At the just concluded 65th annual conference of the Nigerian Economic Society (NES) in Abuja, one of the highlights of the annual ritual was the conferment of the 2024 Distinguished Economic Service Award on seven eminent Nigerians. And yours sincerely is one of the awardees. This is one award that holds a fundamental significance among all the other ones I have been conferred with. And the singular reason is that this conferment articulates a significant plank in my institutional and governance reforms campaign in Nigeria. That plank insists that there is an intellectual component in the imperative of institutional reform that demands a collaborative engagement between professionals and academics/intellectual. This is because a crucial part of the diagnosis of reform failure in Nigeria is the failure to understand that reform itself has an intellectual and theoretical basis that many reformers are not aware of. We deride theories as if they have no practical import. There is no one engaging with Nigeria and her development dynamics that would not get involved in conversation with economics and economists. This is why associations like NES and the National Economic Summit Group (NESG) are critical to the understanding of Nigeria’s governance and economic predicaments, and how we can find a way or ways out of the woods.

I deeply appreciate Prof. Adeola Adenikinju, president of NES and the entire governing council for this unquantifiable honor. It is an honor I would never have expected, but one I am delighted about so much. That my essentially basic understanding of the economic and developmental component of institutional reform is noticed by an erudite association is no mean feat. My reflection on this critical award therefore enables me to connect my conversations and collaborations with economists and economic discourses with my institutional reform agenda. And all these come together around the trajectory of the mentoring experience I had with the late Prof. Ojetunji Aboyade, great economist, erudite scholar and president of the NES from 1973 to 1974, and indeed my townsman and a singular influence on my professional and intellectual maturation. Those who understand my relationship with Aboyade—the fact that I literally grew up in his formidable but mentoring shadows at Aáwé and in the presidency—would immediately understand why I had no choice in my reverence for economists.

Under the tutelage of Aboyade, my entry point into the public administration scholarship was through public policy implementation research, which had the likes of Jeffrey Pressman and Aaron Wildavsky as the key pioneers. Their groundbreaking 1973 book, Implementation, grounds implementation studies as a subfield of public policy research. Indeed, from that book, I began to notice early in time the role that politics and policymaking play in facilitating a near seamless implementation process in administrative reforms. Most significantly, the authors insisted that the evaluation of policies and their implementation are two different issues that must not be conflated. As a young researcher, I immediately saw the sense in seeing implementation, according to Pressman and Wildavsky, as “the ability to forge subsequent links in the causal chains so as to obtain the desired results.” Hence, once this causal chain involved in implementation is longer necessary, the more complex the implementation becomes. Or, in the case of Nigeria—as I would eventually see, the longer the implementation chain, the more definite it becomes that bad politics has intervened.

With this as my starting point, it was not too long for me to make a research entry into the discursive space of institutional economics, and the relationship between institutions and the capacities they generate in economic actors that lead to innovation, performance and productivity. The theoretical relationship and disagreements between the old and new institutionalism, especially on the compatibility of individual agency and social structure eventually would play a deep role in articulating the emergence of the managerial revolution that backstopped the new public management (NPM) movement around which the global public administration praxis was designed. The NPM is the managerial attempt to unseat the bureaucratic stasis that has kept the Weberian system ineffective, inefficient and unproductive. Indeed, within the Nigerian administrative context, it has made it quite difficult to birth a developmental state.

The idea of the developmental state clearly serves as the focal point for an ongoing conversation between economists and institutional reformers. The idea of the developmental state tasks the public service system on the need to achieve the efficiency that will operationalize democratic governance to deliver infrastructural development for the citizens. Thus, to achieve economic development, such a state must first be oriented towards institutional reforms that bring the structures and institutions to capability readiness.

From the vantage point of my research into institutional reforms and development policy management, it was so easy but unnerving to work out the historical trajectory as well as the administrative dynamics that facilitated the series of aborted transitions, policy somersaults, the conception-reality gap, the motion-without-movement development hiccups that translate into protracted state and governance failures in Nigeria. And we see the basis of these failures in the (non)performance of the Nigerian economy and the debilitating effects on Nigerians. It therefore should come as no surprise that the role of economists in the Nigerian predicament became all the more heightened. This is where I think my experience as the directing staff coordinating the public policy executive education component of the National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies (NIPSS) remit for three years was so professionally fulfilling. That professional status brought me close to the economic and policy sides of understanding the Nigerian predicament as well as the connection with my expertise in institutional reform. I had the opportunity to facilitate at once policy conversations and discourses around critical issues of the fundamentals of public policy, the public policy design and formulation process, policy implementation and decision science, policy evaluation and tracking, the political undercurrent of policy decision making, as well as policy exploration and scenario projection that factor the VUCA (vulnerable, uncertain, complex and ambiguous) administrative environment into the urgency of building a twenty-first century policy architecture that the Nigerian state requires to achieve democratic service delivery.    

All the above therefore makes the theme of the NES 65^th annual conference—“Socio-Economic Development in Nigeria: Imperatives, Implications and Impacts”—all the more fundamental given the present state of the Nigerian economic change management challenges. The conference theme is ready made as the instigating forum that could have served some brainstorming and learning context for the PBAT governance and economic teams. It was especially a grand tutorial for me as a member of that team in terms of the analyses, forecasting and incisive critiques around the implementation possibilities and prospects of delivering the Renewed Hope Agenda from the perspectives of Nigerian economists. There are two crucial takeovers that my attendance at the NES Conference brought out into very stark relief.

One, it has now become imperative that government needs an ongoing and consummate engagement with Nigerian experienced economists and other intellectuals and experts. This becomes critical especially with regard to the near absence of a political economy framework that could have served as the analytical and technical perspectives for articulating and sequencing the two major policies of the federal government, namely, the removal of fuel subsidy and the floating of the naira. While these two policies have a sound basis, they are flawed in terms of change management detailing and technical correctness, and their disruptive consequences could have been averted with the benefit of deep economic intelligence and the possible analytical frameworks and policy instruments that competent policy analysis could have been provided for risk analysis, mitigation and management. Here, we already begin to see how the implementation chain—and the possibility of success—is already compromised. Policy implementation and impact cannot just be the result of just policy correctness. On the contrary, it must reflect a dynamic and holistic and not a partial understanding of Nigeria’s economic structure and predicaments.

Two, we have to deal with the critical disjuncture that is playing out between the Renewed Hope Agenda and the policy implementation detailing of the government. We cannot ever hope to make that agenda work if the policies that would empower it are out of joint in terms of implementation sequence. The implementation of policies raises the crucial issue of those for whom the policies are meant in the first place. Thus, if, as democratic governance demands, these policies are meant to be people-oriented, then it implies that the change management strategy must be fashioned in a way that puts the people at the centre without necessarily yielding to unreflective populism. For example, to achieve a reasonable buy-in by Nigerians, the change vision and objectives must embed much more inclusive instruments which are however strategically communicated to Nigerians.

While receiving the award, it dawned on me that I have been drawn into the circle of a wider reform cohort that would further challenge my understanding of what it takes to articulate, track and evaluate institutional reforms in Nigeria. I am very glad for this incorporation, and the opportunity it affords me to sharpen my learning capacity and keep the discussion on the future of the Nigerian state in the right direction.      

Permit me to reintroduce myself to those who may not understand why I have decided to write on detected “tactical errors' the presidency needs to clear for the majesty of democracy to emerge in Africa’s most populous country, In the last 3 years of my journalistic legwork, I had covered nine (9) Heads of State and Presidents of Nigeria before our current leader emerged. And so I think in all modesty. I can look into the seeds of our presidential times and advise on how to clear some tactical, tragic of even strategic errors of any serving president of our great country, even the iconic Madiba claimed the black race had been, waiting for as source of pride and confidence, Forgive me for this 'immodesty!' of counting some of my journalistic blessings and credentials. These digital times when some young ones just abuse elders online for lack of knowledge call for this unusual clarification.

"The Five (5) tactical errors President Tinubu should clear immediately"

‘Weak (ened) presidential bureaucracy”

I have written about this tactical error several times but because the error hasn't been cleared vital signs are beginning to show that it is fast becoming a tragic error, which can lead to tragic failure. The focal point of Nigeria’s presidential bureaucracy is the office of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), The presidential bureaucracy structure comprises the SGF's Office, Office of the Head of the Civil Service of the Federation (OHCSF) and the Office of the Chairman of the Federal Civil Service Commission (OCFCSC). These offices are a creation of the constitution but in our recent practice, the Office of Chief of Staff to the President has been ‘integrated’ into the presidential] bureaucracy and so cannot be ignored.

However, some of the former presidents didn’t allow their Chief of Staff to undermine the functions and authority of the SGF as the organic head of the presidential bureaucracy and the cabinet secretariat. The SGF’s office is where most the presidential appointees and appointments are coordinated for announcements - most of the time. The President approves appointments of political office holders and some public servants of various cadres and the offices of Permanent Secretary State House, the Chief of Staff, Principal Secretary, Etc get
hold of these approvals and dispatch accordingly to various chief executives, ministers, and heads of extra-ministerial departments and agencies, focal points for announcements through press statements and circulars, especially from the offices of SGF and OHCSF.

It should be moved that President Yar'adua refused to appoint Chief of Staff to the President as his predecessor Obasanjo who began the practice. But President Jonathan reinstatedthe office of CoS-P and it was noisome, no thanks to some impurities reported about the office.

Specifically, the same presidential bureaucracy has been chaotic since President Tinubu assumed office as even appointments of Permanent Secretaries have been announced directly through the Special Adviser to the President on Media and Publicity. And so most presidential appointments are being regularly announced by the office of the President. Strategy, they normally announce this as soon as approvals are noticed thus: “Tinubu Appoints New Permanent Secretaries", not even as "Tinubu approves appointments of new Permanent Secretaries..." There is No point to prove here. Most of these announcements of approvals of these presidential appointments have always come from the office of the SGF. Besides,
credentials of the appointees have always been property documented in the statements. These days, sometimes, there is no word about even the bio data of appointees and we wonder where most of them have worked. What is now worse, there was a report the other day that the Chief of Staff to the President was doing some oversight on some government agencies and was quoted as making weighty policy decisions and even reversals on public policies such as suspension of implementation of Oronsaye Panel's Report that Office of the SGF is coordinating, this is s curious! This development is worsening an already chaotic presidency.

It is another strategic error that must be corrected. The office of the president isn't an ordinary one. It should be awesome by the power of orderliness and shouldn’t be associated with any crisis of coherence and competence.

"The NNPCL conundrum"

It is very difficult to write about Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) at this time when the political economy of a free press is quite challenging, But public interest within the construct of our social responsibility should be the overriding factor. The story of NNPCL can only be understood by those who nun the country's very strategic oil company. The company, for instance, declared trillions worth of profit a few weeks ago. But incredible as it may sound, early this week, the same company that has consistently affirmed ‘subsidy-is-gone’ presidential declaration was curiously quoted as declaring that it was owing oi) marketers a whopping $6 billion. The company was said to have adjusted PMS price to N857 ahead of release of Dangote’s refined product to the market. The almighty NNPCL was also quoted as saying without rhyme or reason that it would also be the sole buyer of whatever Dangote has in stock. At the moment, despite the inexplicable and high PMS price even to the tune of N1,500 per litre in certain locations, the petroleum product isn’t available. What is more, the Minister of State, Petroleum has denied that it authorised increase in petroleum price. While one is wondering about the complexity of what is going on
with the opacity of operations and finances of the NNPC, no update again about when the $1.5 billion worth of Port Harcourt refinery’s tum-around maintenance will make available its product after six promises. Can't we wonder why the federal government isn't interested in successful launch of the Dangote’s $20 million worth of refinery? Isn’t it a tactical error that the President hasn't visited the refinery? Why can’t the federal government be the chief public relations manager of the private refinery that has been reported to have capacity to make Nigeria proud? Is the NNPC not proud of the Dangote refinery? The president should know that it is his responsibility to overhaul the almighty NNPCL so that we can breathe from energy crisis that has made his government very unpopular.

"Electricity Distribution Company's Toxic ‘Band A'

We may not be able to know the intelligence President has been getting from the discriminatory electricity tariff from Band A-to band Z.. as it seems. But whatever the case, this is one ‘fiscal policy’ that has the same unbearable effect as PMS price on the people and business. A recent meretricious reduction of the killer tariff by 50% for hospitals and tertiary institutions can’t solve the problems for the health and education sectors. The institutions can’t still cope with the demand, let alone the people who will pay their own and pay for the hospitals and schools of their children. It is another strategic error that may touch off uncontrollable crisis for the Tinubu administration. The combined effects of high PMS and Diesel prices with high electricity tariff have already triggered anger that will manifest into more protests sooner than later. No one knows the experts who did risk analysis for the President on this. How many people can go to work from now? How many people can fly one way within the country where we are already paying more than N250,000 for one-way flight ticket?

President Tinubu should now? How many people can fly one way within the country where we are already paying more than N250,000 for one-way flight ticket? President Tinubu should return from China to address all these economic hardships before it is too late!

Allowing energy crisis to compound hardship will definitely result in a tragic error that may prove too costly for this government.

"A cabinet of many mediocrities"

‘This is the right time to tell the president that some members of his first cabinet have been so mediocre that we have had to use Google to find their names because they are obscure. This is not new: we have always celebrated a culture of mediocrity and low expectations. But this culture is now too expensive; we can’t afford it. Leaving a mediocre team that can't address the country's numerous socio-economic challenges is another strategic error that must be cleared now or never. The President needs younger and more passionate technocrats as cabinet members and agency heads who understand contemporary challenges, not the many illiterates of the 21st century who cannot learn, unlearn and relearn. Nigeria is too important to be left to some reckless mediocrities who are being announced as heads of even sensitive agencies and extra-ministerial departments.

‘Absence of robust civil service’

I have observed that the President has never paid adequate attention to the quality of the Federal Civil Service he inherited from the previous administration. If he had set the right one with a functional presidential bureaucracy, he would have detected the fragility of the civil service that he has been complaining about. But is the president aware that the federal bureaucracy isn't as robust and knowledgeable as it used to be? Is the president aware, for instance, that the immediate past Head of the Civil Service of the Federation (HCSF) didn’t disclose to the new administration the true status of the service now filled with officers the Political class from 1999 till the present imposed on the federal bureaucracy? Has the president been told that on the eve of leaving office, members of the National Assembly and Ministers have always arm_-twisted officers of the Federal Civil Service Commission and allied bodies to employ their outgoing aides as senior officers up to directorate cadres without interviews? Some of these incompetent political aides will rise soon to be even Permanent Secretaries. Is the President aware that the same Head of the Civil Service of the Federation who left office barely two months ago also deceived the presidency and the nation about implementation of the Tenure Regime for Permanent Secretaries and Directors to retire after eight years? The Head of the Civil Service quietly issued a service-wide circular for the implementation of the policy for Directors only and artfully excluded Permanent Secretaries cadre because it would have also affected her at the time was the same Head of the Civil Service of the Federation not praised to high heaven when she left office recently? There are more issues of mediocrity and corruption in the federal civil service that appear unknown to the Chief Executive of the Federation at this time. it has been a tactical error that politics has trumped attention to public policy thrust that should drive progress of this government.

‘There is therefore a sense in which one can claim that if there had been a functional federal bureaucracy, there wouldn't have been a chaotic presidency and a complicated NNPCL that has become untouchable by its owners. At the end of the day, the buck of all these stops at table of only the President who should clear all the five tactical and strategic errors that can consume his presidency.

THE Nigerian Church is in turmoil, but the body of Christ is at rest. The foundations of the Church in Nigeria are quaking, but Christianity is not. After all, it is widely accepted that God does not live in buildings. Rather, as John said: “God is Spirit, and those who worship Him must worship in spirit and truth”(John 4:24).

What has turned out to be the biggest crisis in the Nigerian Church with its very integrity questioned, has been over four decades in the making. That was when the great American televangelists began to preach the gospel of prosperity, rather than salvation. The Gate to Heaven which was traditionally said to be narrow and rugged, was now presented as a modern American highway: smooth and broad with multiple lanes, provided at various points; you pay the compulsory tolls which are “seed offerings” and tithes.

Actually, the teaching that money can buy salvation or even purchase a guaranteed place in Heaven is neither new, nor American. The Catholic Church sold Pardon or forgiveness of sins to those who had the means to pay. A sort of willing-buyers-willing-sellers market. After over 20 centuries of this trade, a German priest, Martin Luther on October 31, 1517 posted 95 theses why the sale of Pardon was wrong. He argued that when Jesus gave his disciples the authority to forgive sins, he did not make it conditional on payment. 

The Church and priesthood in Nigeria had been modelled after Saint Francis of Assisi, the young Italian priest who in 1205 gave up all his wealth and earthly heritage to the poor. That was the mould of priests like Samuel Ajayi Crowther and Ayo Babalola. The pioneer priests shunned wealth so much that the church became a simile: to be dirt poor was to be “as poor as a church rat”.

Then, the American prosperity flavour began to take over the Nigerian space in the 1970s. By the early 1980s, Archbishop Benson Andrew Idahosa, founder of the Church of God Mission International, Benin City, who famously said: “My God is not poor”, had become a public symbol of this trend. He taught his followers that: “The wealth of sinners is in the hands of the saints.” So they were told to give generously to the church and pastors, if they want to be wealthy. Idahosa instructed his pastors: “Go back and preach prosperity. Prosperity is from Jesus.”

However, there were pastors who cautioned that the essence of Christianity is salvation, not prosperity. In the late 1990s, I was close to one of them, Professor John Moyibi Amoda, who had his church in Anthony Village, Lagos. As I read him in the newspapers back his position with Biblical references, I knew his church would not grow much. The multitudes were searching for miracles and wealth, and he was preaching salvation. To worsen his case, he had the courage to mention a name like Daddy G.O., Pastor Enoch Adejare Adeboye, the highly revered General Overseer of the Redeemed Christian Church of God. Amoda was widely condemned for allegedly working for Satan. The hordes did not counter his arguments; he was simply found guilty of spreading Satanic verses.

My concern at a point was not about the prosperity pastors becoming so wealthy that they competed on who had more jets, but their convincing their followers about “faith healing”. That if they are sick or have diseases like HIV/AIDS or tuberculosis, and seek healing in the church, they do not need to take medication again as their faith would heal them. So, many died. In my March 11, 2011 column titled: “Crimes of pastors masquerading as doctors”, I called out pastors like Temitope Joshua and Chris Oyakhilome.

But now, the tides are beginning to turn. Just as Martin Luther came from within the church to cause a seismic shift, so has Dr. Abel Hankuri Damina, the Senior Pastor of Power City International, Uyo emerged from the bowels of the prosperity movement to redirect the Nigerian Church towards Christ-centred salvation. Armed with the Bible, uncommon courage, two doctorate degrees in Philosophy and Ministry, and a prodigious knowledge of ‘Historic and Apostolic’ Christianity, he has taken on the hordes, including leading GOs and threatening protesters.

Damina’s mental capacity and alertness is captivating. When Pastor Adeboye who had made outlandish claims like God changing the United States winter season for him, claimed that he had tea with God, Damina quipped, what brand of tea?

Damina bases his teachings on the Bible, while his critics base their attacks on his person. Some GOs are so contemptuous of him that they find it distasteful to even mention his name. So they only make references to him. Pastor David Ibiyome, Founder of the Salvation Ministries, Port Harcourt, calls him “the short man from Uyo”. Pastor Paul Eneche of Dunamis International Gospel Centre calls Damina, whom he tried to deny as once being his spiritual leader, an uncomplimentary name.

Pastor Tunde Bakare, Founder of Latter Rain Assembly, now renamed Citadel Global Community Church, referred to Damina as one who “can’t even sustain one marriage.” Bakare who had claimed that God revealed to him that he would replace Muhammdu Buhari as Nigerian President, in reference to Damina and his supporters, vowed “to send the concubines and their children out of the church”. A leading GO refers to Damina as a “mad man”.

To be sure, Damina is a ‘troublesome’ pastor who, suggestively, called his television programme, Righteous Invasion of Truth, RIOT. He preaches that going by Genesis 1, God does not live in Heaven; not only Christians will make Heaven, and that the cassock and choir uniforms are not biblical.

He does not take ‘prisoners’. He took Prophet Jeremiah Omoto Fufeyin, Founder of the Christ Mercyland  Deliverance Ministry, to the cleaners for “merchandising” the church by selling ‘salvation’ soap, perfume, keys, fish hooks and other items that would guarantee them Heaven.

When some of his fellow GOs mocked him for not having a large congregation or private aircraft despite being in the ministry for 40 years, Damina replied that the success of a minister in the Gospel cannot be measured by earthly possessions.

Many GOs preach that people will not receive salvation, be wealthy or might die young if they do not pay tithes, Damina responded: “That is a lie!” He said Jesus, Peter and Paul neither paid nor received tithes. He added that the sermons on tithes and “First Seed” are meant to scam people. He argued that just as salvation is freely given, so should people give of their free volition rather than pastors making it compulsory by creating fear and guilt in them.

Whether the Abel Damina revolution succeeds or not, only the truth shall set us free.

Operatives of the Department of State Services (DSS) have arrested the President of the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), Joe Ajaero.

The arrest was carried out at the Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport in Abuja this morning.

More to follow…

[politicsnigeria]

Edo’s political landscape has since the commencement of electoral campaigns ahead of the Governorship election scheduled to hold on September 21 been littered with faux pas.  Embarrassingly, the faux pas or public blunders were majorly committed by the All Progressives Congress (APC) governorship candidate, Monday Okpebholo.

A video of where Okpebholo on Thursday, September 5, 2024 made yet another gaffe while addressing the crowd during a campaign rally at Ovia North Local Government Area of the state has gone viral. In the video, which started trending on Saturday and has been widely shared on social media, Okpebholo said, “We’re going to provide you with insecurity.”

In the video, Senator Adams Oshiomhole, representing Edo-North and former governor of the state, who was standing beside Okpebholo on the podium, was seen signaling to him, after which the candidate corrected himself.

Without resorting to campaign of calumny in this context, it is expedient to recall that previous gaffes from the APC candidate have often spark widespread laughter or outrage, but behind the humorous slip-ups lie serious concerns about his competence to lead effectively. It is easy to brush off these blunders as mere errors in speech, but for a state like Edo, where leadership can make or break the future, such moments should be given more scrutiny. The reason for the foregoing view cannot be farfetched as gaffes made by politicians in the past; both at state and national levels often reveal deeper truths about the competence and readiness of a politician for leadership.

Take, for example, moments when political candidates have misquoted vital statistics or fumbled through critical policy discussions. While these might appear as minor blunders, they often show a fundamental lack of preparedness, which becomes glaring when such individuals ascend to positions of power. The real concern here is not just about grammar or eloquence. It is about the message beneath the mistake: the inability to grasp critical issues, which is a red flag when choosing who should lead.

Once elected, leaders cannot afford to make careless decisions. In Nigeria, the burden of leadership is heavy, and a leader’s unpreparedness can result in devastating consequences for millions of citizens. Beyond the “faux pas” of their campaigns, many leaders have been voted into office based on sympathy or charisma, only for voters to realize later that these same leaders were not fit for the demands of governance.

A poignant example of this is the frequent misjudgment by voters who ignore early signs of incompetence in a candidate, focusing instead on personal stories, flashy slogans, or ethnic affiliations. Time and again, we have seen politicians who publicly goofed during electioneering campaign that consequently get them elected, only for their lack of preparedness to result in four years of stagnation, corruption, and hardship for the people.

In a democracy like Nigeria, the people hold the power to choose their leaders. However, this power comes with great responsibility. Voting based on sympathy or emotional connection, rather than competence, often leads to disastrous consequences. When a politician appeals to voters through sentimental narratives; whether about their humble background, personal struggles, or lofty promises, there is a tendency for people to overlook their actual track record or potential.

To put it in a cautionary perspective, it is germane to opine at this juncture that a powerful emotion cannot steer an economy out of crisis or security challenges. Once the election is over, and the emotional appeal has faded, the hard reality sets in. If the next governor in Edo State cannot perform, the entire state suffers. Without sounding exaggerative and partisan in this context, the suffering is not for just a few months but for four long years, and probably eight year; years that can either propel Edo State forward or push it deeper into a state of misgovernance.

The last decade of Nigerian politics has shown how dangerous it is to overlook a candidate’s weaknesses, whether it is his or her inability to communicate clearly or his or her failure to present coherent policies. The ramifications of these poor decisions ripple across sectors, from healthcare to infrastructure, leaving citizens to bear the brunt of poor leadership.

Many times, the warning signs are there for everyone to see. Whether it is a candidate fumbling during a debate, avoiding media questions, or making inaccurate statements about the state of the economy, these are not just simple errors. They are reflections of the readiness and seriousness of the candidate. A leader who is not well-versed in the core issues plaguing the country or a state like Edo in this case will struggle to address them when in power.

In Nigeria’s political landscape, several leaders have come into power, and their leadership shortcomings were evident even during their campaigns. Yet, due to sympathy, regional loyalties, or their political party’s influence, they were still voted in. The result? Unemployment continues to rise, inflation remains unchecked, and insecurity spreads. Meanwhile, the leaders who were ill-prepared from the start continue to fumble through their terms in office, leaving citizens in frustration.

It is not just about saying the wrong thing; it is about not understanding the gravity of leadership.

Given the foregoing views, it is expedient to opine that the upcoming elections in Edo present another opportunity for Edolites to make informed decisions. This time, voters must prioritize competence over sentiment. It is essential to look beyond the sound bites and campaign speeches and instead focus on the candidate’s track record, their grasp of issues affecting the state, and their ability to lead with vision and clarity.

A leader who makes frequent public blunders, struggles to communicate policy, or evades tough questions during campaigns is not someone who will suddenly become competent in office. Voters must ask themselves: “If this candidate cannot handle simple questions during an interview, how will he navigate complex challenges?”

Political gaffes often highlight a lack of depth and understanding of the issues at hand, and these are clear indicators of future performance in office.  Edolites must resist the temptation to vote based on sympathy or ethnic affiliations. The stakes are too high.

Edo cannot afford four years of ineffective leadership. Beyond the “faux pas”, Edolites must take these moments seriously and evaluate what they say about the leader in question. The power to choose the future of Edo rests with the voters, and it is time for Edolites to prioritize competence over sentiment. Leadership is not a joke, and political blunders are not just harmless mistakes, they are warning signs of what is to come.

Edo deserves leaders who are ready and capable, not ones who hide behind emotional appeal. The decisions made at the ballot box will shape the state’s destiny for years to come. Choose wisely.

As World Heart Day draws near on September 29, the message of adopting a healthy heart lifestyle continues to resonate globally. However, it appears that many people, especially in Nigeria, are not heeding this critical call. Government authorities and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have been doing their part to raise awareness, but it is clear that more needs to be done to penetrate everyday life and ensure that people take the message seriously.

The rising rate of heart-related illnesses and deaths is alarming, and yet, there seems to be a lack of understanding or perhaps indifference toward simple but life-saving practices that can help maintain heart health. Across the country, poor lifestyle habits such as unhealthy diets, lack of physical activity, and smoking continue to persist despite numerous awareness campaigns.

A drive through bustling urban centers such as Lagos and Abuja paints a vivid picture of how the message of a healthy heart lifestyle is not being taken seriously. Fast food joints, often patronized by people of all ages, thrive on meals that are high in unhealthy fats and sodium, major contributors to heart disease. The growing trend of consuming sugary drinks and processed snacks only adds to the problem, with many ignoring the importance of balanced, heart-friendly meals.

Take, for instance, the routine choices of many office workers. Long working hours often leave them with little time to exercise, and instead of opting for healthy lunch alternatives, they rely on quick, unhealthy fixes. Despite repeated reminders from health professionals to walk more, sit less, and engage in physical activities, sedentary lifestyles prevail. This lack of action is particularly concerning, given that physical inactivity is a major risk factor for heart disease.

Another instance of indifference is the continued high rate of smoking, particularly among youths. According to the World Health Organization (WHO), tobacco use is a leading cause of cardiovascular diseases, and it accounts for a substantial number of premature deaths. Despite government efforts to ban smoking in public places and increase tobacco taxes, the number of smokers remains high, with many unaware or indifferent to the long-term damage smoking can do to the heart.

One recent survey found that many smokers underestimate the dangers of smoking, seeing it as a habit that can be quit anytime without long-term consequences. Such misconceptions are dangerous and highlight the need for more aggressive campaigns that highlight the irreversible damage smoking does to heart health.

High blood pressure is often referred to as the “silent killer” because it shows no symptoms until it is too late. Yet, many Nigerians remain unaware of their blood pressure levels, either due to lack of routine checkups or simply because they do not see the need for it. Regular blood pressure monitoring and managing stress are crucial for preventing heart disease, yet people are often more focused on dealing with day-to-day stress without considering its impact on their heart health.

For example, a recent community health outreach in Lagos revealed that many residents had dangerously high blood pressure levels without even knowing it. Despite efforts to provide free blood pressure screenings, only a fraction of people showed up, and many of those who did were resistant to making necessary lifestyle changes after receiving their results.

Given the clear disconnect between heart health awareness and lifestyle choices, it is imperative for government authorities and NGOs to ramp up their efforts. While awareness campaigns exist, they must be more impactful, relatable, and consistent. One-time health campaigns are not enough; there needs to be a continuous effort to integrate the message of a healthy heart into people’s everyday lives.

Initiatives like free heart health checkups, public health education programs, and collaborations with workplaces, schools, and community centers can make a significant difference. Additionally, stricter enforcement of regulations against smoking, clearer food labeling, and better access to heart-healthy foods are critical steps that both government and NGOs can take.

As September 29 approaches, we must recognize that World Heart Day should not just be a day for symbolic gestures but a pivotal moment to recalibrate our efforts to promote heart health. The government, NGOs, and health professionals must intensify their efforts to raise awareness and drive home the urgency of a healthy heart lifestyle. Equally important, individuals must take personal responsibility to make heart-healthy choices every day.

In a country where heart disease is becoming increasingly common, we cannot afford to be complacent. The message is clear: A healthy heart is a key to a healthy life, and the time to act is now.

The resignation of a top political figure is often an event shrouded in speculation, controversy, and varied interpretations. This was no different in the case of Ajuri Ngelale, who recently tendered his resignation from his position within the administration of President Bola Tinubu. As Ngelale walks away from the responsibilities he once embraced with enthusiasm, many are left wondering: was this a resignation driven by frustration, or did it stem from a strong stance on principle?

Ajuri Ngelale is not a name unfamiliar to Nigeria’s political observers. As one of Tinubu’s media aides, Ngelale built a reputation as a committed and articulate advocate for the administration’s policies. He skillfully defended government actions in the media and demonstrated loyalty to the ruling party, the All Progressives Congress (APC). His rise in the public eye was swift, buoyed by his eloquent defense of policies often criticized by the opposition and the general public.

However, just as a saying has it that “public office is not permanent” his resignation has no doubt highlight the fact that political positions and statuses are temporary and subject to change, similar to the concept that in politics there are “no permanent friends, no permanent enemies, but permanent interests.” This underscores the fluid nature of political relationships and the importance of adaptable strategies. Be that as it may, the reasons for his resignation remain somewhat unclear, though several conjectures have emerged.

There is speculation that Ngelale’s departure may be rooted in frustration with the internal workings of the government. Despite his strong public support for the administration’s policies, it is possible that Ngelale, like many Nigerians, felt disillusioned with the slow pace of reforms and the inability of the government to meet the expectations of the people. The current economic challenges facing the nation, including inflation, high unemployment, and increasing poverty, may have been a tipping point. His departure could be a reflection of his own frustration with how things were being handled within Tinubu’s government.

Speculations also have it that Ngelale may have resigned due to a conflict with the direction of the APC itself. Having worked closely with the party for years, he may have found himself at odds with certain decisions that did not align with his personal values. Resigning in such a situation would represent an act of principle, showing that he refused to compromise his beliefs even for the sake of his career.

Another possibility is that Ngelale’s resignation was the result of external pressures. Working in such a high-profile position comes with the inevitable challenges of dealing with political adversaries and navigating the demands of powerful figures within the government. It is possible that Ngelale found himself in a position where continuing in office became untenable due to these forces. If so, his departure could be read as a move made out of necessity rather than genuine frustration or principle.

Politics is often a chess game, and resignations can sometimes be part of a larger strategy. Ngelale may be preparing for a future political move that required stepping away from his current role. By resigning, he positions himself as someone who is not tied down to a particular administration, potentially giving him more flexibility for future engagements in Nigerian politics.

Given the foregoing backdrop, it is germane to opine in this context that the line between frustration and principle is often blurred in political resignations. However, based on Ngelale’s record, it is plausible to assume that his resignation is a mix of both. On the one hand, the frustration of defending an administration under immense pressure might have taken its toll. On the other hand, his decision to step down may be a strong statement about standing by his convictions, unwilling to be part of a government unable to deliver on its promises.

In fact, Ajuri Ngelale’s resignation is a reflection of deeper undercurrents within Nigeria’s political landscape. It highlights the challenges that political aides and policymakers face in navigating a government rife with contradictions and mounting public dissatisfaction. If key figures like Ngelale are walking away from their positions, it may signify broader discontent within the administration, a signal that all is not well at the helm.

For the general public, Ngelale’s departure might serve as an indication that even those close to power are not immune to the frustrations experienced by the average Nigerian. As the nation continues to grapple with economic challenges, political instability, and a restless populace, the resignation of such a key figure will likely fuel further discussions on the direction in which the country is heading.

At this juncture, it will not be a misnomer to opine that whether Ajuri Ngelale resigned out of frustration or principle, his exit marks a significant moment in the unfolding story of President Tinubu’s administration. It prompts broader questions about the internal dynamics of the government and whether key figures within the ruling party are losing faith in the very system they helped build. As Nigeria faces mounting challenges, it remains to be seen whether other resignations will follow, and if so, what that means for the future of Nigerian politics.

The Faculty of Engineering and Informatics (FoEI) at the University of Bradford has unveiled a substantial scholarship to the tune of £11,645. equivalent to N24,000,000 to support Nigerian, and other international students.

The scholarship for the Applied Artificial Intelligence B.Sc programme represents a significant opportunity for prospective students worldwide.

According to the University of Bradford, international students will be granted a scholarship at 50% of the advertised tuition fee, equivalent to £11,645, meaning that as of the 2024/25 academic year, students will only need to pay £11,645 per year in tuition fees.

The institution announced that the reduced fee of £11,645 represents a significant decrease from the regular tuition cost.

It aims to reassure prospective students of its dedication to improving the accessibility of higher education.

The scholarship is open to students from a wide range of countries, including Nigeria, Afghanistan, Canada, Germany, India, and the United States, among others, and the scholarship automatically applies upon enrolment, so students do not need to submit a separate application.

However, the university expects scholarship recipients to remain engaged with their coursework, including regular attendance and timely submission of assignments.

Failure to meet these expectations could result in the withdrawal of the scholarship and a potential requirement to repay the awarded amount.

Information supplies that the scholarship is available to all new, full-time international students who begin their studies in the Applied Artificial Intelligence BSc program during the 2024/25 academic year.

Furthermore, the opportunity is not restricted by country, as it encompasses a broad list of nations from the Solomon Islands to Zimbabwe, ensuring that a diverse cohort of students can benefit from this initiative.

The Dean of FoEI, Professor Alex Johnson, in the statement, expressed enthusiasm about the new scholarship, stating, “We are thrilled to offer this significant scholarship to our international students.

“It reflects our commitment to attracting global talent and supporting students who are passionate about advancing their knowledge in artificial intelligence. We look forward to welcoming a diverse group of scholars to our programme,” he said.

Additionally, prospective students should note that while the scholarship is automatically applied, they must still complete the necessary enrolment procedures by October 25, 2024.

Interested students need to ensure they meet all academic and administrative requirements to benefit from this opportunity.

For more information on the scholarship and the Applied Artificial Intelligence BSc programme, prospective students are encouraged to visit the University of Bradford’s official website or contact the admissions office directly.

[Leadership]

Around May 26, 2020, the police in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) announced that Raphael Yanyi, a senior judge, “had suffered a suspected heart attack” leading to his death. The ministry of justice quickly clarified, however, that the remains of the judge “did not exhibit any toxic substances.” Following an autopsy, justice minister, Celestin Tunda Ya Kasende, disclosed that Judge Yanyi had died from “blows of sharp points or knife-like objects, which were thrust into his head.”

Contrary to the claim by the police, the judge did not die of a heart attack. Instead he was murdered. At the time of his killing, Raphael Yanyi was presiding over the high profile corruption trial of Vital Kamerhe, chief of staff to President Felix Tshisekedi.

The killers of Raphael Yanyi have yet to be unmasked and it is impossible presently to say whether they were state or non-state actors.

Zimbabwean advocate, Justice Mavedzenge, makes the distinction between attacks on the independence of judges on the one hand and the persecution of judges on the other. While the former are usually institutional, the latter seek to harm the lives, persons or wellbeing of judges and their families. This goes beyond the weaponization of judicial ethics or the targeting of judges for political reasons. It is not exactly new in Africa.

On September 21, 1972, for instance, elements in the army of Uganda’s Field Marshall Idi Amin Dada, abducted chief justice, Benedicto Kiwanuka, from his chambers at the supreme court of Uganda. Four days later, Marshall Amin shot and killed his captive, Chief Justice Kiwanuka, at the state lodge in Nakasero, Kampala, Uganda’s capital.

Nearly 10 years later, on June 30, 1982, unknown persons abducted three serving judges of the High Court of Ghana: Cecilia Koranteng-Addow, Frederick Poku Sarkodee, and Kwadwo Agyei Agyepong. They transported the judges to the Bundase Military Firing Range near Accra where they were shot and killed. To cover up the act, the perpetrators set fire on their bodies. Their charred remains were located the following morning. Joachim Amartey Quaye, a senior member of the ruling Provisional National Defence Council, PNDC, was one of the people found guilty of the judges’ murder. He was subsequently executed by firing squad on August 18, 1983.

Elective government found in most of Africa today, is supposedly more subtle. The predominant contemporary arc of the judicial trajectory around the continent reflects intersecting trends of both “regime capture of the courts” and willing abdication of independence by the highest levels of judicial leadership. However, there remain many examples of judges possessed of both integrity and courage. To bring such judges into line, they are increasingly targets of persecution and harm.

The assumption that the state, government or ruling political parties have a monopoly over these kinds of malefaction appears to be supported by both experience and evidence. It is also the state or ruling parties that are best placed to weaponize mechanisms of judicial ethics in order to terrorise upright judges into submission.

However, in many African countries these days, the presumed monopolies of the state are contested by sundry entities. In Burkina Faso, Mali, Mozambique, Niger, Nigeria, Somalia, and Sudan – to cite a few examples – there exist belligerents, insurgents, or armed movements, who exercise quasi-state capacities, enabling them to target judicial officers or other public officials at will or to harm them.

In the face of a slow build-up of this reality in Nigeria, for instance, there has been a concerted effort to deny it or avoid conferring upon it the stamp of official acknowledgement.

At the beginning of January 2012, for instance, an unknown gunman entered the house of Baba Loskurima, Registrar of the High Court of Borno State in north-east Nigeria and “fired several shots into Baba’s head and chest with a Kalashnikov rifle in front of his wife and children.” He stood no chance.

Nine months later, in September of the same year, Zanna Mallam Gana, the Attorney-General of Borno State was also assassinated. The killings of both Baba Loskurima and Zana Mallam Gana were suspected to have been the handiwork of assassins from the Islamist insurgent group, Boko Haram.

These were not the first attacks by suspected non-state actors in Nigeria designed to bring judges to harm. In 2009, Florence Duroha-Igwe, a judge of the Imo state high court in south-east Nigeria suffered an attack in which both her driver and police orderly sustained severe gunshot injuries.

The following year, the judge-president of the state’s customary court of appeal, Ambrose Egu, and senior magistrate, Pauline Njemanze, were abducted near the Sam Mbakwe International Cargo Airport near Owerri on official duties. In March 2011, high court judges in the state embarked on a strike to protest the abduction of one their colleagues, Theophilus Nzekwe.

Emboldened by the incapacity of the Nigerian state to exact accountability, the perpetrators of these attacks grew in both audacity and intensity and started trading judges for ransom. In October 2019, a senior Justice of Appeal from the Imo state, Chioma Nwosu-Iheme, was abducted in Benin City while on duty presiding over election disputes. She spent a fortnight in captivity.

In September, 2021, former chief judge of Abia state, Nnenna Oti, was abducted in Orlu, Imo state. Seven months earlier, presiding justice of appeal in Owerri, Rita Pemu, needed an extra supply of native wiles to survive the perils of abduction.

The non-state perpetrators of the most recent attacks on the safety of Nigeria’s judges are no longer keen to hide their provenance. Janet Gimba, a judge of the upper customary court of Kaduna state in north-west Nigeria, was abducted with her four of her children on 24 June 2024 by reputed bandits who brutally killed one of the children in order to drive home their bargain for both money and prisoners. The children were released after 15 days in captivity.

On the date in June on which Judge Janet Gimba and her children were abducted, in the Borno-Yobe borderlands in north-east Nigeria, elements suspected to be from the Islamic State, West Africa Province (ISWAP), abducted Haruna Mshelia, a senior judge of the high court of Borno state together with his wife, Binta (who was nursing a fracture), their driver and an orderly. For two years until 2010, before his appointment as a judge, Haruna Mshelia was the chairman was the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), in Maiduguri.

While the fate of the judge, his spouse and their staff remain uncertain, it is prudent to prioritise their safe return. As such, it may be premature to dwell too closely on their case. It is not difficult, however, to speculate as to why a senior judge who is deeply respected for his integrity could be the target abduction by an armed quasi-state actor like ISWAP.

The real question that must be addressed is how legitimate institutions of the state and of organized civics should respond to this kind of situation. Seventy-seven days since the abduction of this senior judge and his wife, very little official or public information exists about their plight or about efforts to free them. That could, of course, be because public authorities have decided that this is the best guarantee for their safe return.

The good news in that is that this suggests that government trusts that the judge, his wife and other abductees with him are alive. The risk, however, is that this could also enable government to demobilise pressure for their safe return. That could guarantee their erasure from public consciousness and, even worse, bring closer the day when the abduction by non-state actors of conscientious judges will become normalised in Africa’s most populous country.

A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.

“The city burns but Nero has just finished playing tambourine in Chinese cafes. The end of the world is having the street empty. It is having ghostly trekkers casting no shadows everywhere. It is Nigeria becoming Malcolm Cowley’s “empty streets of air.” How many will live to tell the end of these hard times, only God knows. Bill Gates said in Abuja last Tuesday that “the actual tax collection in Nigeria is actually low.” Our president echoed him in China on Friday that the petrol we buy must be this costly for the country to stand. There are ‘rumours’ that VAT may move from 7.5 percent to 10 percent. Wahala! Eleven years ago, a barrage of austerity measures was wracking the people of Greece. Just as Nigeria has its own husbands feeding it doses of poison as elixir, Greece had Germany as its guardian angel, its doctor which prescribed for it poisonous doses of magical wellness. Germany’s finance minister, Wolfgang Schauble, paid a visit to Greece on Thursday, July 18, 2013. To welcome that visitor, a troublesome Greek newspaper exclaimed: “Hail Schaube, those who are about to die salute you.”

From William Bascom, American folklorist and anthropologist, I got a Yoruba story. It is here retold, substantially in my own words, in some areas using his words: A certain Chief Lowa was careless with his tongue. Every priest has a priest; Lowa’s own warned him to be careful so that his mouth would not disgrace him. Chief said he had grown taller than disgrace; he was too surefooted to be put to shame. Because he had money and medicine in super abundance, he thought there was nothing he said or did that would have repercussions. His secrets he made subjects of boasts at palm wine joints. He would say anything on impulse and credit it to spasms from unseen spirits.

Then it happened that an unknown tale bearer had gone to inform the king that Lowa had a goat that talked like a human being. The king sent for the chief and the chief appeared before the king. “Is it true that your goat speaks like you and I?” Lowa said it was true. The palace responded with gasps of disbelief. Are you sure? He said he was sure and swore in the name of the town’s ancestors that what he said was the truth and the whole truth. “Well then. Bring your goat before the throne in four days’ time.” The king ordered him and vowed that if, indeed, the goat talked, he would give Lowa half of his possessions, but if it did not, Lowa would be given the goat treatment – barbecued. Chief Lowa smiled and shrugged. He was sure of his goat and its human vocal chords.

Lowa in four days’ time brought his goat before the king. The palace grounds hosted the noble and the not so noble. Every ear wanted to hear the unnatural; every eye was desirous to behold the goat that was human. Lowa rose and spoke to his goat; the goat kept mute. He talked to his goat more frantically, Lowa’s goat ignored Lowa; it refused to answer its owner. It was clear to all that Lowa’s truth was an empty boast; they said he had fooled the king and the ancestors. The people said what he did no one had ever done and gone back home in one piece. Palace guards seized Chief, got him bound, hands and feet, while a huge fire was prepared in fulfillment of the king’s vow.

Chief was stripped naked and his body passed slowly back and forth across the huge fire. On the third pass, the goat opened its mouth and asked, “Why are you trying to kill my owner?” There was a commotion in the palace. “The goat talks!” The people shouted. Lowa was saved and taken off the fire while the king ordered that half of all his possessions be given to him. He was richer but sober. Bascom said as Lowa was taking his goat home, he asked the animal, “Why did you let them pass me over the fire three times?” The goat replied, “Should I have answered the very first time and let you get all this wealth without any suffering? If one becomes rich through trade, do we not see its scars on one’s body?” May our mouth not set us up for trial.

The president spoke to Nigerians before he left China a few days ago. He spoke about his “very bold and unprecedented decisions” at home; he linked his audacious boldness with the unprecedented hike in “fuel prices” and then asked: “can we help it?” No one there could tell him we could – if we searched well and in the right places and using the right persons. Is it not true that the market owes its access not to just one road? While the president was sawing our spine abroad, NNPC was sinking its teeth into our neck at home. It said petrol price in Nigeria would be “determined by global market forces.” And you wanted to ask what that meant. Dangote Refinery is active too, painting ambiguous portraits of oily prices on canvas. Everyone is tugging at the wounded entrails of the helpless.

Writing for ‘The Reading Teacher’ in March 2004, Salli Forbes said “to err is human, to self-correct is to learn.” She was correct. A leader may have the courage to make a mistake but he must not lack the wisdom to know that an error has occurred. And, it is not enough to spot the mistake; the leader must have the competence to correct himself, to repair the damage and stitch up the error. Buying petrol now is like paying for the last supper – dining, then dying. And it is all because someone spoke the wrong words on a wrong day last year. That person has not agreed that his error threw the nation under the bus; he is instead doubling down, praising his priest of pain.

Ben Sira’s wisdom of the ancient counsels whoever must speak to “say much in few words.” Eugene MacNamee, author of ‘The Government of the Tongue’, has a more extreme maxim: “Whatever you say, say nothing.” MacNamee warns that “saying the wrong thing at the wrong time, or even saying the most banal of things in the wrong place with the wrong accent could lead not only to offence but to death…” You would agree with MacNamee if you agree with South African researcher, Khona Dlamini, who thinks “the tongue is fire.” And with Douglas Ewart who insists that “the tongue is mightier than the sword.” Richard Turnbull says “by the tongue, men are led into error through false doctrine.” The wise men who founded Ile Ife had a million gods. But they said one deity worthy of their worship is the mouth. What they offer the mouth till tomorrow is a mouthful of carefulness; they gave it a tongue-twister name, olubobotiribo. Its cognomen is ‘baba ebo’ (father of offerings). May our mouth not disgrace and defeat us.

Darkness has a heart. If you like, call it ‘Heart of Darkness’ with all the pun Joseph Conrad’s novel of that title evokes. Nigerians entered last year and suffered the stroke of escalating petrol prices – one of Buhari’s parting gunshots. Today’s president, as that president’s reluctant candidate, campaigned vigorously against the pains of that era. On his campaign rostra, Bola Tinubu told the distraught to trust him with their votes: “E lo f’okàn ba’lè (be calm), we will bring down the price of petrol.” The candidate on heat got what he wanted and, in his very first speech as president, the conquistador pulled the plug on the livelihood of hope: “subsidy is gone.” He fired that shot into the darkness of our market and nothing has remained the same for all since. He said in China that he could not help it. When he made the be-calm promise before the election, did he know that what he said was a lie? In every context (and contestation) of lies, at least one side is not deceived. And that is the liar. Lies can kill, and they kill. The lie teller may keep his body while victims of his untruth lose theirs. But he loses his essence. “Lying is dying…There is a taint of death, a flavour of mortality in lies”. For the source of that line, check Conrad’s ‘Heart of Darkness’.

While the petrol price tragedy drags on forever, people are dropping dead farm and stream. Nothing walks the land at this moment except poverty and pain. But the president said in China that our eyes needed to see what we are seeing for Nigeria to be sturdy and stable. It is in Orwell’s dystopian ‘1984’ that you read that a stable society is “only possible on a basis of poverty and ignorance.” Listen to Orwell: “For if leisure and security were enjoyed by all alike, the great mass of human beings who are normally stupefied by poverty would become literate and would learn to think for themselves…” (page 198). No one, not even regime backers, are free from this pain. For I have seen some very committed Emilokan people writhe in pain, wetting their withering plants with tears. Why are they not excused from what we suffer? “It is deliberate policy to keep even the favoured groups somewhere near the brink of hardship, because a general state of scarcity increases the importance of small privileges…” (Orwell’s Nineteen-Eighty-Four; page 199).

The city burns but Nero has just finished playing tambourine in Chinese cafes. The end of the world is having the street empty. It is having ghostly trekkers casting no shadows everywhere. It is Nigeria becoming Malcolm Cowley’s “empty streets of air.” How many will live to tell the end of these hard times, only God knows. Bill Gates said in Abuja last Tuesday that “the actual tax collection in Nigeria is actually low.” Our president echoed him in China on Friday that the petrol we buy must be this costly for the country to stand. There are ‘rumours’ that VAT may move from 7.5 percent to 10 percent. Wahala! Eleven years ago, a barrage of austerity measures was wracking the people of Greece. Just as Nigeria has its own husbands feeding it doses of poison as elixir, Greece had Germany as its guardian angel, its doctor which prescribed for it poisonous doses of magical wellness. Germany’s finance minister, Wolfgang Schauble, paid a visit to Greece on Thursday, July 18, 2013. To welcome that visitor, a troublesome Greek newspaper exclaimed: “Hail Schaube, those who are about to die salute you.”

The Greek newspaper got the about-to-die salutation from Ancient Rome. In ancient Rome, captive gladiators are routinely driven to death in a horrid game supervised by the emperor. They called it a gladiatorial match. The fights had large, loud crowds watching and applauding as men hacked men to death. It was an event that saw fighters die after fighters until the last man standing dropped dead. In AD 52, Emperor Claudius reviewed an edition of that ‘game’, then he heard those fated to die let out a cry: “Hail, Emperor, those who are about to die salute you (Ave Imperator, morituri te salutant).” And the emperor responded in practical terms demanding that they died.

Malcolm Cowley’s poet persona hears a scratching at his door, “the noise of some one fingering the latch once.” He opens “and found the night empty of sound, empty.” A long time ago, Emeritus Professor Ladipo Akinkugbe’s uncles heard their own “scratch at the door.” They also found “night” but it was not “empty”. He writes: “Asleep in their little mud hut, they were suddenly roused by some knock at the door in the middle of the night. His elder brother bade him open the door as he had assumed that this was a neighbour seeking assistance. He refused and soon the knocking ceased and the caller’s footsteps faded into the darkness. Peeping through a small hole in the mud wall, they discovered to their horror that it was a leopard. Had that door been opened, they both would never have lived to tell the story.”

My muse told me we’ve finally opened our door to the leopard of Big Brother. It was the muse’s summation of the many things that happened at the same time last week. Reports of trials and tribulations, of protesters in police courts, and of traumatized paupers at petrol pumps. Petrol, for the first time since 1914, sells for more than a thousand naira per litre. If you can buy, buy it quietly and drive home; if you are too poor to buy, trek home silently in peace. Whichever you choose, BIG BROTHER IS WATCHING YOU. Those words in capital letters you find in George Orwell’s ‘Nineteen Eighty Four’. They make up the caption beneath a huge poster that displays “…an enormous face, more than a metre wide”. It is not enough that the face is enormous, you find, to your horror and dread, that the eyes in the poster “follow you about when you move.”

The leopard-at-the-door story above is a paragraph in Akinkugbe’s autobiography, ‘Footprints & Footnotes’. The book is a personal story which provides some ghastly details about this country, the demons in its forest and why it may never work well. A leopard at the door cannot be a friend or a totem of good fortune. Not all who knock at doors seek help or seek to help. Beware of those you open your heart or stall to, especially when it is dark. You may be sorry if every rap on your door unbolts the access. Nigerians did this – many times during their election cycles. They are always sorry after the act. They did it yesterday, – and today, they are very sorry. But, they will do it again.