise to the occasion and challenge the disturbing trend of the administration’s highhandedness against dissenting voices.

Civic space shrinking —ActionAid

The Country Director, ActionAid Nigeria, AAN, Andrew Mamedu, lamented that there are growing concerns over shrinking civic space.

Peaceful protests, according to Mamedu, are often met with force as we saw with the arrest and detention of protesters in Abuja and Lagos during the #EndBadGovernance and #HungerDey protests in 2024.

“Media freedom is also under pressure, with journalists from facing harassment, intimidation, or summons from security agencies for critical reporting”, he said.

“Justice is painfully slow especially for victims of police brutality from during the #EndSARS movement. While judicial panels were set up in various states, many have either gone silent or failed to implement their recommendations.

“In Lagos State, for instance, the white paper on the judicial panel’s findings dismissed several key recommendations, including the acknowledgment of deaths at the Lekki Toll Gate.

“Compounding this is the increasing to peaceful assembly violates Section 40 of the Nigerian Constitution and Nigeria’s obligations under international human rights treaties, such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, ICCPR, and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights.

“The government must understand that peaceful protest is not a threat to national security — it is a sign of democratic vibrancy.

“Using state institutions to silence dissent sets a dangerous precedent and signals a regression to authoritarianism. Instead of criminalising protesters, the government should listen and reform.

“The essence of democracy lies not in crushing opposing voices but in responding to them with empathy and justice”.

Policies, human rights need improvement —Faro

Meanwhile, a lawyer and an advocate for Justice and Economic Development, Idris Faro, also contributing, scored the Tinubu administration high on rule of law.

“Respect for and guarantee of human rights is commendable, under the administration”, Faro said.

“Though the police still have to improve with regard to the right to protest and peaceful assembly, it is not proper for the police to disrupt peaceful protests simply because the protesters did not seek police permit. “This right is constitutional and inalienable. The Police should stop provoking peaceful protesters by firing tear gas at them.

“The government has to adhere fully to the rule of law. Court orders must be obeyed always. The independence of the Judiciary must be respected by the executive

“The Constitution is supreme and must be respected at all times. Powers exercised by the executive must be in accordance with the clear provisions of the Constitution”.

[Vanguard]

A week before the second anniversary of President Bola Tinubu in office, leaders of his political party, the All Progressives Congress (APC) were in a frenzy, dishing out gales of endorsements for his undeclared re-election bid for the 2027 presidency. The President was endorsed by the Progressives Governors’ Forum (PGF), an umbrella of 22 governors of the party, the leadership of the party in the North-West geopolitical zone, the National Assembly and state caucuses of the party across the zones. Ordinarily one would wonder what was at stake and what prompted the rush to show solidarity with the president whose party is the only one “making the difference,” in our polity.  At least, in the last few months, the APC has made the difference by not only capturing states, but it has also been capturing big fishes from the opposition and their legislators. None of the major opposition parties that battled it for the presidency in 2023 is standing with two legs. One is on its knees, while the other is busy rolling on the floor. The APC is coasting home even before the referee blew the whistle to commence the 2027 race.

So, what’s the push behind the rush by the national chairman of the APC, Abdullahi Ganduje and his members to endorse President Tinubu two clear years ahead of the election?  Segun Sowunmi, a member of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), spoke on Arise television last week and declared that with his knowledge of President Tinubu, the former Lagos governor was not swayed by the accolades being showered on him by his party men. He said that Tinubu, being streetwise, knows that politicians would always sing songs that would swell the head of the leader and that if Tinubu were a fickle-minded politician, he won’t be able to build the massive structure that took on the Nigerian system and delivered him the presidency in 2023. Having seen the rise and rise of the Tinubu political stratagem, I am somewhat convinced by Sowunmi’s postulation.

But if we may ask Ganduje and co, why the rush? The answer cannot be far-fetched. It is found in the claim that politicians and sycophancy are like a twin in the mold of a Siamese. In fact, a commentator once said that sycophancy is the politician’s raison d’être. A friend also once confessed that politicians enjoy praise singing and that due or undue adulations serve as tonic that oil their fancy. “We enjoy those things,” a friend said his boss once told him. And the hailers also usually know the mumu buttons of the subject matter and press them at will.

At the Banquet Hall of the Presidential Villa, Abuja, where APC stalwarts named President Tinubu as the party’s sole presidential candidate for the 2027 general elections, Ganduje had declared that: “As the Chairman of the party and as the only recognized platform to field a candidate in any election, I hereby affirm the endorsement of the President.” That was after Hope Uzodinma, governor of Imo State and Chairman of PGF had on behalf of his colleague governors moved a motion for Tinubu’s endorsement. Senate President Godswill Akpabio and Speaker Tajudeen Abbas had also roped in the 109 Senators and 360 members of the House of Representatives, plus all Speakers of the 36 state assemblies in a massive motion that endorsed Tinubu for 2027 presidency.

Though there was not a ministers’ forum to raise similar motion, it is all taken for granted that the ministers are all primed for the endorsement going by the high volume of the Renewed Hope singsong oozing out of their camp in recent weeks. In the last one month or thereabout, the song on the lips of the ministers is on the sweetness of the Renewed Hope Agenda, which they all claimed has been delivering the goods. Even as the APC leaders revel in the orgy of endorsements for the president, which is hardly anything the president needed at that point, I want to say that Ganduje and Co missed the point. As the leader of the party in power, his business should be to galvanise government operatives to deliver democracy dividends. He should be at the forefront of leading the charge to showcase how the government is truly making the difference in the lives of Nigerians.  Maybe he needs a lesson from Afenifere’s book of governance under Pa Abraham Adesanya. The Pan-Yoruba Socio-political Organisation was the vehicle through which the Alliance for Democracy (AD) took charge of the South-West in 1999, and with Afenifere in control, the organisation usually called its governors to scorecard sessions in Ijebu-Igbo, apart from sending teams to ascertain development objectives in the different states. That the APC under Ganduje was merely seeking to massage the president’s ego and regale him with a second term ticket that is already in his inner pocket is missing the point badly. The APC chairman should know that in the tradition of presidential democracy, sitting presidents have the right of first refusal for second term tickets and whoever attempts to struggle the ticket with the incumbent will be easily dealt with by the party structure. So, how can anyone think that a second term ticket within the APC would be Tinubu’s headache? Even if Ganduje would not check the history of the United States presidency, as a former governor, he is well equipped to recall the nature of things within Nigeria since 1999. President Olusegun Obasanjo got the re-election tickets of his party, notwithstanding the hubris raised by some stakeholders, Dr. Goodluck Jonathan also got the re-election ticket for the 2015 election, even though he lost to the opposition led by President Muhamadu Buhari, who effortlessly secured a re-election ticket of his party in 2019.

Perhaps Ganduje as party chairman does not know his role as the leader of the party. Rather than galvanise his party men to a dance on the altar of sycophancy, he should be seen helping the president to sell the offerings of the Renewed Hope Agenda. Why is he not taking the ministers to task, calling them to scorecard sessions in the party headquarters? He should be calling the governors to do the same. Governance should not just be about the niceties, the ceremonies and the glamour you see on television. Some actors like the party chairman, ministers and others should be doing the seen and unseen jobs like the midfielders in a football field to ensure that the people enjoy the dividends of the hard-earned democracy. By merely dancing around the president and offering him a ticket that is not lost is of not value to democratic growth. 

As I was about concluding this, I saw the effort of the Minister of Education, Dr. Tunji Alausa in launching the revitalized Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET). I must confess to being impressed by the offerings of the programme as enunciated by the minister. According to him, the idea is to retool technical and vocational education in the country to the extent that Nigerians would no longer rely on foreigners to handle most of the technical work. According to the minister, the Federal Government would train at least five million youths in industry-relevant, entrepreneurial, and income-generating skills in the coming years.

“This is not a projection; it is a mission backed by strategic investments, implementation frameworks, and multiple partnerships,” Alausa said on Friday, adding that 25 trade categories had been developed across sectors such as ICT, renewable energy, construction, agriculture, the creative industry, and the automotive industry. He also said that the ministry had engaged state governors, commissioners of education, sector skills councils, regulatory agencies, employers, and development partners to build ownership at every level of the programme. Just as he stated that while the artisans would be paid stipends during their training, the mentors would equally receive stipends per student. Alausa said: “This is not a reinvention. We’re doing what the world’s most successful economies have already done. Technical skills built Germany’s economy 500 years ago, and they remain the industrial powerhouse of Europe today.”

Initiatives like this, if properly harnessed, should propel Nigeria to a level of self-sufficiency in skills development in the nearest future. Because it is also measurable, stakeholders can easily take on Alausa and his men if the policy starts faltering. I would, however, wish that this is backed by law and inculcated into the educational system rather than being an adhoc initiative. It is a pity that only a few ministers have produced such landmark offerings in the last two years. My take is that designing initiatives that address the challenges of the Nigerian society is the best way the political actors can earn their names, help the president and the country at the same time. Someone remarked recently that Chief Obafemi Awolowo ruled the Western Region more than 50 years ago, yet his name remained on the lips of his compatriots years after he had departed this shores. It should not shock you to note that many Nigerians are already forgetting the names of some governors who left office less than a decade ago. History and the people cannot be deceived by ephemerals.

AN ice wall initially separated President Bola Tinubu and POTUS Donald Trump. As they sat inside the White House’s Oval Office, Tinubu was the first to thaw the ice. “How are you managing old age, Mr. President?” he asked jocularly. Apparently fazed by the Nigerian president’s boldness, Trump flashed his traditional wry smile and replied, “Same here, Mr. President. How are you coping with age?” They both laughed rambunctiously, laughter which instantly infected some of their aides on each sides of the divide.

The Oval Office gives America a touch of ancient cultural history. It was inside this room that  young John F. Kennedy looked out to see the front panel of his father’s desk; where Richard Nixon spoke on telephone to the Apollo 11 Astronauts. Presidents after presidents addressed America from there, ranging from the 1962 address to Americans about the Cuban Missiles crisis by Kennedy and the Nixon announcement of his resignation in 1974. It was right inside the Oval Office that George W. Bush, almost fidgety, addressed America after the debilitating September 11, 2001 terror attacks.

Trump was pleasantly surprised at Tinubu’s boldness. He had met his predecessor, Muhammadu Buhari, on April 30, 2018, seven years earlier. The exchange was literally unilineal, either due to Buhari’s famous ear defect or his inability to penetrate Trump’s dense English. The Financial Times was to later report that, after meeting Buhari, Trump swore never to meet someone that lifeless again. This was coming after an earlier racist profiling of Africa made by same Trump in his infamous ‘Shithole’ infelicity. Packaged as an image booster for a Buhari who had general elections to weather in February, less than a year from then, the Trump visit became an image fiasco. After the Times expose, Buhari had to make a show of possessing life. In what was seen as an indirect disputation of Trump’s reading of his obviously poor health and maladministration, Buhari had to walk more than 800 meters from one point to the other to prove that he wasn’t lifeless after all.

But Trump, not one to be caught unguarded in his lair, unleashed the next salvo. “Last month, I instructed Caroline Leavette, the White House Press Secretary, to give Americans my Annual Physical Examination Results after being examined at the Walter Reed National Military Center. They include diagnostic and laboratory testing and consultation with fourteen consultants. I had a 62 beats per minute Resting Heart Rate; 128/74mmHg Blood Pressure, among others. I’m good! How about you, Mr. President?” “Yeah! Yeah! I’m good!” President Tinubu replied. Still bent on pursuing this further, Trump asked, “I learnt you’ve had a knee replacement and frequently go to Paris and St. Mary’s Hospital in London. So sorry to hear that. Hope you’re good now?” This time, Tinubu was the one who was caught napping. He merely replied, “Yeah. Yeah”, a bead of sweats welling up his brows.

The night before, the Nigerian delegation, flying in the Nigerian national presidential aircraft nicknamed Air Force One, had arrived Washington D. C., America’s seat of power. It comprised Tinubu, his Chief of Staff, Secretary to the Government of the Federation; three governors from the north, east and western parts of Nigeria; Ministers of Foreign Affairs, Finance, Trade and Investments and Chairman of the FIRS, brilliant Zacch Adedeji; select captains of industry, Nigeria’s First Lady and First Son, Seyi and a few other presidential hangers-on. The next day, at exactly 12.00hrs, Tinubu and a select few members of his entourage were ushered into the Oval Office, West Wing of the White House and the formal working space of the American president.

Dressed in a resplendent black suit and a blue tie that must have cost the Nigerian taxpayers some chunk of cash, the Nigerian president looked as if he had hopped out of a fashion magazine.

A few weeks before then, immediately the news filtered in that President Trump had invited Tinubu to the White House, the Nigerian press turned the news into a carcass which it flayed mercilessly. You would imagine that leopard, the animal whose fierce and legendary butchering talent earned it Yoruba’s christening and praise-name of ÒgÌdán Olóólà Ijù, (the giant king of the wild capable of using its incisors to make lethal marks on animals) had just seized a buffalo. Press commentaries and analyses became a gourmet. Morbid fear and pessimism that Tinubu would make a disaster of the visit dictated press projection of what lay ahead. To be fair to the Nigerian press, the wisdom in an ancient fable of the lion and the tortoise preached caution. It says he is wise who is wary of and alerted by the misfortunes of others.

The Nigerian press based its pessimism on recent previous visits to Trump’s lair. Ukraine’s Volodymyr Zelenskyy and South Africa’s Cyril Ramaphosa got their flesh feasted upon by a man recently nicknamed TACO (Trump Always Chickens Out). Tinubu, they said, would not be an exemption.

Rufai Oseni, at his cheeky best on Arise TV, suggested that while at the Oval Office, Tinubu should promise Trump another luxury 747 jumbo jet since the American president was in love with impropriety.

The pessimism in the media was so huge that you could have a handshake with it. The presidential media office did all it could to change the colour of the Doomsday predictions. The president was a ‘deals man’ who understands the wiles of characters like King Trump, it says. Yusuff Tugar, Nigeria’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, literally made television houses his domicile. Tinubu would spend the projected one-hour visit to the White House to reinforce Nigeria’s bilateral trade with America, he said. Bayo Onanuga asked Nigerians to trust that Tinubu would put up a stellar performance. Apparently exasperated by the mounting cynicism, on a television programme, the old media fox attributed the American visit prophecies of doom to the usual Tinubu-bashing by the media on the payroll of the opposition. Suddenly, he burst into an ancient Yusuff Olatunji’s Yoruba Sakara evergreen song: “In the wild dream of the goat, the butcher’s death should come quickly, so that it could prounce about in majesty…” (l’ójú ewúré, bíi k’Álápatà ó kú, k’án máa rìn, k’án máa yan).

The irascible Peter Obi social media soldier ants were even more unsparing. One of them, on X, inflected a statement credited to Barbara Perry, a presidential historian at the Miller Center, University of Virginia. While Perry had said, “Like all things with Trump, it’s unprecedented,” the Obidient said, with Tinubu, all things were unprecedented as well. “He is the first Nigerian president to inflict hunger of this magnitude on Nigerians; the first president with drug issue history in America; the first Nigerian president to bring this level of misery and frightening ethnic relations in Nigeria.” The silly fellow then concluded that the invitation to Tinubu to be a guest of Trump was America’s own way of getting our president arrested. What a logic! But he cited examples to back up his claim.

David Hundeyin, the tiny fish bone stubbornly trapped inside Tinubu’s esophagus, also dug up his oft unrelenting narrative. On his X page, Hundeyin alleged that the president’s invitation to America was a “home boy come home” trip. Since he commenced the battle to get then presidential candidate Tinubu indicted for alleged drug couriering in the United States in the 1990s, Hundeyin has consistently maintained his stand. When the CIA, FBI and DEA filed a memorandum opposing his’ and another colleague of his’ motion for summary judgment in the FOIA disclosure case about the president’s drug trafficking investigation records, the duo sought to have redactions removed from the partially released files.

Hundeyin has also consistently insisted that the president is a CIA agent who is working hand in glove with America. He based this on a CIA file which recently claimed that the CIA “will do everything in (our) power to prevent the public disclosure of (our) cooperation” because, “confirming or denying the existence of records on a particular foreign national, like Tinubu, reasonably could be expected to cause damage to US national security.” On the same X page, Hundeyin claimed that the Tinubu visit was an invitation for the Nigerian president to give the US a report on his effort at frustrating the Burkina-Fasso military government led by 37-year-old Head of State, Ibrahim Traore.

Serial presidential candidate, Atiku Abubakar, was similarly unsparing. Coming on the heels of a recent Financial Times’ assessment of Tinubu, upon which the Villa has gone on a celebratory binge, Abubakar alleged that the newspaper’s seemingly complimentary review of “the pains” of Nigerians was meant to wet the ground for Tinubu’s meeting with Trump. He also claimed that the newspaper was merely celebrating the easy access to Nigeria’s capital by foreigners and the ease of access Tinubu has made for his western collaborators to repatriate their easy money in Nigeria. This, he said, was what the Financial Times erroneously tagged Tinubu’s ‘stabilization of the Nigerian economy’.

“The American newspaper had no words about the pang of hunger an average Nigerian goes through under Tinubu in the last two years, nor the hopelessness that has become a familiar sight. It didn’t talk about how this government has pauperized the people; no words about the electricity war it is waging on the mass of our people, the endemic poverty, the migration from Nigeria of manufacturing companies, the consistent dearth of exports and how Tinubu and his acolytes have suddenly become as stupendously wealthy as Mansa Musa of the Mali Empire,” Atiku Abubakar said.

Indeed, Mansa Musa was reported in history to be exceptionally and inconceivably wealthy. Maybe his closest rival is Nigeria’s Bola Tinubu. The Time magazine said of Mansa Musa: “There’s really no way to put an accurate number on his wealth.” While the source of Musa’s wealth was principally from Mali Empire’s control and taxing of the trade in salt from northern regions and gold mined in Bambuk and Bure, it is said that the Nigerian president’s source of wealth is Nichodemus.

Then, as he did to Ramaphosa, as Trump and Tinubu were talking, a big television screen beamed live video of killings in Benue, Plateau, and other Northeastern parts of Nigeria. “Why are you killing Christians in Nigeria, Mr. President?” Trump asked. Apparently briefed on the possibility of this question, Tinubu acquitted himself admirably. He told the American president that though he was a Moslem, his wife and key members of his government were Christians and that in his family, he was probably the only standalone member of that religious persuasion.

Both Trump and Tinubu later went into the Oval Office lunch room where they discussed bilateral matters. Almost immediately after the Nigerian entourage left the White House, the X page of Onanuga literally went on fire, beeping red. His tweets gloated about the Villa White House victory. Many non-Yoruba who read Onanuga’s post, with a music Emoji, found it cryptic and impenetrable. It simply read, “Yègèdè won ò gée o! Yègèdè won ò gée o! Esè t’e pé wón gé, l’a fi ńrìn yìí o! Yègèdè won ò gée o!” It was only a Yoruba respondent on the page who did the interpretation. In the respondent’s words, Onanuga’s post was the line of a song sang by Yusuff Olatunji who died in 1978. Diagnosed with an unhealed diabetic foot wound, the initial medical advice was to amputate Olatunji’s leg. Second medical examination however said cutting of the leg might be bypassed. The second examination gave birth to the Olatunji gloat in the song which, translated, meant “Blimey! The leg you announced would be cut wasn’t. Isn’t it what I still use to walk?”

Does Onanuga realize that the Tinubu, sorry, Olatunji leg was eventually amputated?

“It is time to move beyond rhetorical hope…Nigeria’s future cannot be built on beautiful aspirations and emotive patriotism, but must be anchored in a collective demand for transparency, justified expectation, equity, responsible governance, and freedom from want on the many needs of living a good life”

 WHAT is patriotism? One definition of it which has gained currency but which is always (deliberately?) misquoted, misinterpreted, and misapplied to suit the personal interests of those concerned is the one popularized by US naval officer, Commodore Stephen Decatur. His exact words were: “Our country! In her intercourse with foreign nations may she always be in the right; but our country, right or wrong”. Sheer patriotism! Blind love for the motherland – or is it the fatherland! The egotist zeal of a soldier risking all, waging battles, winning wars and gaining honour and respect for his country! Decatur became famous for his dare-devil acts of valour in the early 19th Century, especially for leading a handful of men to storm and set on fire the frigate USS Philadelphia that had been captured by pirates from the Barbary states. He came back victorious without losing a single man in an operation described in those times as “one of the boldest and daring acts of the age”. Decatur followed up with another successful mission of signing the peace treaty with Algeria in 1816. He was honoured at a banquet where he raised his glass and made his hair-splitting statement quoted above.

 Not only applause but also consternation and condemnation have, however, followed Decatur’s statement for what many have regarded as its “highly narcissistic undertones”. While many have argued that a thoughtful use of the statement can “encourage positive patriotism and inspire change”, others have pointed at its immense capacity for promoting “blind patriotism (and) potentially leading to harmful nationalism”, the same as gripped Adolf Hitler’s Germany and Benito Mussolini’s Italy leading to the Second World War (1939 – 1945), and Francisco Franco’s Spain (1939 – 1975). A defence of Decatur, however, is that his focus was on relations between nations – my country versus foreign nations – and not on the individual country’s internal politics. Besides, he also made efforts to insist on the justness of his country’s cause – may she always be in the right. “Right or wrong”, therefore, does not mean it must ride roughshod over others or flex muscles anyhow. It must bend over backward to ensure the justness of its cause. The wisdom of our own elders says we should first drive away the fox before returning home to scold the chicken for wandering far away from home. 

 Here, today, we shall be reviewing ex-Lagos state governor and former Minister, Babatunde Raji Fashola’s treatise on patriotism. The reviewer is no less a person than a  former diplomat, lawyer, and professor of Political Science and International Relations at Chrisland University, Abeokuka, Babafemi Badejo, who is no stranger to these pages. Titled “My country, right or wrong mentality is actually unpatriotic: A dialogue with Fashola”, Badejo scrutinises Fashola’s speech at the 60th birthday lecture of my brother and professional colleague, Seye Kehinde, publisher of high-flying City People magazine, on Thursday, April 24, 2025 . We shall return to fire parting shots as usual. Enjoy it:

 “Mr. Babatunde Raji Fashola, erstwhile Governor of Lagos State and former Minister of Works and Housing in the Buhari administration that ran Nigeria aground, presented a passionate and compelling message titled: “Why I Remain Optimistic About Nigeria.” Fashola’s speech was an appeal for national hope and resilience. He emphasised the strengths inherent in Nigeria’s cultural richness, human potential, and the importance of unity. He extolled the nation’s cultural depth, entrepreneurial energy, and the uncommon resilience of her citizenry as assets for national redemption. His message, delivered with characteristic conviction, was a call to national hope and perseverance amid Nigeria’s complex crises.

 “While such depths of optimism and patriotic zeal are commendable, it is imperative to critically assess the underlying factors that challenge such a perspective. Fashola’s message, though well-intentioned, side-stepped the systemic leadership deficit, rampant corruption, administrative/institutional decay, and the external dynamics, not to mention the infrastructure deficits, that have made meaningful progress elusive.

Leadership failure and corruption: The glaring contradictions

 “The core issue afflicting Nigeria is not the absence of human or natural resources but the sustained failure of leadership. From the local through the states to the federal level, governance is often tainted by opportunism, incompetence, and corruption. The optimistic narrative Fashola portrays stands in stark contrast to the lived experiences of many Nigerians who contend daily with failing infrastructure, unemployment, insecurity, and a justice system many consider compromised.

 “Fashola only scantily touched on the pervasive and fundamental issue of corruption, referencing it only through a non-justiciable constitutional provision that seeks the abolition of corruption. He had no time elaborating on the failure since 1999 of the National Assembly (NASS) to enact a law that would, for instance, allow easy access to the asset declarations of public office holders. Fashola’s passing mention is insufficient given the devastating impact that corruption continues to have on governance, insecurity, public trust, and national development.

 “His attempt at promoting national optimism, brand image protection, and patriotism, whilst failing to adequately confront corruption with the same intensity, does not make for a more balanced approach to the issues thrown up. The inability to handle corruption flows from a leadership deficit concerning a visionary approach that focuses on popular interests. The persistent gross inadequacies in governance have led many articulate Nigerians to seek a redefinition of corrupt values towards genuine progress and development.

 “The persistent erosion of public trust is evident in the widespread perception of corruption across various arms, levels, and sectors of Nigeria. Findings from a nationwide corruption perception survey I conducted in 2024, which has been published as a book: ‘Nigeria Corruption Perception Data’, show that a vast majority of Nigerians, well over 80%, believe corruption has either worsened or remains widespread. The survey, involving 1,426 respondents across all geopolitical zones, revealed that:

 • 748 respondents (more than 52%) rated Nigeria as “extremely corrupt”.

• Over 90% expressed dissatisfaction with the transparency and efficiency of public services.

• Encounters with corruption were most prevalent in the public sector, followed by the private and social sectors.

• Religious and civil society institutions, once seen as moral bastions, were also implicated, with 88% of respondents agreeing that even religious organisations are corrupt.

 “Similarly, according to a recent NOI-Polls result, 80% of Nigerians believe that their country’s corruption level has increased over the past year, with the police and the National Assembly perceived as the most corrupt institutions. This perception is not unfounded, as numerous high-profile corruption cases involving former governors and public officials have surfaced, highlighting systemic issues within the leadership structure.

 “The ridiculous level of corruption and leadership deficit continues to promote large-scale underdevelopment, poverty, and unlivable conditions for many Nigerians. This situation further moves many Nigerians away from utmost freedom (the UN’s Sustainable Development Goals coupled with access to the benefits accruable from the Universal Declaration of Human Rights).

 “These data present a very different picture from Fashola’s upbeat and all-is-good tone. Like they say, “In God We Trust absolutely, but all Men Must come to the Table with Data”. It is based on these data that we shall begin to examine the basis and reality of the high hopes and patriotic excitements that Fashola tried to propagate.

Patriotism examined: Between love for country and disillusionment

 “It is a disservice to equate blind loyalty in the face of stark realities with patriotism. True patriotism does not entail defending a broken/failed system or remaining silent in the face of injustice and oppression. Rather, it requires a sober critique and active engagement for necessary reforms. It is such critiques that lead to improvement in societies. The silence or ‘siddon look’ towards societal ills, not to mention deceptive praise-singing in the face of stark realities, actually constitutes a disservice to Nigeria.

 “It is not in doubt that ordinary Nigerians deeply love and care about their country, as seen in their resilience and persistent demand for accountability, as well as their failure to organize to throw off the yoke of oppression. What is in doubt is how much love and commitment the people who have been handed the job of managing the material resources, governance, and leadership apparatus of the country truly have for the country. Very painfully, Nigeria’s challenges continue to compound the people’s suffering.

 “A deep analysis would demonstrate the lethal situation of the combined effects of leadership deficit, corruption, and the failure of leadership to make the best of the external environment. Such visionary leadership would be opposed to the current reality of being willing tools for the continued external subjugation of Nigeria. Important is also the failure of leadership to start or maintain the process of building viable institutions and expanding the horizon on the paucity of human and material resources.

 “In effect, leadership deficit remains central to the increasingly unbearable living standard of Nigerians, hence severing the people from desirable quantum moves towards utmost freedom. Even the most passionate patriot is forced to confront the painful dissonance between eulogy for patriotism and lived reality. The lived reality of the average Nigerian makes the Fashola type of call, couched under the pretense of patriotism, sound very hollow.

Realistic optimism and accountable leadership

 “While Fashola appeals for collective hope, Nigeria’s development continues to fail to leapfrog towards development in comparison with countries with similar trajectories, like India, Malaysia, Indonesia, and South Korea. This cannot be ignored in calling for Nigerians to raise their head high in patriotism. Since gaining flag independence around the puerile decolonisation period, countries with relatively better visionary leadership and lower levels of corruption have made significant gains in economic diversification, infrastructure, and human development indices. Clogged by cyclical corruption and poor governance, Nigeria has squandered decades of opportunities for internal consolidation and regional leadership. Love of country does not need to be from the pulpit in those countries (where) people are living reasonably and improving the realities of their life.

 “It is time to move beyond rhetorical hope. True national healing requires hard truth-telling, actionable reforms, and people-centred leadership. The escapist argument that all societies are corrupt should be avoided. Many societies that are meeting the needs of their people through development have effective institutional arrangements to radically reduce the level of corruption, as opposed to Nigeria’s tolerance level for cancer.

“The inverse relationship between the known number of Nigerian billionaires (many are not on the Forbes list as a result of hidden wealth) and the poverty level in Nigeria is largely a result of corruption. It is a result of live and direct outright theft, as well as deliberate policies to gouge the public. The resulting inequalities and inequities cannot build the type of patriotism Nigeria had in the 1950s through to the mid-1980s when oil blocks started being handed over to individuals, thereby privatising the life-line of national patrimony without value addition. The result has been a reduced level of peace and security, development, respect for human rights, and humanitarian resilience.

 “The 2024 corruption survey I conducted shows a population that is engaged, informed, and yearning for transformation. Nigeria’s future cannot be built on beautiful aspirations and emotive patriotism, but must be anchored in a collective demand for transparency, justified expectation, equity, responsible governance, and freedom from want on the many needs of living a good life. At the top of such a governance arrangement must be visionary leadership able to reverse the level of corruption, adequately respond to the external environment, as well as handle institution-building and expansion on human/material resources.”

 I agree with Badejo that “patriotism no be for mouth alone.” And each time I hear Fashola’s name, my mind races to his administration’s ambivalence on the Freedom of Information Act when he was the governor of Lagos state. Even if he washes in Jordan seven times or in the Pool of Siloam…!