“Scramble for Africa” historically refers to the late 19th and early 20th centuries when European powers colonised and divided the African continent, seeking political, economic, and strategic dominance. Africa was mercilessly exploited, and to date, the scars remain. With its rich resources and sizable population, Nigeria became a prime target of British colonial authorities, a historical fact that underscores its continued strategic importance on the continent. Fast forward to the 21st century, and a new scramble for Africa is underway. This time, global powers compete for influence, resources, and markets rather than territories. Once again, Nigeria plays a central role in these geopolitical and economic dynamics.

In this modern scramble, the dynamics differ considerably. The focus has shifted from territorial to economic conquest wrapped in infrastructure investments, aid and strategic alliances. Leading global actors—such as China, the United States, the European Union, and emerging powers like Russia, Turkey, and India—vie for influence across Africa through diplomacy, trade deals, and development initiatives. While politically independent, Africa remains a stage for intense geopolitical competition, as the world’s most powerful nations recognise the continent’s potential and seek to secure a share of its resources and promising future.

Nigeria is pivotal in Africa’s trajectory as the continent’s most populous country and largest economy. The country is rich in oil reserves, has a rapidly expanding technology sector, and boasts an increasingly youthful and growing population. By 2050, projections indicate that one in four people will be African, and Nigeria is expected to account for a significant portion of that demographic shift. This youthful population, with its energy and potential, presents a promising future, making Nigeria a focal point in global power plays, with its future development and stability crucial for Africa and the world.

However, Nigeria also faces many domestic challenges that complicate its ability to maximise the benefits of this shadow battle for influence by global powers. These issues include endemic corruption, ineffective political leadership, and security concerns. These issues have created a fragile environment for economic growth, even as foreign powers, as part of their grand strategy, seek to invest in the country’s resources and infrastructure to position their countries for influence and economic advantage. 

In recent years, a series of high-profile international summits have been held aimed at solidifying relationships with African nations. These summits, often referred to as an ‘old trick’ in international diplomacy, remain effective in the modern scramble for Africa. They serve as platforms for global powers to compete for influence and partnerships, highlighting the continued importance of Africa in the global geopolitical landscape. 

Unfortunately, Africa has learnt nothing from history. Some notable examples of these partnership summits include the Russia-Africa Summit, the U.S.-Africa Leaders’ Summit, the European Union-African Union (AU) Summit, the Tokyo International Conference on African Development, and China’s Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC).

Each of these summits represents a strategic attempt by global powers to strengthen ties, secure economic partnerships, and cement their geopolitical foothold in Africa. For instance, the European Union’s Global Gateway project, announced at the EU-AU Summit, seeks to counter China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) by offering substantial investments in African infrastructure. Likewise, the U.S.-Africa Leaders’ Summit highlighted a $55 billion investment plan over three years, reflecting a renewed focus by Western powers on regaining influence in a continent where China’s presence has become increasingly dominant.

China’s FOCAC remains a crucial pillar of its engagement with Africa. At the 2024 FOCAC summit, China pledged USD 51 billion for 30 infrastructure projects across Africa, positioning Beijing for more significant influence on the continent. Meanwhile, emerging powers like India, Turkey, and the Gulf states are also working to deepen their ties with African nations, creating more comprehensive partnership options for African leaders.

In this evolving global chessboard, the question remains: Is Nigeria a pawn in the hands of international powers, or can it become an active player shaping its destiny? Nigeria’s vast natural resources, demographics, expanding technology sector, and strategic location make it an attractive playground for foreign investment and global geopolitics. However, the country’s ability to benefit from this renewed battle for global influence hinges on its ability to navigate the complex landscape of international diplomacy and partnerships, in addition to the quality of domestic governance , the power of immigration , the rise of Ai and ICT and its positioning in the new global economic order. This is purely a function of leadership that has understanding and requisite navigational skill. 

At present, Nigeria faces a delicate balancing act. On one hand, foreign investments can drive much-needed infrastructure development, job creation, and technological advancement. However, the ever-present risk of economic dependency and the challenge of maintaining sovereignty exists. China’s large-scale infrastructure investments, often funded by loans, have sparked concerns over Nigeria’s rising debt burden and the potential for long-term economic vulnerability. These concerns underscore the need for Nigeria to adopt a cautious approach, ensuring that foreign partnerships do not compromise the country’s sovereignty or its long-term developmental goals. This delicate balance requires strategic decision-making and a clear understanding of Nigeria’s long-term interests in the global geopolitical landscape.

Nigeria’s potential to play an active role in the African continent and emerging global dynamics is inextricably linked to its domestic stability, achieved by strengthening democratic institutions, improving security, promoting inclusive development, and maintaining a favourable investment  environment. Nigeria inevitably must build a strong economy as the foundation for effective foreign policy. We cannot continue to tumble from one economic policy to the next and expect to be given strategic importance in this new war for influence by powerful global nations on the continent.

Nigeria’s leadership is central to its success in this new scramble for Africa. Without visionary and strategic leadership capable of understanding global dynamics and advancing Nigeria’s long-term interests, the country risks being left behind in the race for international influence. The need for such leadership is urgent, as Nigeria’s leaders must prioritise its strategic autonomy, leveraging its vast resources and human capital to negotiate favourable terms with global powers.

Nigeria needs to be more active in a world where geopolitical competition intensifies. Its foreign policy must proactively build alliances with traditional and emerging powers while safeguarding the nation’s long-term interests. The country’s leaders must recognise the importance of actively shaping Nigeria’s future and Africa’s collective destiny. Nigeria, with its potential and resources, has a significant role in shaping the continent’s future. 

So far, sound bites from Nigeria’s foreign affairs minister, Yusuf Maitama Tuggar, seem reasonable, but action is more important. Nigeria is championing the 4D principle, Democracy, Demographics, Development and Diaspora. We led the UN tax reforms but till date we are yet to appoint  a permanent representative in the global body to further advance our agenda items. Nigeria has yet to appoint substantive ambassadors for all our missions in nearly one year, yet we expect the world to take us seriously in diplomatic engagements. Regional leadership in West Africa and the continent should be our natural forte, but we also are not getting it right. 

As one of Africa’s largest economies, Nigeria is uniquely positioned to lead the continent in defining its collective positions in dealings with external powers. However, this requires smart diplomacy and a Pan-African approach, whereby African nations present a united front in their negotiations with global actors. If African nations act as individual entities, they risk being divided and conquered by more considerable powers with far more excellent resources and strategic leverage.

Africa’s ability to thrive in this new era of global competition depends on its capacity to unite as a bloc to secure mutually beneficial deals with external partners. By adopting a coordinated Pan-African strategy, African nations can negotiate from a position of strength, ensuring they benefit from foreign engagement rather than being exploited.

The new scramble for Africa presents both opportunities and risks for Nigeria. Foreign investment offers a pathway to infrastructure development, economic growth, and technological innovation. However, the risk of neocolonialism and economic dependency looms as Nigeria and other African nations rely on external capital for their development. A culture of dependence on aids and foreign capital often creates a disincentive for critical thinking and institutional development. 

Nigeria’s future will depend on its ability to manage these external influences, prioritise national interests, and strengthen its internal governance. With strategic foresight and effective leadership, Nigeria can turn the renewed global scramble for Africa into an opportunity for national development, positioning itself as a key player worldwide. However, if Nigeria fails to navigate these challenges, it risks repeating past mistakes and falling prey to the forces that once sought to dominate it.

The historical and contemporary scrambles for Africa share similarities in the way foreign powers seek to exploit Africa’s resources for their benefit. However, the modern scramble is driven by economic partnerships rather than direct colonisation. With exemplary leadership, Nigeria can be central to this new global competition as one of Africa’s most influential countries. While foreign investments bring growth opportunities, Nigeria must navigate the challenges of dependency, corruption, and internal security issues to ensure that it benefits from the new scramble without repeating past mistakes. Nigeria’s future depends on its ability to manage foreign relations while prioritising its national interests and development.

Many Nigerians are understandably shocked that petrol being pumped out of the Dangote refinery (DR) will not be selling at a relatively affordable price at the pumps, or a little cheaper than the imported variety. Long conditioned to subsidised products, they had expected that a locally produced petrol will offer a huge relief from the cost-of-living crisis they’ve been enduring since last year. Hope was heightened when the government announced recently that Dangote will buy Nigerian crude oil in naira and sell his products within the country in the same currency. In many social media platforms and talk shows, Nigerians have been busy analysing the refinery’s production economics and explaining why we should be buying cheap fuel soon.

‘’Why would Dangote not sell his petrol cheap or cheaper than imported product when he is not bearing cost of shipping; LC charges; wharf charges; insurance and other costs borne by importers?’’, a disgruntled university professor wrote last week. Another person noted on X, ’’Anything above N766 per litre from Dangote is back to square one’’. One other commentator wrote, ‘’Queuing for fuel is not our problem. If Dangote’s fuel is not cheaper than what we have now, then the whole thing is not worth it’’.

I had always known that Dangote’s fuel will not come cheap, but I did not expect that it would go as high as about N1,000/litre. When I visited the refinery in July as part of a media tour, I had remarked during the question-and-answer session that Nigerians were looking forward to buying petrol from the refinery at between N400 and N600 per litre, against the retail price of over about N700 per litre then. My remark drew a chuckle from the man himself.

Just this morning, NNPC announced that it would sell Dangote petrol at various prices, depending on location. In Lagos, for example, the product will sell at N950 per litre at its stations; N980 in Rivers; N960.22 in Oyo; N999.22 in Kaduna, Sokoto and FCT and N1,079.22 in Borno. NNPC will make a margin of N26.58 per litre, after incurring distribution cost of cost N15/litre; inspection fee of N.97/litre and NMDPRA fee of N8.99/litre. On Sunday, NNPC had told us that it purchased petrol at N898/litre (it actually paid 55 cents/litre) from Dangote.

I commend NNPC for these disclosures, and I should note that these prices are only obtainable for the month of September when NNPC is buying in dollars from the refinery. For October when crude would be sold in naira, the prices may change, depending on a few variables like the exchange rate and the crude oil price in the international market.

Clearly, the downstream market is now fully deregulated, and for the first time in our history, subsidy is truly gone. Nigerians should brace up for a market determined pricing structure that would be influenced by a few factors: price of crude oil; exchange rate; cost of refining; overheads; borrowing costs and insurance. Crude oil price will continue to be a major determinant of petrol price. Even when NNPC sells crude in naira to DR, the pump price would still be determined by the prevailing exchange rate. If Naira continues to slide, petrol price will increase, even if other factors remain unchanged.

This morning, crude oil is selling at about $72 and at the exchange rate of N1,600/dollar, Dangote would be buying a barrel of crude oil at about N115,200. Although there are many other products that are obtained from a barrel of crude oil, petrol will not come cheap because of other inherent costs in the production process. Dangote is highly indebted to Nigerian banks, and even before his refinery began production, he was already repaying and servicing his debts. He had told the media in July that he had incurred huge interest charges due to failed attempts in land acquisition in Ogun state and delays in construction in Lagos state due to communal issues. The accumulated interest charges and other interest costs will count in the pricing of his petrol.

I am sure that the refinery is fully insured by foreign insurers and huge premiums are paid yearly in dollars. According to loss adjusters in the United States, a refiner worth $1 billion will likely pay a yearly insurance premium of $2.5 million or more. You can imagine what Dangote Refinery, the world’s largest single-train refiner, worth about $20 billion, will pay every year as a premium. This will also be factored into its pricing structure.

Dangote’s costs of production must also be very high and this will impact heavily on the pricing of its products. The refinery provides everything for itself, including building three ports within the complex for its use in bringing in heavy equipment and building a huge 400 MW power plant to provide own electricity. In addition, DR has over 8,000 persons in its payroll. During construction, 29,000 Nigerians and 11,000 expatriates worked at the site. The huge wage bill would have to be taken care of by the selling prices of the products.

But despite the relatively high cost of Dangote petrol, this refinery is about the best thing that has ever happened to Nigeria’s industrialization and economic development in terms of the multiplier effects and expected uninterrupted fuel supply. Since the refinery will buy crude oil in Naira, that should ameliorate the impacts on the exchange rate. As the Naira firms up in the months ahead, I expect inflation to dip southwards. With all other factors remaining the same (they hardly do, anyway), prices of other items in the market should fall. The only reason petrol will sell cheap is if crude oil goes for as low as $40 per barrel or if the dollar exchanges for N800 or less. Both have significant implications for the economy, of course. But with tension mounting in the Middle East, cheaper crude oil is not likely soon.

I have taken note of the assurance from the finance minister, Wale Edun, that petrol price will fall as the refinery scales up production. Speaking at the refinery on Sunday, Edun said, ‘’We’re expecting that as this refinery, and even others, ramp up production, scale and achieve economies of scale, there should be the opportunity – and there is definitely the potential – to reduce their costs which should be passed on to consumers’’.

I agree, provided all other factors remain unchanged. Will they?

President Bola Tinubu has arrived in Maiduguri to commiserate with the government and people of Borno state over the recent flood incident. 

On September 10, flood displaced many residents in the Fori, Galtimari, Gwange, and Bulabulin areas of Maiduguri.

No fewer than 30 people have been reported dead from the flood which occurred following the collapse of the Alau dam.

Vice-President Kashim Shettima had visited Maiduguri shortly after the incident, describing it as the “most catastrophic” flood in Borno state in the last three decades.

Speaking during an on-the-spot assessment, Shettima said the impacts of the floods “exceeded estimation”.

Tinubu had directed the immediate evacuation of victims of the flood while he was away from the country.

The president left Abuja for China on August 29 but stopped in Dubai before arriving in Beijing on September 1.

After six days in China, Tinubu left Beijing for London where he met with King Charles III on September 12.

The President arrived Nigeria just before midnight on Sunday, September 15, and was received at the Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport by some members of the administration and heads of security agencies.

[TheCable]

IT is bizarre. The International Monetary Fund, IMF, calling on the government to protect the poor from the impact of the fuel price hikes it engineers! To add to its criminal thought process against the Nigerian people, the same IMF is telling the Tinubu administration that fuel prices in Nigeria are too low and need to be increased because it is allegedly selling below market price. What market?

To understand this, we need to know that the Western Europe-owned IMF and its Siamese American twin, the World Bank, have since 1981 told every successive Nigerian government that our petroleum product prices are too cheap and must be increased. Based on their ‘advice’, every successive Nigerian government increases the price of petrol. The more government increases the price, the more impoverished Nigerians become to the extent that even as an oil-endowed and oil-rich country, Nigeria became the poverty capital of the world. Yet, the West imposes ever more pressure that the price be increased.

Let me give you an idea of the depths the IMF and World Bank have pushed us. When this shoving of Nigerian governments started under the Shagari administration, a litre of fuel was raised from 15.3 Kobo to 20 Kobo. Then as part of so-called reforms and the ruinous Structural Adjustment Programme, SAP, the Babangida regime first moved the price on March 31, 1986 to 39.5K, then, two years later to 42K , on to 60K, and finally, 70K.

The illegal Shonekan interim regime moved it to N5, Abacha reduced it two weeks later to N3.25 before moving it to N15 and two days later reducing it to N11. The Abubakar regime took it to N25 before reducing it 17 days later to N20. Obasanjo in a series of increases took it to N70 and Buhari took it to N238 before handing over to Tinubu on May 29, 2023. In the last 15 months, President Tinubu has increased the price, first to N545.883, then to N617, and now to N897.

The goals of the IMF and World Bank are to dominate the world on behalf of the West, discourage production by the underdeveloped countries and ensure they remain providers of raw materials. Part of their strategy is to bury client states in unnecessary and doubtful debts and, reduce them to junk status.

Anybody who thinks that these Western vehicles of underdevelopment have by their expression of sympathy with the poor become humane or repentant is mistaken. The IMF and World Bank are bandit organisations, ever-ready to steal from the poor and deprive the hungry child even half a loaf of bread.

They are undertakers of the West who dig the graves of the poor and underdeveloped countries and bury their hopes and, possibly, their future. So, if they express sympathy with the plight of their victims, it is not skin-deep. It is like a person carrying out cosmetic surgery, that in itself neither changes the age, nor the person.

In the midst of mass misery, deprivation, hunger and anger, the narration is being pushed that our political elites admire China and would want Nigeria to develop like the Chinese. Yet, they would not take the basic steps towards development the children of Chairman Mao Tse Tung and Chui Enlai have taken. Not even to start with the most basic step, which is to develop a thought process.

The basic principle of China is that the business of the Chinese government is business; in contrast, the Nigerian government says it has no business in business. So, how can the Chinese reforms be its model? In China, there is crime and punishment as indeed should be in any sane clime. In Nigeria, there is crime, but punishment depends on social status. As the ruling All Progressive Congress, APC, had often told its opponents, come over and join us, and all your sins (crimes) are forgiven. Indeed, it is easier for the camel to pass through the eye of a needle than for a politically-connected Nigerian elite to be successfully tried in court. Even if by happenstance he were found guilty, there is a guarantee that he would not spend his full prison term behind bars.

So, when government claimed that the Nigeria Labour Congress, NLC, President Joe Ajaero was detained last week on his way to the United Kingdom because nobody is above the law, I am not sure anybody believed it. The issue of Ajaero is not about law, it is about lack of coordination in government and little veiled incompetence amongst the security services. How come almost every arm of the security services are inviting or arresting the same person for a sundry of known and unknown reasons?

The labour leader has been arrested, and even beaten by a state government and, multiple arms of the police and the secret services. I will not be surprised if local traffic wardens like LASMA arrest him to ‘assist with investigations’. So the issue about Nigerians like Ajaero and the youths on treason trial for publicly demonstrating their feelings, is not about Nigeria being a country of laws, but about social justice.

This, again, raises our claims to want the Chinese model of reforms. Unlike Nigeria where the law is supposed to be even-handed for every citizen, in China, the higher you are in public office, the higher your punishment. A crime in China, say for theft of public funds which would earn a lowly citizen years imprisonment, would fetch a highly placed public official the death penalty. Let me also say that from my observation of the Chinese legal system, punishment for crimes are carried out.

It is the failure to bring crooks to justice that has saddled Nigeria with lots of baggage that would not allow the democratic system breathe. For instance, our elections are a litany of crimes for which the perpetrators, including hired thugs, are richly rewarded. That is why certified street thugs in various parts of the country are multi-billionaires.

I feel ashamed as a Nigerian that each time elections are to be held, especially at national and state levels, former leaders, serving and past governors, senators, religious leaders, academics and security chiefs gather to sign peace accords with a promise not to rig elections or perpetrate violence. As it turns out, these agreements are not worth the paper on which they are written.

After such agreements, the peacemakers -I wonder who picks their bills – retire to their homes, and the gladiators in the elections do what they know best.

We can learn lessons on development but we will be deceiving ourselves if we think oppressors will fall in love with the oppressed. You can take this to the bank, including the World Bank.

The Yorùbá culture has always been blessed with the attention of intellectuals, scholars and academics who considered it a worthwhile subject of discourse. Without any doubt, the Yorùbá culture is one of the most studied cultural forms of life in the world. This is apart from the many scholars, cultural enthusiasts and intellectuals that the culture itself has produced, from Samuel Ajayi Crowder to Samuel Johnson, from Akinwunmi Isola to J. A. Atanda to Saburi Biobaku, and from Wole Soyinka to Wande Abimbola, Oyekan Owomoyela to Toyin Falola. But we must also not forget the cultural and indigenous intellectuals, like D. O. Fagunwa, Archibishop Ayo Ladigbolu and Adebayo Faleti, to name just a few, who’s very being and profession are invested in the culture itself. All these intellectuals are those who have laid the foundation for entrenching the influence and the national and global reach of the culture, as well as its hold on our collective imagination.

In this piece, I am glad to dedicate this critical analysis to Baba Archbishop Ayo Ladigbolu who has been a cultural icon for me since way back. I have written so much about my wondering and wandering sensibility as a young boy growing up and reflecting about my context and surrounding. Yoruba culture and history have always held a deep source of curiosity for me, and Pa Ladigbolu is a phenomenal figure who constitutes a triadic embodiment of the theological, the cultural and the political, and one at that who influenced my scholarship indescribably. That places Baba within the crosshair of my search for cultural and theological enlightenment, especially about the Yorùbá culture’s engagement with non-Yorùbá influences. Indeed, in many of my intense political conversations with HE Chief Olusegun Obasanjo around Nigerian politics and the place of the southwest within it, he had always been insistent that I must not miss the opportunity to sit at the feet of the Master, Archbishop Ladigbolu, since I have chosen to follow in the footstep of my grandfather and the celebrated historian of culture, Rev. David Aibinu Olaopa, of blessed memory. This was an added impetus since I had already taken him as a father and a mentor.

Baba Ladigbolu is phenomenal. He occupies the same circle of cultural preservationists that include Tunde Kelani the filmmaker and the Afenifere, the pan-Yorùbá cultural and political forum. However, Baba’s historical trajectory is one with a significant difference. And this is because he is a minister of God who is deeply ingrained in both his cultural environment as well as in Christianity. His career therefore enables a deep insight into the understanding of the conflicted relationship between culture and modernity, and how one could begin to unravel the significance of modernity within a culture’s own development. Indeed, the cultural and professional trajectories of Baba Ladigbolu provides us with a fundamental framework for how an ecumenical framework could be generated between an indigenous culture and a foreign religion. Pa Ladigbolu achieved that almost seamless coherence that allowed him to become a priest of the Methodist Church of Nigeria (and to rise up to the zenith of its hierarchy as an archbishop) while retaining a very deep cultural mooring in the Yorùbá heritage.

We immediately see the significance of this fusion in an age when Pentecostal Christianity built its own incursion into a different culture on the basis of the demonization of those cultures as heathenism. Archbishop Ladigbolu deployed his contact with western education as the fulcrum for developing an open-minded cultural sensibility that allows for the mutual reinforcement between Christianity and the Yorùbá culture in terms of the emergence of a modern sensibility that enables a conversation between the two. When I think of Pa Ladigbolu, I see an older and more perfect reflection of how Ali Mazrui’s Africa’s triple heritage thesis could become an embodied lifestyle and philosophy. I have written so much about how my upbringing enabled me to see how the three dynamics—Christianity, traditional Yoruba religion and Islam—could relate in a non-violent manner. Baba Ladigbolu was raised as a Muslim within a deeply culturally conscious Yoruba context and he converted to Christianity while still advocating the preservation of the Yorùbá culture.

Being born within a household that traces its lineage to Alaafin Siyanbola Ladigbolu I, and growing up within an authentic palace comes with its own unique educational value in the paraphernalia of the Yoruba culture. One of the deepest implications was that even before encountering western education through his many travels and the experience they yielded, he had already assimilated an enlarged mind that accepted the theological ramifications of Islam, Yoruba theology and Christianity. His worldview was already wide enough and empathetic to accommodate his myriad experiences traveling from one place to another. We can speculate that his enlarged sensibility owes a lot to the openminded accommodationist framework that the Yorùbá culture itself makes possible. The Yorùbá culture was able to accommodate the incursion of Islam and Christianity because it lacks the exclusionary ontology of both.

I prefer to see Archbishop Ladigbolu as an exemplar of Antonio Gramsci’s understanding of who an intellectual is. Gramsci bifurcated between the “traditional” and the “organic” intellectuals. The traditional intellectuals—teachers, scientists, priests, artists—contrary to their claims to be the bearers of universal values, are actually those that emerged from within a privileged or even a dominant social class, and who are compelled by the dynamics of that class to reinforce its values and philosophies. The organic intellectuals, on the other hand, are more organically connected to the masses because they grew and emerged from within non-privileged strata, transformed their status through education especially, and imposed on themselves the obligation to raise the fortune of that strata. Intellectuals, Gramsci argues, are recognized by their need for the critical elaboration of a new understanding of the world. This is what determines the functions of the intellectuals in any society.   

Indeed, I want to make a radical assertion that Pa Ladigbolu possesses the status of both a traditional and an organic intellectual. When he became a Christian and the entire household became convulsed with fear and tears, they had no way of understanding the contradiction in their worries. They were Yorùbá who embraced Islam. And so there should not have been any worries about one of them embracing Christianity. And if their worry had been about his possible loss of cultural knowledge, little did they know that he would become a cultural champion that he is today.

A much more fundamental challenge embedded in Pa Ladigbolu’s stature is the tension between absolutist theological ontology of Christianity and the accommodationist and liberal worldview of the Yorùbá. How was the archbishop of the Methodist Church in Nigeria able to balance the claim that Jesus is the way, the truth and the life with Christianity’s paganization of non-Christian cultures? How is Christianity’s proselytizing dynamics squared with the non-proselytizing nature of Yorùbá traditional religion? One way to respond to this is to argue that Pa Ladigbolu’s cultural enthusiasm had to take a back seat while he was the Archbishop of the Methodist Church. And this cultural advocacy had picked up immediately he retired as the archbishop. Even if this explanation is far-fetched given his fearless determination to be Yorùbá at all cost, no one—not even the Church—could deny that Archbishop Ayo Ladigbolu was a staunch Yorùbá who deeply loves God.  

Combining two near incompatible theological views, in my assessment, becomes a courageous plus for Pa Ladigbolu, an insight into the capacity of the Yorùbá culture to keep inventing itself in the face of challenges. The Yorùbá understanding of àṣà demonstrates a flexible adaptability that has allowed the Yorùbá to not only domesticate non-Yorùbá influences, but to also fit into any cultural and theological contexts wherever they found themselves. This is what had made possible, for instance, the Candomblé and Santeria religious experiences from Brazil to Cuba and beyond. These religious forms emerged from the syncretic fusion of the Yorùbá òrìṣà tradition with Roman Catholicism. What is even more significant is that Candomblé, for example, lacks the same institutionalized framework determined by an orthodoxy and a sacred text. Its heterogeneous form allows for significant incorporation in the same way that Ifá incorporates non-Yorùbá events.

This is the same way that Baba Ladigbolu could be understood as a modernizer of the Yorùbá culture and tradition. Being the leader of the Yorùbá Unity Forum (YUF) as well as the chairman of the Oyo Metropolitan Development provide the opportunity to do two major things. First, it allows him to pursue a program of creative urbanism, what the Yorùbá themselves are historically famous for—transforming Yorùbá cities in line with modern exigencies. And second, Baba’s advocacy also brings to the fore the roles of traditional structures and institutions in the development of modern existence.

For Baba, even as the best of modern scholars have realized, culture matters. It must be the platform around which our being-in-the-world is measured and extended to others. The full extent of his multicultural experiences has allowed him to both serve the Almighty while pushing the bounds of theological and cultural similarities and differences. And so, in straddling Gramsci’s distinction between the traditional and the organic intellectual, Archbishop Ayo Ladigbolu becomes an exemplar for other intellectuals—a sum of cultural knowledge that broadens our cultural worldviews.   

“A historian ought to be exact, sincere and impartial; free from passion, unbiased by interest, fear, resentment or affection; and faithful to the truth, which is the mother of history the preserver of great actions, the enemy of oblivion, the witness of the past, the director of the future.” Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar

History is endangered in Nigeria and those who research or teach it as their vocation are at risk of extinction. Every opportunity to celebrate or learn from history or historians in a country like this, therefore, is not one to be spurned.

When the Usman Dan Fodiyo University (UDUS) in Sokoto, north-west Nigeria, announced that the latest instalment of its Inaugural Lectures would engage with the universe of history, a coincidence of three factors guaranteed them more than the usual bandwidth reserved for such events.

First, this was advertised as the 50th Inaugural Lecture in what is effectively the 50th year of the university. UDUS began life in 1975 as one of twelve federal universities established by the military in the aftermath of the Nigerian Civil War with a mission to disperse the frontiers of enlightenment across the country. Usman Dan Fodiyo after whom it is named was the founder of the Caliphal system and a scholar of some repute.

Second, the subject matter of the Inaugural Lecture had audacity written all over it. The framing was: “The Igbo Factor in the History of Inter-Group Relations and Commerce in Kano.” It departed from the usual preoccupation with academic comfort levels and promised a peek into delicate recesses of the Nigerian narrative.

Third, this was only the second Inaugural Lecture from the History Department of UDUS and the lecturer was a man who had spent over 43 years teaching and researching Nigerian history. He had every right to be taken seriously. Moreover, this was the teacher of Mahmood Yakubu, the Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), no less. Here was an opportunity to find out whether the legend of the INEC chairman as an alchemist of fantasy was a product of nature or nurture.

By the time he stepped up to the podium in Sokoto for his lecture on 5 September, 2024, Professor Ahmed Bako was guaranteed an audience like none that he had encountered in nearly four and a half decades as a university teacher. A full auditorium in the university was more than outstripped by the remote audience.

The esteemed lecturer began by acknowledging that his subject matter was one steeped in “extreme prejudice and emotions”, particularly, “in recent years when a lot of stories are being told or rumours being peddled on Igbo Community in different parts of the country.” Far from fidelity to his promise to put matters “in proper perspectives” (sic), the lecturer wasted no time in fulsomely embracing the prejudice.

Growing up, he confessed, he “heard a lot of frightening stories about Igbo as wicked people who killed Sardauna.” On the evidence of his rendition, this tragedy was not the origin of their wickedness; it was proof of it.

According to Professor Bako, the Igbo in Kano are a “diaspora”, which calls into question any claims they may have to Nigerian citizenship. The pioneer Igbo cultural organization in Kano, the Igbo (State) Union, was both clannish and “extremely militant” and the contemporary pan-Igbo socio-cultural institution, Ohanaeze Nd’Igbo, is a “separatist” organization.

He was only warming up. The Igbo, he theorized, “embarrassed” (sic) education “all with the hope of eventual domination of the country; not necessarily for developing it for the benefit of the nation.” Deploying “ethnic solidarity”, he claimed, the Igbo “gradually marginalized or even displace (sic) large number of Hausa traders.”

Far from an Inaugural Lecture, this read very much like a 21st Century Bill of Attainder. There was hardly a constructive contribution to be gleaned from his study of or occasional interaction with the Igbo. Even the Igbo Union School built entirely form community resources of the Igbo and launched in 1959 was dismissed as “exclusively meant for the Igbo, the school had only 9 non-Igbo students.”

In the absence of any organizing theoretical or philosophical framework, the lecture read like a long-suppressed eruption that finally found an occasion to occur. Its context, sub-text, and texture belied its ostentatious claim early in the text that it was “purely historical not political. It is base (sic) on Archival (sic) and field research.”

Blinkered by prejudice, Professor Bako could not muster the curiosity to interpret his own evidence. Earlier in his lecture, he acknowledged “the colonial residential segregation policy that established different enclaves for migrants”, which effectively binned the Igbo in Kano into an ethnic ghetto in Sabon Gari. He could not have been so bereft of imagination as to be unable to discern it was ethnic discrimination that forced the community to build the Igbo Union School. In striving parents who sought to afford education to their children who may otherwise have missed out on it altogether, all he had the capacity to see was ethnic malevolence.

Professor Bako trotted out hackneyed tropes with a recklessness that dispensed with evidence, authority or comparison. For instance, he claimed that “searching for economic power and dominance make the Igbo to be desperate and aggressive. Desperation is what make (sic) them to not only be disliked by host communities in several of the areas of their dominance in Northern Nigeria but to pushed (sic) some young Igbo into criminal activities.” In support of this claim, he provides neither archival material nor evidence from anthropology, criminology or comparative criminal justice research. It was difficult to believe this was an Inaugural Lecture.

In Professor Bako’s fantastic world, these Igbo are an ethnic group in perpetual conspiracy. In reality, he comes across as projecting his own ethnic self-image onto the Igbo, reflecting at the same time the crisis of a country that cannot make up its mind about this ethnic group. The classic Nigerian trope about the Igbo is of an ethnic nationality almost congenitally incapable of unity. In Professor Bako’s world, however, all they do is conspire on the altar of ethnic solidarity and before the god of domination.

Blinded by this, the professor could not imagine alternative explanations outside his conspiratorial theory of Igbo domination. The lecture mentions “Igbo” 427 times and contains 16 references to words “dominate”, “dominance” or “domination” but finds no citation, authority or evidence to support its connection between Igbo and domination.

The only currency it trades in is homogenization. Magically, it deploys “Igbo” as singular, plural, and collective. It’s a sorcerer’s epic.

Professor Bako’s history of Igbo interaction with Kano coincides rather conveniently with the onset colonial urbanisation in Nigeria. The text is too lazy to even speculate as to whether or not there was any interaction before this time. If he had allowed himself to think outside the frame of homogenized Igbo identity, the professor may have realized that different Igbo communities came to education (and to Kano) at different times.

The Onitsha on the banks of the Niger, for instance, were relatively early recipients of Western education. Their neighbours in Obosi came to it a little later and pursued it aggressively not to dominate Nigeria (a notion that was alien to them) but to compete more equitably with the Onitsha. The idea that the Wawa, the Aro, the Ngwa and the Onitsha (all Igbos sub-groups) conspired to head to Kano to pursue domination makes meaning only to someone who is willfully illiterate about Igbo inter-group relations.

In 2012, an evidently unwell Emir Ado Bayero traveled to Enugu to attend the funeral of Emeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu, whose leadership in the Nigerian Civil War has Professor Bako throwing hissy fits. In January 1966, Ojukwu was the Brigade Commander in Kano who saved Bayero’s life and precluded Chukwuma Nzeogwu’s subaltern, Captain Ude, from coup operations in Kano. Ojukwu was himself fluent in Hausa and may indeed also have fathered a child in Kano. None of this merited acknowledgement in Professor Bako’s elevated piece of pitiable hatchetry. The students who endured him for over four decades deserve our thoughts and prayers.

One thing is clear, however, after surviving Professor Bako: the provenance of this current INEC Chairman is settled.

A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.

There are negative vibes emanating from Edo as the state prepares for the governorship election. These vibes are, in fact, ominous, especially in light of the timely warning that was made the week before by eminent scholar, political thinker, and founding national secretary of the Alliance for Democracy (AD), Professor Udenta O. Udenta. Professor Udenta had issued a warning, pointing out that a large number of the political players in the country’s democracy are seriously harming democratic governance and democracy itself. He had asserted that a great deal more people are working to establish a really toxic and authoritarian atmosphere that is choking democracy.

His words bear repeating in part: “A climate of fear, intolerance, and silence has descended on the national political landscape. Civic spaces are shrinking as security agencies unleash venom on labour leaders, journalists, perceived regime opponents, and members of the political opposition. Elections are now between the APC and their cohorts in INEC and the police and the other parties, as was the case in the Imo and Kogi off-season elections, and unless urgent steps are taken, in the upcoming Edo and Ondo governorship contests.”

Looking at the Edo governorship race objectively reveals that some see it as a do-or-die contest that will incarnate Prof. Udenta’s predictions. The right and desire of the people to select their representatives or president/governor lies at the heart of democracy. However, given the relentless drumbeat of war being beaten by political parties and their members, there is little chance that the Edo election will result in a free, fair, and credible process that can produce a satisfactory election result if the trend is not addressed.

The process is already being marred by violence, as evidenced by the death of a police officer when APC-supporting Philip Shaibu returned to Benin as deputy governor after being reinstated. As of right now, no one has been taken into custody or held accountable for the killing of the law enforcement officer who was carrying out his official duty of upholding public order. We learnt that he was married and the father of children who are now stranded. Even worse are the rumoured detention of prominent PDP figures, the purported targeting of many more for potential arrests, and the temporary statewide deployment of shadow police units.

Violence and irregularities have always plagued Nigerian elections. But the true tragedy, however, arises if the lawful electoral security agencies, especially the police and the umpire, INEC, which are in charge of overseeing elections and election security, respectively, were compromised. Many people still harbour concerns that Edo and other off-season elections might not be free and fair because of the shambolic roles that the two played in the general election in 2023.

It was anticipated that the two organisations would turn their suffering and damaged reputations around with these off-season elections, but that doesn’t appear to be the case. Both bodies, especially the police, are already facing accusations of partiality.

The National Peace Committee, headed by former head of state, General Abdulsalami Abubakar, drafted a peace agreement, but the Edo PDP and the governor of Edo state simply refused to sign it. And their unwillingness to sign is not without reason. They accused the police and INEC of supporting the state’s main opposition party, the APC, which the current governor, Godwin Obaseki, formerly belonged to. The PDP, rightly or wrongly, accuses the police of open partisanship, intimidation, and oppressive acts against their members in favour of the APC. This has to be addressed by the force for the sake of its image, democracy, and stability of the polity.

The APC, the Labour Party, and the PDP, which is currently in power in Edo, have a right to hope to win the election, but they must do it fairly and without using unethical tactics. The actual concern is that Edo State’s election rhetoric does not foster a climate of amity and peace that would allow for a free and fair election.

During a national television broadcast rally, for instance, at least one APC chieftain dressed in a police uniform was seen threatening that his party would fight back during the election. Many started to question why a police officer, who may only cast a ballot in elections, would be so politically partisan as to threaten people on behalf of a political party and speak at a rally while wearing a police uniform. If not swiftly checked, the unparalleled and extremely embarrassing impunity could taint the election and lead to rejection of its outcome.

Nonetheless, the police attempted to justify the officer’s actions by calling him an SPY police officer. Even if that were all there was to it, the Nigerian police force produced these specialised officers like him for specialised police work in private organisations, as the police officials said. However, is the purpose of this kind of police training to serve the political agenda of the political party that the officer is affiliated with? The other political parties won’t view it that way, even if the special police officers have the best of intentions.

It is imperative to emphasise that INEC and the police are the only entities vested with legal authority to ensure a free, fair, and credible election. Even for the sake of the optics, these two vital organisations cannot afford any move or inaction that casts doubt on their credibility.

Even though it seems late in the day, INEC and the police need to work to restore confidence in the final lead-up to the election and maintain impartiality. The method of conducting a free, fair, and credible election is more important than the results. Nigerian elections are notoriously messy and opaque, producing the largest number of lawsuits worldwide. The fact is: there won’t be many good grounds to go to the tribunals to contest the results once candidates and their political parties are satisfied with the process.

There is also a crucial function for the president of Nigeria, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu. In order to ensure that a level playing field is created, as required by law and expectant Nigerians, the president has to prevail over the heads of the two main agencies responsible for a fair and credible election: the INEC chairman, Prof. Mahmood Yakubu, and the IGP, Kayode Egbetokun, to do their work according to law.

INEC has to adhere to the text and spirit of the Electoral Act 2022, specifically Section 64, Subsection 4, which says, “A collation officer or returning officer at an election shall collate and announce the result of an election, subject to his or her verification and confirmation that the— (a) number of accredited voters stated on the collated result are correct and consistent with the number of accredited voters recorded and transmitted directly from polling units under section 47 (2) of this Act; and (b) the votes stated on the collated result are correct and consistent with the votes or results recorded and transmitted directly from polling units under section 60 (4) of this Act.” These explicit provisions require INEC to follow this criteria precedent in the Edo gubernatorial election, which is the posting of results from the polling units in real-time.

Don’t forget, the Electoral Act makes the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) the only means of accreditation before voting. INEC cannot afford to do otherwise.

Per the explicit terms of the electoral act 2022, let the Edo gubernatorial election be transmitted from the polling units, which is established as a condition precedent before the announcement of the results at all levels. This is not insurmountable; in fact, it was achieved in the last Osun governorship election, resulting in a peaceful finish. The 2023 presidential election fiasco, in which INEC claimed that an internet malfunction prevented them from posting results from the polling units in real time, which almost sent the nation into chaos, should be avoided.

Finally, if concrete assurances from INEC and police leadership are received, the PDP and the other parties that declined to sign the peace accord should reevaluate their stand and commit to peace, lest their actions be misinterpreted as hostile, which will further endanger the country’s fledgling democracy.

I’m on a train that has been standing in the middle of the fields for a while. The driver eventually comes on the intercom.

Driver: “Ladies and gentlemen, I have good news and bad news. The bad news is that the engine of the train has stopped, and I cannot get it restarted. The good news is that you’re not on an airplane.”

The Nigerian Railway Corporation (NRC) has long been a symbol of potential gone awry. Once an essential part of Nigeria's transportation network, the NRC has slowly deteriorated into a state of dysfunction. The hopes of connecting Nigeria’s vast regions, facilitating trade, and boosting economic growth now seem like distant memories as the NRC's infrastructure crumbles, its services falter, and its future grows uncertain. While other African countries have made remarkable progress in rail transportation, Nigeria lags far behind, raising critical questions about what went wrong and how it can be revitalized.

I had to do this admonition after I visited one of the railway terminals scattered across the nation, this particular one at least was being put to some use; it was now a police station, but as relics, and a big signpost of the Nigerian Railway with the R out of place, you could see what was, and what could have been lying around, and rotting away, from recovered stolen rail tracks, to other machinery.

It is sad that in the past 50 years, several African nations have recognized the transformative potential of an efficient rail system and have taken bold steps to modernize their railway infrastructure. Egypt, with its extensive upgrades to the Cairo-Alexandria rail line, stands as a prime example of a nation harnessing rail transport to bolster its economy. South Africa’s Gautrain, a rapid transit marvel, seamlessly connects Johannesburg, Pretoria, and the O.R. Tambo International Airport, showcasing the possibilities of a modern rail network. Morocco's Al Boraq high-speed rail line is another example of how a vision for the future can revolutionize mobility and trade in a region.

East Africa has also seen dramatic advancements. Ethiopia’s Addis Ababa-Djibouti Railway, Kenya’s Standard Gauge Railway (SGR), and Tanzania’s rail system upgrades have set these nations on a path toward greater economic integration and development. Similarly, in West Africa, countries like Ghana are making strides in overhauling their railways, positioning themselves for future growth.

In stark contrast, the Nigerian Railway Corporation has struggled to escape its archaic past. While other African nations have embraced change, adopting new technologies, and expanding services to meet growing demands, Nigeria’s railway system remains largely outdated, underfunded, and woefully underdeveloped. Once a key player in Nigeria's economic ambitions, the NRC is now a shadow of its former self, offering a cautionary tale of missed opportunities and systemic neglect.

The decline of the Nigerian Railway Corporation has been a result of a range of factors, many of which have accumulated over decades of mismanagement and underinvestment. These challenges include:

1. Aging Infrastructure: The majority of NRC’s rail tracks, rolling stock, and signaling systems date back decades, making them unreliable and unsafe. Without proper upgrades, the NRC faces frequent derailments, delays, and breakdowns.
2. Inadequate Funding: A chronic lack of investment from both the government and the private sector has hampered the NRC’s ability to maintain, let alone upgrade, its infrastructure. Investment is sporadic and insufficient to cover the expansive needs of the railway system.
3. Corruption: Like many Nigerian institutions, the NRC has been plagued by allegations of corruption. Funds earmarked for improvements are often diverted, while management inefficiencies further erode trust and progress.
4. Lack of Modernization: While much of the world has adopted digital technologies, high-speed trains, and improved safety measures, the NRC has remained stuck in the past. Antiquated equipment and technologies render it uncompetitive in a rapidly changing transportation sector.
5. Security Concerns: Vandalism, theft, and terrorism have severely affected the NRC. Rail lines and stations have been frequent targets, disrupting services and discouraging potential passengers and investors.
6. Poor Management: Leadership at the NRC has been marked by inconsistency and inefficiency. Poor planning, lack of vision, and a failure to execute projects have all contributed to the corporation’s decline.
7. Over-Reliance on Government Funding: The NRC’s dependency on fluctuating government budgets makes it vulnerable to political interference. Without steady and sufficient funding, critical maintenance and expansion plans are frequently abandoned.
8. Lack of Private Sector Investment: The private sector, which could bring much-needed capital and expertise, has largely stayed away due to the NRC’s inefficiencies, corruption, and lack of transparency. Public-private partnerships, which have been successful in other nations, remain underutilized in Nigeria.
9. Environmental Challenges: Flooding, erosion, and desertification affect rail infrastructure in Nigeria. These environmental challenges, if unaddressed, will continue to hamper rail operations and increase maintenance costs.
10. Competition from Other Modes of Transportation: With the rise of road and air travel, particularly in regions with poor rail connectivity, the NRC has lost passengers and freight customers, further reducing its revenue base.

The consequences of the Nigerian government’s long-standing neglect of the NRC are far-reaching and detrimental to the country’s overall development.

1. Economic Growth: A robust railway system is essential for moving goods and people efficiently across vast distances. Without it, Nigeria's trade and industrial potential remain stifled. Freight costs increase, businesses suffer, and regional trade integration is hampered.
2. Job Creation: A revitalized railway network could create thousands of direct and indirect jobs, from engineers and conductors to construction workers and service providers. These opportunities are currently lost as the system remains underutilized.
3. Safety: The outdated infrastructure poses severe safety risks to both passengers and freight. Derailments, accidents, and equipment failures are increasingly common, creating a dangerous environment for users.
4. Environmental Impact: The decline of the rail network has increased Nigeria's reliance on road transport, contributing to higher carbon emissions, congestion, and deteriorating road infrastructure. A functional rail system could reduce the environmental footprint of transportation in Nigeria.

While the challenges facing the Nigerian Railway Corporation are immense, they are not insurmountable. Several steps can be taken to breathe new life into the NRC and reposition it as a vital part of Nigeria's infrastructure:

1. Investment in Modern Infrastructure: The government must prioritize upgrading tracks, rolling stock, and stations to international standards. High-speed rail lines, improved signaling systems, and modern train stations will enhance safety, efficiency, and user satisfaction.
2. Adopting New Technologies: Digitalization, such as the use of automated ticketing systems and real-time tracking, can improve operations. Integrating renewable energy sources and sustainable practices will ensure the NRC remains competitive in a rapidly changing global market.
3. Improving Safety Standards: The implementation of stringent safety protocols and continuous monitoring will reduce accidents and build passenger confidence. This includes staff training and the installation of advanced safety equipment.
4. Addressing Corruption and Mismanagement: The NRC needs a transparent and accountable management system. Anti-corruption measures must be enforced to restore faith in the institution and attract investment.
5. Encouraging Private Sector Investments: Public-private partnerships can unlock vast resources for the NRC, providing funding for expansion, innovation, and maintenance. With proper regulation and incentives, private investors can help revamp the rail system.
6. Developing Effective Leadership: A competent, visionary leadership team that understands modern transportation needs is essential. This requires appointing experienced professionals to key positions and holding them accountable for results.
7. Implementing Regulatory Reforms: A robust regulatory framework is needed to ensure that the NRC adheres to international standards in operations, safety, and customer service.

The decline of the Nigerian Railway Corporation is a stark reminder of the consequences of systemic neglect and poor governance. As other African nations embrace the future with bold rail projects, Nigeria risks being left behind. However, the NRC's revitalization is not just a dream; it is a necessity. Without a modern, functional railway system, Nigeria will struggle to achieve its full economic potential. Now is the time to prioritize investment, embrace innovation, and restore faith in an institution that once held so much promise. The consequences of continued neglect are too severe to ignore—economic stagnation, job losses, environmental degradation, and further erosion of national infrastructure—May Nigeria win

It takes decisive leadership to roll back the forays of terror. Terror understands the language of terror. The recent successful operations of Nigeria’s security forces across the country bear a defining mark of resolute leadership.

On Thursday, troops of Operation Hadarin Daji made a quick delivery. They dispatched terrorist leader, Halilu Sububu, and his gang of death-dealers in a five-star caravan of wry irony to the netherworld.   

Bandit leader Sububu had risen in notoriety with the savagery he dealt on citizens in Zamfara, Sokoto, and other parts of north-western Nigeria. He was loud, imperious, and brutal, issuing threats and making crowing pronouncements on videos. Lives have been lost, communities displaced, property destroyed, and citizens maimed by the sheer industry of Sububu and his gang.

The troops also scored another victory, neutralising Sani Wala Burki, kin of Sububu in the terror business, and his gang, as well as extirpated a terrorist hideaway in Kaduna, freeing 13 kidnapped students.

According to PRNigeria, an authoritative news source on security operations, the troops of Operation Hadarin Daji also eliminated four terrorists in Zamfara state -- Ibrahim Nagure, Lawali Dodo, Kadiri, and Jambaleri.

The troops further launched offensives against fleeing terrorists in Sambisa Forest, neutralising many of them.

This string of propitious outcomes in the north-west and the north-east follow President Bola Tinubu’s directive to the service chiefs to relocate to the zone and his consistent support to the security agencies.

President Tinubu is a renowned democrat, but also a firm and bold Commander-in-Chief.

On September 3, in a decisive response to the killings in Yobe state, the President had said: ‘’The perpetrators of this sinister act will have an inevitable encounter with justice.’’ And true to his promise, the troublers of the nation are having fated encounters with justice, and so will all those visiting terror on Nigerians.

Additionally, the successful operations also show that there is synergy and proper coordination among the security agencies and the intelligence agencies. Intelligence is a fundamental piece in the counter-terrorism puzzle.

In the past, inter-agency rivalry had been a detraction to the counter-terrorism effort. The effective coordination and deployment of security resources attests to a strong and reinvigorated leadership.

Fundamentally, successive actions against terrorism will not be effective or be permanent solutions without a conscientious plan to address the underlying cause. A prominent contributor to the challenge is youth illiteracy and socio-economic dislocation. Economic and social security is essential for corporeal security.

This is the reason the President Tinubu-led administration is making critical investments in education. The federal government through its out-of-school initiative recently reintegrated four million children into the educational system. Also, the Out-of-School Children Commission, set to commence this month, will provide training to approximately 10,000 young Nigerians.

The Tinubu administration is addressing the bottom-line precipitates of social-economic insecurity through seminal policies and programmes while redistributing wealth to the vulnerable and the most vulnerable through revamped social welfare schemes.

As the President re-affirmed, immediate and latent security threats will be decisively dealt with.

Fredrick Nwabufo is Senior Special Assistant to the President on Public Engagement