In the realm of broadcast journalism, few names shine as brightly as John Momoh’s. Like an alchemist transforming base metals into gold, Momoh has taken the raw ore of Nigerian media and forged it into a gleaming beacon of excellence that illuminates the entire African continent.

With an unwavering vision and a voice that resonates with truth, Momoh didn’t just change the narrative of broadcast journalism—he rewrote its very DNA. Where once there was a cacophony of voices, he orchestrated a symphony of professionalism. In a landscape often marred by sensationalism, he cultivated a garden of integrity and factual reporting.

As the founder of Channels Television, Momoh established an institution that transcends the typical parameters of a media network. Hardly any television station in Nigeria can escape the indelible influence of Channels TV; its former staff and proteges now illuminate the screens of various competitors and channels. This phenomenon speaks volumes about Momoh’s profound impact on the industry and highlights how his commitment to excellence has fostered a new generation of talented journalists.

Many of those who cut their teeth at Channels TV have gone on to excel in global media networks across the United Kingdom, Canada, the United States, and with international organizations. They carry with them the ethos of journalistic rigor instilled in them by Momoh, amplifying African narratives on a global scale. Whether through investigative reporting or international coverage, these former Channels staff not only uphold the standards set by their mentor but also expand the influence of Nigerian journalism worldwide, creating ripples that challenge stereotypes and broaden perspectives.

What sets John Momoh apart is not just his professional achievements, but also his dedication to those he mentors. At every turn, whenever I have reached out to him, he has responded. He has been more than just a boss—he has been a mentor. One particularly significant moment for me was when I served as the Head of Media at Eko Disco, one of Africa’s leading electricity distribution companies. When asked to provide a reference letter, Dr. Momoh chose to personally write it instead of relying on the HR department. This gesture exemplifies his commitment to nurturing talent and supporting those he believes in, reinforcing the impact he has not just within the industry at large, but also on individual careers.

But Momoh’s true magic lies in his ability to see the stars hidden within rough diamonds. With an eye keener than an astronomer’s, he has discovered and nurtured a constellation of talents. Journalistic novices, under his tutelage, have blossomed into the industry’s most sought-after luminaries, lighting up screens across the nation. Their voices now carry the torch of quality journalism that Momoh himself ignited, paving the way for future storytellers to follow.

Through Channels TV, his brainchild, Momoh crafted more than just a network—he built a legacy. It stands as a testament to his belief that African stories deserve to be told with depth, dignity, and dedication. In doing so, he hasn’t just raised the bar for Nigerian broadcasting; he’s elevated the entire continent’s media landscape.

John Momoh is more than a broadcaster or a CEO. He is a visionary who dared to dream of an Africa where journalism serves as the fourth estate in its truest sense. His relentless pursuit of journalistic excellence transforms the media narrative, proving that integrity and professionalism are essential in a field often beset by challenges. Through his tireless efforts, that dream inches closer to reality with each passing day, each breaking story, and each new voice he brings to the forefront of African media.

In the annals of African journalism, John Momoh’s name will be written not in ink, but in light—a beacon guiding future generations towards the true north of journalistic excellence. His influence remains ever-present, shaping the future of journalism in Nigeria and beyond.

Thank you, sir.

My initial understanding was that I was to make remarks to open a general discussion on democratic elections. Then, a few days ago, I saw from the programme of activities that I am to speak on the topic “Elections, Democracy and Governance.” 

The change doesn’t bother me, but I have rearranged the terms for the topic to read “Elections, Governance, and Democracy” because I view democracy as the destination and elections and governance as the means, the way, to get there. The issue is: what type of elections and what type of governance? So, I wish to lay out a broad framework of elections and follow up with some considerations relating to governance and democracy.

I would like to begin with an observation that it has taken the mature democracies of the world a long time and a long way to get to wherever they are today. Still, none of them will say that it has reached the end of the road to democracy if there is ever such an endpoint.

Indeed, the journey to democracy is always long and we can even lose our way as we go along. In that journey, every election represents an important stage, because it provides an opportunity to select new leaders if we think the old ones are not taking us on the correct path to democracy.

But, to serve that useful purpose, the election must be of a specific kind, branded as a democratic election, because its features must accord with the principles that underpin democracy. We can sum up those principles by saying that the power to govern comes from the people. So, we can define a democratic election, in simple terms, as a contest among candidates, mediated by an electoral commission, and decided by the voters.

The most important implication to draw from this definition is that in a democratic election, voters are pre-eminent, and their valid votes are inviolable for determining the winners and for settling disputes over election results. This makes the polling station results form, which has come to be popularly known in Ghana as the pink sheet, a precious commodity in our elections. This requires candidates to appoint knowledgeable agents to represent them at the polling stations because an agent’s work is essentially a brainy task.

Let us also note that Ghana has chosen a multiparty democracy as its brand of democracy. A multiparty democracy does not necessarily mean that there are many political parties. But how many parties are there in Britain, the United States of America, Germany, France or any functional multiparty democracy you know of? Most likely, only a few in each country.

A multiparty democracy means that one political party does not dominate elections so much that all the other parties combined do not make a difference. If one party dominates to such an extent, the country is a one-party state, irrespective of the number of parties.

So, what is important in a multiparty democracy is that there are political parties that make elections truly competitive. On that score, currently, Ghana is a multiparty democracy because of the NPP and the NDC. With a collective score of less than 10% of the total votes in previous elections and no representation in parliament, all the other parties combined have had virtually no impact on how our country is governed.

Be that as it may, to pass the test of being a democratic election, the results of elections must be credible. That means the results are worthy of acceptance as a basis for forming a legitimate government, a government, respected at home and abroad. To determine that the results of an election are credible, we need to step back a bit and talk about the essential features of an electoral system. Some processes characterise the electoral systems of all democracies, and all the processes are based on broadly the same principles. What differentiates the systems is how they try to actualise the principles and the formulas for winning elections, such as first-past-the-post for MPs and 50%+1 for the president in Ghana.

The salient processes are voter registration, campaigning, voting, vote counting, tabulation/collation of results, transmission of results, and announcement of results. I will proceed to highlight the key features of these processes with indications of who is responsible for doing what under our electoral system.

Voter Registration: Every eligible person must be accorded a reasonable opportunity to register as a voter, and a person can register only once. These features must be reflected in the voter register used for elections. This is the responsibility of the electoral commission.

Campaigning: Candidates should be free to campaign wherever they are contesting elections, so there should be no no-go areas. However, the campaigns must be peaceful and clean. Here, the basic responsibility lies with the political parties, candidates, and the police.

However, individuals and groups can publicly condemn any infractions, and widespread condemnation usually impacts the candidates for fear of losing votes.

Voting: There is a wide distribution of responsibilities when it comes to voting. Only a registered voter can vote in an election, and a person can vote only once in the same election. The responsibility falls mainly on the electoral commission and its officials.  A person must be free to exercise his/her vote: it is the responsibility of the police to ensure general peace and secure an election devoid of violence. A voter must, in turn, allow other voters to vote freely: a responsibility is placed on all voters. Every candidate can appoint an agent to verify the voting activities at every polling station on his/her behalf. This is an important responsibility of every candidate.

Vote Counting: The procedure for vote counting must be clearly outlined and known well ahead of time. What constitutes a valid or invalid vote must be specified. Only valid votes are counted when calculating the results. Every vote must be accurately counted in the active presence of candidates’ agents. A valid vote must be counted in favour of the candidate for whom it was cast. Proper documentation must be made of the results of the vote counting. Each agent must be given a true copy of the results, duly signed by the Presiding officer and the agents, right at the polling station. The Presiding officer and the agents at every polling station are responsible for ensuring that the measures normally indicated in the Election Manual, are adhered to.

Tabulation/Collation of Results: The Returning Officer has full control of the tabulation of results, but there are good practices that help to avoid controversy over the results (a) Let the place, procedures, and duration of the collation be known well ahead of time. (B) Make the tabulation of results a well-organised activity. (C) Do the tabulation in the active presence of the candidates, and/or their appointed agents. (D) Check the results thoroughly to ensure that they are correct. (E) Give the candidates/agents true copies of the tabulated results, duly signed by the returning officer (and preferably the candidates/agents), before they leave the place of collation.

Transmission of Results: A secure method agreed upon and/or acceptable to the political parties/candidates/agents should be used to transmit the results. Presiding officers and Returning officers have the responsibility for transmitting the results.

Announcement of Results: There are examples of good practice on this. Unless the election law has a provision for provisional results the results announced must be correct and final. If the results are provisional, not final, then say so, and give the reasons for announcing provisional results.

What matters is not how fast the results are released, but how accurate they are. In Ghana, this is the responsibility of the Returning Officers of the various constituencies in the case of parliamentary elections and the Chairman of the Electoral Commission, who is personally the Returning Officer for the presidential election.

Distribution of Responsibilities: I hope we can see the distribution of responsibilities in elections. In addition to what I have indicated, the government, the courts, the media, civil society organisations, and voters, all have roles to play in elections.

While the electoral commission is understandably the referee at the centre of the field, it is noteworthy that there are at least two other referees of elections. The courts must settle any disputes that arise over the elections at any time: and, to secure the general peace for elections, the police must also arrest and prosecute election offenders. It is critically important for the police to act as national police, not the government or political party police, and for the judiciary to see itself as an impartial arbiter in election cases.

In fact, in general, how the various actors in elections play their respective roles affects the credibility or otherwise of an election. Eventually, if we are satisfied that the actors have played their roles reasonably well, we can say that an election is credible, and the results are therefore, acceptable as a basis for forming a legitimate government.

With this background, I wish to emphasise the importance of three factors in elections: the election law, the use of technology in elections, and why our votes must count.

Importance of the Election Law: The collection of laws referred to as the election law comprises three components: (1) All the provisions in the Constitution that relate to elections (2) All the extant laws (statutes) on elections made by Parliament (3) Legislation on elections made by the Electoral Commission or some other authorised body.

The three categories constitute a hierarchy of laws, in that, in principle, legislation cannot infringe a provision in a statute, let alone the constitution, and a provision in a statute cannot infringe a provision in the constitution. Given this order of precedence, it is important to note that provisions of a validly enacted statute or subsidiary legislation derive from the Constitution. So, it makes sense to treat such provisions as constitutional provisions. I sometimes hear people say that something is not right because it is not in the constitution: but it is wrong to see the election law as only what is explicitly stated in the constitution. The election law is for the protection of the election official or any election stakeholder. This has two important implications. First, the general advice is to do as the election law says. If you don’t, you risk an action you take being declared illegal for not conforming to the law.

You may get away with something if you and the other concerned parties say the political parties, have reached an agreement on it and they don’t complain. Even so, such an agreement doesn’t clothe one with immunity because, under our law, some individual or organisation can take the matter to court.

The second implication is the need for a keen interest in the election law. Not only should Parliament always undertake proper scrutiny of every subsidiary legislation on elections, but election-related civil society organisations and knowledgeable individuals should show interest in the formulation of statutes and any subsidiary legislation on elections. Whether good or bad, the existing election law is what the people have given to themselves for their elections, and it remains binding on everyone.

The use of Technology in Elections: Examples abound on how technology has helped to improve the systems and processes of running elections. With technology we can do things quicker: we can keep a lot of material in a small space and retrieve it as and when it is needed: on Election Day, we can verify if the person who has come to vote is the same person who registered to vote, we can get results quicker, and so on. Given all this, we are easily tempted to talk of technology-driven elections. But the enigma of technology in elections is that it can bring things very close to you and equally make you lose total control over them.

No wonder these days political parties are often looking for illegal access to an electoral commission’s database. In the memorable and prophetic words of a former fellow electoral commissioner: “If they succeed, they can rummage in our databases to our embarrassment.”

Today by electronic means information in election databases can be tampered with and election results hacked locally or externally.

Why the Vote Must Count: Some people are disillusioned about elections saying that votes don’t count anymore, meaning that elections don’t express the will of the voters. There are many obstacles to free and fair elections, but the most worrisome situation is where politicians can buy leadership with money through plain fraud and vote-buying.

Apart from expressing the will of the people, which is the essence of a democratic election, there are practical and commonsensical reasons why votes must count. Where votes count, you have a peaceful transition of governments, legitimate leaders accepted at home and abroad, and genuine political opposition. Where votes don’t count, there can be no justification for spending enormous amounts of money and time on elections.

Politicians are unlikely to be responsive to the people’s needs or worried about good governance. Instead, corruption is likely the order of the day, often leading to a paradoxical situation of a rich country with poor people. Even worse, a civil war can break out over disputed election results.

Good Governance: Through elections, we choose people to lead us, on the path to democracy. We do so in the belief and hope that the persons so chosen will genuinely take us on the path and not lead us astray. To put us on the correct path to democracy, good elections must be followed with good governance. For me, good governance defies a clear-cut definition. However, if good governance, arrives in town, we can easily recognise it by the following characteristics which it brings along.

(A) It respects the civil liberties and the people’s political rights. (B) It is responsive to the needs of the people and promotes their socio-economic well-being. (C) It controls corruption. (D) The press and civil society organisations operate as guardians of the public interest. (E) The political opposition sees itself as complementary to good governance. (F) It helps the private sector to prosper.

But these developments don’t happen automatically. Just as there is a distribution of responsibilities in elections, there is also a distribution of responsibility towards achieving good governance. Key among the actors are the three branches of government - the legislature, the executive and the judiciary. Let me say simply that each of these institutions must perform its functions well without encroaching on the jurisdiction of the other, thereby dislocating the arrangements laid out in the Constitution.

 Additionally, any other institution in the public sector, from the Council of State to the Forestry Commission, has been set up for a purpose. Good governance requires that all such institutions perform their functions creditably. Apart from these public sector institutions, civil society organisations are expected to act as watchdogs for the people’s interests in their respective areas of concern.

In addition to honest reportage, the media is expected to bring to public attention instances of corruption and the abuse of power by public officials. Individuals and groups can test the law in case of doubt about the propriety of official actions and conduct.

Democracy is a place where people enjoy basic rights and freedoms. But it is also a place where people have reasonable access to necessities such as food, good drinking water, decent housing, electricity, usable roads, good education, efficient health facilities and jobs, with responsibilities, including payment of taxes, maintaining law and order and obeying the law.

Free and fair elections don’t bring any of these things. But without free and fair elections, ordinary persons cannot hold their leaders accountable, whether they deliver the benefits of democracy or not. We must note that holding officials accountable through elections applies only to members of parliament and the president. Many important public officials, including judges and electoral commission members, may not be directly accountable to the people. How to hold such officials accountable is always problematic.

Conclusion: I wish to conclude by saying that good elections and good governance are the vehicles for a condition of democracy.

At its core, democracy refers to improvements in human conditions, it is not a fixed station where a journey ends. This is why the contents of human rights keep expanding. There are several rights today that were not rights in the past, and the ambit of rights will continue to expand according to the need for improvements to the human condition.

We should brace ourselves and prepare for a long journey, because, given a choice, I believe that people will prefer to live in a democracy, instead of other forms of government including authoritarian rule.

Presentation by Dr Afari-Gyan, former Chairman of Ghana Electoral Commission Men’s Fellowship of Ridge Church, Accra on 10th October 2024

The Israeli prime minister is unarguably the world’s most detested leader today, especially in the Middle East and Arab world, but he earns my respect for resolutely defending his nation against brutal and vile terrorists and taking steps to protect his people against annihilation. Benjamin Netanyahu is my idea of a strong and patriotic leader. He is firm, decisive and single minded in the pursuit of Hamas and Hezbollah, two of the world’s most brutal terror groups that had vowed to wipe Israel off the earth. Netanyahu is not afraid to go against popular opinions, even at the UN, and has, in several occasions, ignored suggestions from the White House and the Pentagon, to slow down. But for him, the survival of the only Jewish State, nestled in the most dangerous neighborhood in the world and surrounded by the vilest enemies, is the single most important thing, and for that, I admire the prime minister a lot. Netanyahu exemplifies what I have been looking for in Nigerian leaders: fearlessness; courage; patriotism and assertiveness. For decades, Nigeria has been steadily destroyed by terrorists from outside and inside the country. Thousands of Nigerians in the Middle Belt; North East and North West have either been murdered, maimed or driven away from their ancestral land by these foreign terrorists and their Nigerian collaborators.

Due to these persistent attacks, peasants and small scale farmers, the nation’s major food producers, no longer have access to their farms. They have lost their sources of income, and that means food production has plummeted significantly; with the nation has being gripped by unprecedentedly high levels of food inflation. Yet no Nigerian leader, from Goodluck Jonathan to Bola Tinubu, has been able to defeat these extremists. Of the three, Muhammadu Buhari appeared least interest in dealing with the problem. He was cold, aloof and detached from the senseless killings of Nigerians, especially the people of Benue and Plateau states, who were frequent victims of these attacks. More Nigerians were killed under his watch than at any other peace time in our history. He was more interested in appeasing the murderers. As I write, thousands of Nigerians are still living in IDPs in states like Adamawa; Borno; Niger; Katsina; Zamfara and other parts of Northern Nigeria, having been sacked from their home by terrorists. Many believe that Buhari was actually in support of these carnages.

In August, there were major terrorist attacks in a small town in Burkina Faso in which over 600 people were murdered. Militants from Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam (JNIM), an al Qaeda affiliate based in Mali and active in Burkina Faso, swept into the town on motor cycles and shot down the villagers, most of whom were women and children. Reports say the militants are marching southwards from the Sahel and are threatening to invade West African countries, beginning from Benin, Nigeria’s western neighbour. The terrorists are having a field day terrorizing the Sahel region, especially since the departure of French and US forces that were holding them in check. Neither AU nor ECOWAS has made a statement; and African leaders are behaving as if nothing happened. What a shame!

But look at how Netanyahu has ruthlessly dealt with Hamas and Hezbolla since October last year. Under him, the Israeli government and security forces have deployed the most sophisticated intelligence to take out the leaders of these two evil groups. The Israeli army, known as Israeli Defence Force (IDF), has shown gallantry, bravery and valor in taking the fight to Hamas in Gaza and Hezbolla in Lebanon. On October 18, Hamas leader, Yahaya Sinwar, the architect of the October 7, 2023 attacks in Israel, was killed by Israel in Gaza. Before Sinwar, Ismail Haniyeh, Hamas’ political leader was killed in a guest house in Teheran on July 31, 2024. His elimination by Israel marked a turning point in the war and sent out a strong signal that Israel meant business.

The killing of Hassan Nasrallah, the fearful and influential Hezbollah leader, on September 27, by an Israeli strike, sent shockwaves across the Middle East; so much so that Iranian President, Masoud Pezeshkian, had to go into hiding somewhere in Teheran! Other Hezbollah leaders like Fuad Shukr; Sami Taleb Abdallah and commanders like Mohammed Deif; and Saleh-al Aroura, among many others, have also been eliminated by Israeli strikes. As I write, Israel is extending its assaults to financial institutions that supports Hezbollah. Over 15 bank branches that provide financial services to this group in Lebanon have been destroyed, and Israel is boasting that the bombardments will continue until Hezbollah collapses. No doubt, both Hamas and Hezbollah have suffered debilitating attacks in the last one year, and they will never be the same. The greatest duty of a government is to protect its citizens from danger and harm, and provide for their welfare and wellbeing. Any government that fails in this sacred duty is not worth being in office. Mind you, Israel is a very tiny country (22, 145 square km) – slightly bigger than Cross River State (20, 156 sq.km) - with a population of only 9.4 million people. I salute this tiny Jewish State and I commend its Prime Minister for doing what every responsible leader should do!

Let me conclude with two things. First, I would be remiss in my duty as a patriotic Nigerian if I fail to acknowledge the sacrifices of our men and women in uniform who have fought hard in the last 15 years to keep us safe and protect our nation. In spite of the several inadequacies of our security services, the Nigerian army has fought the terrorists bravely and I am proud of their services and sacrifices. Second, I sympathize with the families of ordinary, innocent people who have been killed or impacted by wars in Gaza and Lebanon. I ask the IDF to take adequate steps to minimize civilian casualties and sufferings.

The national insult and danger Libya subjected Nigeria and the Super Eagles recently was hard to explain. The account of the Tunisian pilot who flew the Nigerian team to Libya on the circumstances that led to the unexpected diversion of their flight to a remote airport, Al-Abraq, instead of their intended destination, Benghazi, was eye-opening and shocking.

While most Nigerians focused on the insult the Libyan action meant to Nigeria and the footballers, few people focused on the danger and the close shave with death that diversion was. What if that plane had crashed during landing and killed all the Nigerian players?

In a video interview the pilot posted online, he exonerated himself from the decision and said that the decision to divert the plane came from Libyan authorities. He said: “The flight plan was to land at Benghazi, Benina, and we had the approval from the Libyan Civil Aviation Authority to do so. However, when we began our descent, they instructed us to divert to Al-Abraq, almost 150 miles away, around 300 kilometres east. It wasn’t even (listed as) our alternate airport, something which is not good.”

According to the report made by The PUNCH on the video, the pilot described the diversion as potentially risky, citing the fuel calculations made for the initial destination. Imagine if the aviation fuel was not enough to take the plane to an unplanned destination 300 kilometres away. But that was not all.

The pilot said he repeatedly questioned the directive because of the inherent dangers in it. “In aviation, we have our flight plan. We calculate the fuel to our destination; so we have to avoid this kind of thing because it may make a breach to safety,” he said.

“When I asked to land in Benghazi according to my flight plan and according to my authorisation, they said no, it’s from the highest authority, you have to land in Al-Abraq.”

“Everything is registered in aviation, we cannot hide anything, so I asked them several times, at least eight times, and I warned them, probably I will be in trouble for fuel; they said it’s from highest authority, you cannot land in Benghazi, you have to divert immediately to Al-Abraq.”

The pilot described at Al-Abraq airport as a poorly equipped domestic airport.

“There is no ILS (Instrument Landing System), no air navigation approach, no VHR (Very High Frequency Omnidirectional Range). We had to make a visual landing, which is particularly difficult by night with marginal weather.”

He explained that the airport’s lack of facilities left them with “no second chances” if something had gone wrong with the landing. Thankfully, the pilot was familiar with the region, having worked there for two years with a Tunisian company, which helped him to land safely.

Just think for a moment what could have happened if that plane had crashed with the full Nigerian team aboard. What would have been the explanation from Libya? That they wanted to frustrate the Nigerian team and make it easier to beat them in their return leg for the 2025 AFCON?

Why go to the extreme of placing lives in danger over a football match? It is even worse that football has never been the forte of Libya as it is rare to hear the name Libya in any football competition in Africa at whatever level or gender.

But Libya was not done. They technically placed the Super Eagles team under house arrest at the airport for over 20 hours. Members of the team were not allowed to step out of the airport. They were provided with no food or water. They slept in the airport lounge. The NFF eventually had to withdraw from the match and return home.

Curiously, Libya claimed that what happened to the Nigerian team is not unusual in aviation. It noted that something similar happened to its team a week earlier in Nigeria. The Libyan Football Federation condemned Nigeria’s decision to withdraw from the planned 2025 Africa Cup of Nations qualifier in Libya, threatening to take legal action to protect its national team’s interests.

Ironically, some Nigerians – perhaps because of a desire to be non-parochial online or as a result of lack of information – made posts saying that Nigeria had been paid in its own coin. They shared photos of Libyans at Port Harcourt airport when they visited Nigeria for the first leg of the AFCON match. But that was gross misrepresentation of facts.

The first point was that it was not Nigeria that diverted the aeroplane of the Libyan national team to Port Harcourt, which is about 150 kilometres to Uyo Township Stadium, the venue of the match. The Nigerian Football Federation communicated the venue of the match to its Libyan counterpart. Uyo has an international airport which all foreign teams coming to play use.

Perhaps in its desire not to allow Nigeria to affect its team with juju, the Libyan FA did not disclose to its Nigerian counterpart its itinerary. Libyans made their planned visit to Nigeria without involving Nigeria. They were informed of the venue of the match. But they chose to fly to Port Harcourt instead of Uyo, the venue of the match. According to the NFF, the Libyan Football Federation informed the NFF that their contingent would be landing in Port Harcourt instead of Uyo merely two hours before the team arrived in Nigeria.

In spite of that, the NFF still quickly got the authorities to grant their aircraft movement permit from Port Harcourt to Uyo. However, the LFF rejected the charter flight arrangement from Port Harcourt to Uyo obviously because of the fee and chose to travel by road. The LFF rejected the buses hired by the NFF and chose to hire theirs. Furthermore, the LFF discountenanced the NFF’s advice not to travel by night due to insecurity. Because of their insistence to travel by night, the NFF provided security, knowing that if any harm came upon them, Nigeria would bear the bad name.

It is unfair for some Nigerians to try to rationalise what happened to the Super Eagles in Libya with what happened to Libyans in Nigeria. There are many things wrong with Nigerian leadership or sports management, but one thing nobody can ever accuse Nigerians of is trying to use underhand tactics to frustrate visiting sports teams.

Nigeria is the only country I have seen where the home fans can start booing the home team if it is not playing well while supporting the visiting team. I have never seen it anywhere else. If the Nigerian team does not play well and gets defeated, the fans will take their anger on their team and never on the visiting team. No visiting team has ever been attacked in Nigeria. But that is not the case with some other countries that Nigerian teams have visited.

But what happened to the Super Eagles in Libya was purely orchestrated by the Libyans. It was deliberate. It was shameful, disrespectful and hostile. But most importantly, it was dangerous. It could have ended tragically with the loss of the Nigerian contingent.

What Libya did was an embarrassment to Africa and African football. The Confederation of African Football gave the Libyan and Nigerian federations until October 20 to submit all necessary documentation concerning the incident. All eyes are on CAF to announce its ruling. But whatever CAF does, it should not treat this matter with levity. CAF needs to descend hard on Libya to send a warning to other countries which may be thinking of doing something similar to a visiting team with the hope of wearing them out and beating them easily.

A bill for the establishment of Bola Ahmed Tinubu Federal University of Languages has reportedly passed the first reading at the House of Representatives.  Section 2 part I of the bill,  which is sponsored by the Deputy Speaker, Benjamin Kalu, and eight others, provides that the university, when established, shall encourage “the advancement of learning and to hold out to all persons without distinction of race, creed, sex or political conviction, the opportunity of acquiring a higher education in Nigerian languages and cultures”. It further claims that the university is aimed at: “Producing socially mature persons with capacity to communicate, understand, and use Nigerian languages for national development.”

There are several questions begging for answers with respect to the proposed university: One, is the question of whether there is really any need for a University of Languages considering that many of the 62 Federal and 63 State Universities in the country have departments of Languages or Institutes of African Studies that are already providing the services that the proposed new university will purportedly offer. What is even more ridiculous is that there is also a federally owned National Institute for Nigerian Languages, NINLAN, which was set up in Aba, Abia State, via Decree 117 of December 30, 1993.

The Institute was aimed at being the “apex institution for research, teaching, documentation, and coordination of studies in Nigerian languages”, according to NINLAN’s website. Following from this, it is obvious that the promoters of the Tinubu University of Languages are either unaware of the existence of NINLAN, or if they did, failed to clearly establish the value addition of the proposed Tinubu University of Languages to both the mandate of NINLAN and the various institutes and departments that offer similar services in the country’s institutions of higher learning.  

Two, in terms of value addition, the promoters of the proposed university  also seem unsure of what they really want to accomplish – besides the obvious facts that they want to set up a Federal University, which will be sited in Abia State, the home state of the Deputy Speaker, and which will be named after the President.  For instance, the promoters claimed that the university, when established, will act “as agents and catalysts, through postgraduate training, research and innovation for the effective and economic utilization, exploitation and conservation of Nigeria’s natural, economic and human resources”.

How studying indigenous languages will lead to the “effective and economic utilization, exploitation and conservation of Nigeria’s natural, economic and human resources”, remains unclear. It is equally unclear how training in Nigerian languages will lead to “producing socially mature persons”.  There are several other bogus claims about what the proposed university could achieve that one gets the impression that whoever wrote the concept paper merely worked from answers to questions, and had very little knowledge of what a university education, or research in indigenous languages, is all about.

Three, a related question is whether establishing a University of Languages is really the best way to promote interest in local languages. If the aim of the proposed university is to encourage people to learn how to speak local languages, then a university education is not required for this. If this was really the aim, the sponsors could achieve the aim better by setting up, or encouraging the setting up of centres in local communities where local languages of interest could be learnt. The sponsors could also invest in the development of apps for teaching local languages or promote a number of existing apps that provide such services.  If, on the other hand, research in indigenous Nigerian languages is their main objective, then endowing chairs in various Departments of Languages or Institutes of African Studies in our existing institutions of higher learning could do the job better and cheaper. 

Four, how many Nigerian languages could realistically be taught in the proposed university?  Or will it be just the usual case of the dominant languages in the country (WAZOBIA)getting disproportionate attention? If that becomes the case,  as it is likely to be,  given that it will not be feasible to offer courses in the country’s over 500 indigenous languages and dialects, then the proposed university, rather than facilitating cultural awareness and unity – as claimed by the sponsors of the bill – will unwittingly become a tool of disunity because speakers of the languages left out are not likely to have any emotional buy-in to the university. 

Five, is the moral issue of naming institutions or monuments after a sitting President or Governor. In most climes, monuments are named after leaders have left office – not when they are in office. Even worse is to name an institution after a President who is still less than two years in office, and who is yet to find his bearing in the office, and who is generally  mocked as “T-Pain” for the unprecedented hardship his government has brought to Nigerians. If I were President Tinubu, I would distance myself from any effort to name institutions or monuments after me or even give me awards, including by the Bretton Woods institutions. Such honours are best savoured if done when the person is not in a position to extend favours.

Generally, monuments should be built to immortalise an idea not to humour those in power. In this connection, one may want to know what Tinubu has done in the area of promoting local languages that should warrant a University of Languages being named after him. The whole bill therefore oozes of sycophancy taken to a ridiculous level. I know that some Nigerian Governors have named institutions and monuments after themselves. But that is pure narcissism, and if people do not resist such, it is because they have either been cowed or simply do not care. 

Six, it may also not be out of place to interrogate the possible motives of the sponsors of the bill. Since the said university is to be sited in Abia State where the Deputy Speaker comes from, it may be safe to assume that he is the arrowhead of the bill, and consequently speculate on his possible motives: Is the Deputy Speaker following the path of some Governors who wrongly believe  that their legacies will be measured only by building enduring physical structures that will outlive them, often  white elephant projects such  as airports  that are hardly viable  and universities that are not properly funded?

Does the Deputy Speaker hope that by naming the proposed university after President Tinubu, he would tickle his ego, and buy the President’s support for the project? Is the Deputy Speaker hoping that by ingratiating himself to the president he would secure his position in the event of the president being re-elected in 2027? Is the Deputy Speaker eyeing a governorship seat in Abia State, and believes that the Ahmed Bola Tinubu University of Languages would be his evidence of ‘concrete achievement’ while in office?  And what, if one may ask, has become of the Deputy Speaker’s Peace in the South East Project, PISE-P, which he launched with fanfare in the ancient town of Bende, Abia State on December 29, 2023?

Seven, Shakespeare was right that there is no art to find the mind’s construction on the face, so I admit that all the above possible motives are mere speculations. But whatever the Deputy Speaker hopes to achieve by the Ahmed Bola Tinubu Federal University of Languages, he should take lessons from other Nigerian politicians whose sycophancy cut short their own career. A typical example is Ibrahim Mantu, the former Deputy President of the Senate (2001-2007). During Obasanjo’s alleged third term plot, Mantu was thought to be the arrowhead, and he boldly claimed that he would give his life for Obasanjo.

However, no sooner did Obasanjo leave office than Mantu, eager to rehabilitate himself politically from the damage his championing the hugely unpopular tenure elongation plot had done to his image and career, turned against Obasanjo. Nigeria’s political ecosystem is unfortunately littered with several Mantus. And this should forewarn both the sycophant and the leader being humoured. Given the transient nature of power, sycophancy, beyond a certain octave, is a sure career killer. 

*Jideofor Adibe is Professor of Political Science at Nasarawa State University, Keffi.

The Institute for Governance and Economic Transformation (IGET) is pleased to announce that its Founder, Professor Kingsley Moghalu, has been appointed as the inaugural President of the newly established African School of Governance (ASG). The ASG, launched today in Kigali, Rwanda, is a pan-African graduate institution designed to deliver world-class public policy education, research, and engagement programs aimed at transforming governance and leadership across the continent.

The initiative brings together visionaries committed to creating a sustainable governance model rooted in African realities. The ASG initiative was founded by H.E. Paul Kagame, President of Rwanda, H.E. Hailemariam Desalegn, former Prime Minister of Ethiopia (both co-founders of the ASG Foundation) in consultation with other African leaders, academicians and philanthropists.

ASG is supported by the Mastercard Foundation as part of its Young Africa Works strategy, which aims to enable 30 million young Africans, 70 percent of whom are women, to access dignified and fulfilling work opportunities by 2030.

Professor Moghalu’s appointment as President of the African School of Governance represents a significant milestone, not only for ASG but also for IGET. As the Founder of IGET, Professor Moghalu has long been at the forefront of promoting good governance, sustainable development, and economic transformation in Africa. His new role at ASG underscores his continued commitment to advancing these ideals on a larger scale, with a particular focus on equipping the next generation of African leaders with the knowledge, skills, and mindsets needed to address the continent's most pressing governance challenges.

Speaking on his appointment, Professor Moghalu said: “The establishment of ASG is a powerful expression of a clear vision on the part of the founding  leaders. I share this vision of a transformed Africa driven by competent leadership and  governance, and I am honored to have been tasked with leading ASG’s critical contribution to  making that vision a reality.”

A New Chapter for IGET

Professor Moghalu’s leadership at ASG marks an exciting new chapter for IGET, which will continue to focus on its core mission of driving policy innovation and economic transformation across Africa. With Professor Moghalu at the helm of affairs at ASG, IGET under a new management will yield to the powerful synergy of combining IGET’s deep expertise in governance and development research with ASG’s academic excellence and leadership training.

IGET will remain a key player in promoting governance reforms, policy research, and capacity building across the continent. The envisioned partnership between IGET and ASG opens up new opportunities for collaboration on research initiatives, policy engagement, and leadership programs aimed at tackling Africa’s governance challenges. This will enhance IGET’s impact and further its mission to transform governance and foster economic development across the continent.

About IGET

The Institute for Governance and Economic Transformation (IGET) is a leading think tank dedicated to promoting governance reforms, sustainable economic development, and policy innovation in Africa. Through its research, policy advocacy, and capacity-building programs, IGET aims to contribute to the transformation of African societies and economies.

About the African School of Governance (ASG)

ASG offers academic programs, including a Master of Public Administration (MPA) and Executive Master of Public Administration (EMPA), designed to equip emerging leaders with the skills and knowledge needed for effective leadership across Africa. In addition to its educational programs, ASG is committed to advancing governance through its research centers and policy engagement initiatives.

For more information, please contact:

Evelyn Dan Epelle, FMNES

MD/CEO

Institute for Governance and Economic Transformation (IGET)

Email: This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.

Chiemerie Ken-Ahukannah

Executive Officer (Administration)

Institute for Governance and Economic Transformation (IGET)

Email: This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.

A PAPER DELIVERED BY SONNY IROCHE, THE KEYNOTE LECTURER AT THE 64th FOUNDERS’ DAY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF NIGERIA, NSUKKA ON WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 9, 2024

Title: Resetting the Falling Standards of Education in Nigeria: Addressing the Challenges and Embracing the Future

Protocols:

• The Pro chancellor and Chairman of the Governing Council of the University of Nigeria, Nsukka, General Ike Nwachukwu (Rtd)

• Professor Uche Azikiwe, the widow of Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe, the first president of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and Founder, University of Nigeria.Ag. Vice-Chancellor, Professor Polycarp Chigbu

• Members
• Deputy Vice Chancellors
• Principal Officers of the university (the registrar, the bursar, librarian)
• Members of the Senate
• Deans, Directors, Professors, Lecturers
• Fellow Alumni
• All other Academic & Non - Academic Staff
• Our highly valued students (my fellow Lions & Lionesses)

Please pardon me, if I have inadvertently breached any protocols within the university system, despite my best efforts to adhere to the established norms in addressing this august occasion.

After a long journey from Oxford through Lagos, I have finally arrived in the beautiful city of Nsukka—my alma mater. Let me set the tone of this lecture and our discussion today, by referencing the second stanza of the university anthem that goes thus: Hail Varsity of Nigeria, my Alma Mater: Hail her and rejoice for her lofty plans: The Varsity that is sited on soft green hills. Hail her and rejoice for her beauty sake. Hail Varsity of our glory, the pride of our land: Hail her and rejoice for her light will shine: Hail Varsity per excellence our dream come true: Hail her and rejoice for the giant awakes.

Let me now pause at this moment to express my deepest gratitude to God Almighty for granting all those who have travelled to Nsukka this day journey mercies, and the opportunity to witness another day. For me , this moment is both nostalgic and humbling at the same time, as I cast my mind back to 1974, when as a 17-year old, I matriculated in this university, having just passed both my O’Level WASC from Government College Umuahia and the University entrance examination. Thereafter, for four uninterrupted years, I graduated with a Bachelor of Science degree in Zoology, in 1978.

Before we dive deep into today’s discussions, I would like to share a brief overview of the contemporary history of the University of Nigeria. This is especially relevant for our young students and serves as a tribute to some of our past heroes, such as Dr Michael Okpara, Emir Ado Bayero, Igwe Vincent Ike, who served as the Sole Administrator of the university, Professor Echeruo, and Professor Gilbert Kodilinye, who in 1952, became the first Nigerian professor of Medicine at the University of London, among many others, who worked tirelessly to restore the university in the aftermath of the Nigeria-Biafra war.

Shortly after the war, the university had three campuses: Nsukka, Enugu, and Calabar. The period from 1967 to 1970, marked by the Nigeria-Biafra war, remains a dark chapter in our history. Many of those that were involved in the Biafra Research and Production (RAP) were scientists and professors from this institution, and a significant number of the officers in the Biafran army were also undergraduates. We take a moment to honor the memories of those who lost their lives during that conflict, and we pray that their souls may find eternal peace. Amen.

At the end of the Nigeria-Biafra war in 1970, it was alleged that the federal government was contemplating the closure of the University of Nigeria. It was the late Emir of Kano, Ado Bayero, who had earlier in 1967 been appointed as Chancellor by his close ally, Odimegwu Ojukwu, then governor of the Eastern Region, who intervened to prevent such drastic measures. Emir Ado Bayero, along with the governor of the former South Eastern State, Brigadier Eugene Esuene, staunchly advocated for the university’s continued operation. Esuene further insisted on the establishment of a campus of the university in Calabar, leading to the admission of the first cohort of students in the Calabar campus in 1973, with the last set of UNN students admitted in 1975. From 1976, with the introduction of the Joint Admission and Matriculation Board (JAMB) the University of Calabar as a separate entity, was established, marking a significant moment in our educational landscape. I was among the students admitted to the Calabar campus, as the second set in 1974.

As we convene today to honor the rich legacy of our university and look towards its promising future, I am overwhelmed with nostalgia and a sense of purpose. It is therefore a privilege to address you not only as an alumnus of this esteemed institution but also as a devoted advocate for the advancement of education in Nigeria. Over sixty years ago, our founding fathers, led by the visionary leader, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, envisioned the establishment of the University of Nigeria, drawing motivation from the Michigan State University, USA. The opening convocation, addresses were delivered by the Chairman of the Provincial Council, Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe, the first President of the Federation of Nigeria, and by John A. Hannah, President of Michigan State University. The motto of the university is "To Restore the Dignity of Man”, which is rooted in Count Giovani Pico Della Mirandola’s 15th century oration, ‘De Dignitate Hominis’ (‘On the Dignity of Man’). As we reflect on our journey thus far, we must ask ourselves, the question:

Have we truly answered the call? Today’s lecture will delve into significant insights from influential thinkers, like Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, Dr Nelson Mandela, and Alvin Toffler. Dr. Azikiwe famously stated, “Education is the passport to the future, for tomorrow belongs to those who prepare for it today.” Hear Mandela on education: “ Education is the most powerful weapon which you can use to change the world “.

Complementing these sentiments, Toffler warned that “The illiterate of the twenty-first century will not be those who cannot read or write, but those who cannot learn, unlearn, and relearn.” A central theme in Toffler’s work is the notion that knowledge serves as the cornerstone of powerful societies, surpassing even the significance of labor and resources. He argued that individuals, organizations, and civilizations that fail to adapt to the rapid influx of new information risk falling into decline.

All these perspectives on education shed light on the stark contrast between knowledge-driven nations and the development disparities observed between the global north and the global south. Former British Prime Minister Tony Blair, in a notable speech at a Labor Party gathering, underscored the critical importance of education by declaring that “education, education, and education” are the top three priorities for his nation. This prompts us to question why successive administrations in Nigeria have consistently overlooked the education sector.

Thankfully, the rise of private education—akin to the emergence of private banks and the privatization of certain public entities in the country, has stepped in to fill the gap. But the legacy government owned universities must not be allowed to die. Because not all who seek education can afford the fees of the private universities.

In recent years, the educational landscape, and indeed most sectors in Nigeria have faced several challenges that have hindered our progress and tarnished the legacy of excellence that we once prided ourselves on. Today, I want to discuss these issues candidly, and I urge each of you to join me in a clarion call for reform and revitalization of our universities, and the education

sector as a whole.

1. The Fall of Educational Standards

To begin, we must confront the undeniable reality: the standards of public sector-driven education in Nigeria are in decline. Successive governments have promised reforms, yet we find ourselves still grappling with low budgetary provisions, as a percentage of our annual budget, outdated curricula, overcrowded and sometimes dilapidated classrooms, and underqualified educators. The failure to implement sustainable policies has left our educational system in disarray, and it is time for us to demand accountability and action policies to address this unfortunate situation.

1. De-centralization of Admissions & the Quota System: A Double-Edged Sword One of the most pressing issues that has marred Nigeria’s educational system is the continued centralization of admissions through the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB). While this system was originally intended to streamline the admission process, it has inadvertently created bottlenecks and inequities. The situation is further exacerbated by the quota system, which lowers the admission threshold for applicants from some so-called educationally disadvantageous states, to the detriment of those that have been classified as educationally advantageous state, with much higher admission threshold. These have over the years denied deserving students from placements in federal educational institutions and such students find themselves trapped in a cycle of rejections, while the meritocracy we aspire to, remains elusive. We must advocate for a more equitable and transparent admission process that truly reflects the capabilities of our students, allowing them to thrive in an environment that nurtures their potential. I am therefore, calling on the federal government to democratize admissions into Federal colleges, Universities, and other tertiary institutions, to allow them set their own examinations, and choose their admission criteria, while reinforcing the educational regulatory framework and authorities.

The quota system in admissions to federal educational institutions and government departments has, in many ways, outlived its original intent and usefulness. What the policy makers thought at the time was necessary has over time now, not yielded the desired result but has stunted the quality of public education in Nigeria. Instead of fostering an equitable environment that allows the best talents in Nigeria to emerge and actualize their full potential, the system has inadvertently elevated mediocrity while undermining the principles of meritocracy. Furthermore, we must consider whether the states that were previously educationally disadvantaged have made sufficient strides to catch up. At the same time, we must ask if the states that have historically enjoyed educational advantages have contributed their fair share to our federation. A thoughtful review and potential reform of the quota system could help ensure that we prioritize excellence and merit, ultimately paving the way for a more

dynamic and competitive educational landscape in Nigeria.

For Nigeria to progress and effectively transition into the imminent Fourth Industrial Revolution, that will be catalyzed by advancements in Artificial Intelligence and STEM education, a review of the university curriculum and the 1999 Constitution (as amended) are imperative.

III. The Funding Crisis: A Budgetary Black Hole

Moreover, we must address the dearth of funding that has plagued our universities. The inadequate budgetary provisions for education have left institutions scrambling to provide basic amenities, let alone invest in innovative research and development. Our GDP to education ratio is alarmingly low, reflecting a disinterest in the future of our nation’s intellectual capital. We must mobilize resources and campaign for increased investment in education—because without funding, we cannot fuel the engines of growth and development.

The 2024 Nigeria budget allocated 7.9% of its total budget to education. While this was a slight improvement over precious years, it is still grossly inadequate. At $23 per capita, public expenditure on education in Nigeria, is inadequate by any standard. Of the $23 per capita spending on education, states spend $14, leaving the federal government with only $9 per capita. As a result, Nigeria’s public tertiary institutions educators are some of the least paid in the country.

1. The Dark Shadow of Misconduct in Academia Adding to the woes of our educational system are the allegations of "sex for marks" and/or “financial gratification for marks”, that tarnish the integrity of some Tertiary institutions. Such unethical practices undermine the very foundation of education and discourage talented students from pursuing their dreams. We must collectively reject these behaviors and advocate for stringent policies that promote transparency and accountability in our academic environments.

As an antidote for such malpractices, I would like to advocate the introduction of the use of anonymous marking of examination assessments in the mold of what is obtainable in universities in the western world with the Autonomous Students Assessment Management System (SAMS). This method uses anonymous numbers and not the student’s identity submitted through a laptop and other computer devices. That way the identities of students are protected from sexual predator or vindictive lecturers.

1. Incessant ASUU Strikes: The Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) in Nigeria has been known for its frequent strikes, which are typically called to protest against various issues related

to funding, salary discrepancies, poor infrastructure, and other conditions affecting the quality of education in Nigerian universities. These strikes have become a persistent issue in the Nigerian educational landscape, often lasting for months and leading to significant disruptions in academic calendars.

Key Points on the Persistent ASUU Strikes:

• Historical Context: ASUU was established in 1978 to advocate for the rights of university lecturers. Over the decades, the union has launched numerous strikes, with the most significant ones occurring in the 1990s and 2000s.

• Reasons for Strikes:

- Funding Issues: ASUU often strikes when the government fails to meet funding agreements or allocate sufficient budgets for education.

- Salary and Benefits: Disputes over salaries, allowances, and benefits for lecturers are common triggers for strikes.

- Infrastructure: Poor facilities and inadequate resources in universities have led to calls for

better investment in the education sector.

• Impact on Education:

- Disruption of Academic Calendars: Strikes can lead to prolonged interruptions in academic sessions, causing delays in graduation and affecting students' overall educational progress.

- Quality of Education: Continuous strikes and disruptions can negatively impact the quality of education, as students may miss crucial learning opportunities and resources.

- Brain Drain: Prolonged strikes and poor working conditions have contributed to a brain drain, as many qualified lecturers seek opportunities abroad for better pay and working conditions.

- Student Frustration: Students often express frustration over the uncertainty and instability caused by strikes, which can lead to decreased morale and motivation.

.• Government Response: Over the years, the Nigerian government has made various attempts to negotiate with ASUU, including promises for increased funding and improved conditions.

However, these negotiations often lead to temporary resolutions rather than lasting solutions.

• Current Situation: The issue remains a significant challenge in Nigeria's education sector, with ASUU continuing to advocate for systemic reforms to address the root causes of the strikes.

THE JOURNEY TO RESET: A Vision for Today and Tomorrow

The journey to reset the standards of education in Nigeria is fraught with challenges. However, with collective effort, commitment, and the unwavering spirit of our alumni, we can overcome these obstacles. Let us unite in our mission to advocate for reforms, increase funding, uphold ethical standards, and embrace the future of education through research and technology.

Together, we can restore the pride and dignity of the University of Nigeria, ensuring that it remains a beacon of learning, research and knowledge for generations to come.

A CALL TO THE ALUMNI: Your Alma Mater Needs you Now:

You are who you are today, due partly to the University of Nigeria, but ultimately by the grace of God. And remember what the Bible tells us that the Lord, loves a cheerful giver. So it is not asking for too much for your university to make a clarion call to the alumni, to please come to Nsukka and save us.The university has a humongous number of alumni too numerous to mention. But please allow

just to mention a few.:

Many lions and lionesses at home and in the diaspora, too numerous to mention on this occasion.

In light of these several challenges facing the university, we call upon each one of you—alumni of the University, to come to the rescue of our Alma Mater. I’m aware that a few secondary schools and colleges, like Government College Umuahia, CIC Enugu and CKC Onitsha have restored and remodeled their Alma Mater

1. Establishment of a University Endowment Fund: Establishing a University of Nigeria Restoration Endowment Fund by the alumni of the University of Nigeria is paramount and long overdue and it involves several key steps and considerations to ensure its effectiveness and sustainability. Below is a structured outline of the setting up of such a fund:

Purpose and Objectives

- Define the Purpose: Clearly outline the goals of the endowment fund, such as supporting scholarships, faculty development, research initiatives, infrastructure improvements, or community engagement.

- Long-term Vision: Establish a vision for how the fund will benefit the university over the long term.

Legal and Regulatory Framework

- Incorporation: Form a legal entity to manage the endowment, which may be a nonprofit organization or a foundation.

- Compliance: Ensure compliance with relevant laws and regulations governing charitable organizations in the jurisdiction.

Governance Structure

- Board of Trustees: Establish a board to oversee the fund, comprising alumni, faculty, and possibly other stakeholders. Define roles, responsibilities, and terms of service.

- Advisory Committees: Form committees to address specific areas such as investment strategy, scholarship selection, and fundraising. Funding Mechanism

- Initial Capital: Determine the initial capital required to launch the endowment fund. This may involve contributions from alumni, businesses, NGOs, and other donors.

- Ongoing Contributions: Set up mechanisms for continuous contributions, including annual giving campaigns, planned giving, and major gifts.

Investment Strategy

- Asset Allocation: Develop an investment strategy that balances risk and return to preserve the fund’s capital while generating income.

- Professional Management: Consider hiring professional investment managers or advisors to oversee the fund’s investments. Fund Management Policies

- Spending Policy: Establish a spending policy that dictates how much of the fund’s earnings can be used annually for scholarships or other purposes.

- Reporting and Transparency: Implement transparent reporting practices to keep stakeholders informed about the fund’s performance and expenditures.

Scholarship and Grant Criteria

- Eligibility Criteria: Define the criteria for scholarships or grants, including academic performance, financial need, and other relevant factors.

- Application Process: Create a fair and transparent application process for students seeking support from the fund.

Marketing and Communication

- Awareness Campaigns: Develop strategies to raise awareness of the endowment fund among alumni, current students, and the community.

- Engagement Initiatives: Foster engagement through newsletters, social media, and alumni events to encourage ongoing support and participation.

Monitoring and Evaluation

- Performance Metrics: Establish metrics to evaluate the fund’s impact and effectiveness in meeting its goals.- Regular Reviews: Conduct regular reviews of the fund’s performance and strategies to ensure

alignment with the university’s mission and objectives.

Celebration and Recognition

- Donor Recognition: Create a system to recognize and honor donors, which can encourage further contributions and strengthen alumni relationships.

- Impact Reporting: Share stories and outcomes of how the fund has positively impacted students and the university community.

Setting up an Endowment Fund by the alumni of the University of Nigeria requires careful planning, collaboration, transparency, and commitment. By following these structured steps, alumni can create a sustainable fund that supports the university's mission and enhances educational opportunities for future generations.

III. Igbo Entrepreneurial Apprentice Studies

Let the word go out from this place today the leadership of the University, gathered here today, to consider the establishment of a formal education program to be known and called the School of Igbo Entrepreneurial Apprentice Studies. Which in keeping with its name, will embark on the research and take a long term and in-depth study of the age- long Igbo Apprentice program, with a view to taking it to the next level and incorporating technology and global financial dynamics into consideration.

• Collegiate System (Decentralized University System) UNN is hereby advised to consider the unique Collegiate education system of Oxford and Cambridge and some American universities.

The Governing Council and the university administration, should commit a study to study the nuances and implications, advantages and disadvantages of this system.

• Executive Education: The University of Nigeria can introduce Executive programs by leveraging its existing academic resources and expertise to develop specialized, short-term courses aimed at working professionals. This can be achieved through partnerships with industry leaders to ensure curriculum relevance, utilizing online platforms for accessibility, and offering flexible scheduling to accommodate busy professionals.

• Advantages of Executive Programs for the University of Nigeria:
• Revenue Generation: These programs can create a new income stream, enhancing the university's financial stability.

• Industry Collaboration: Strengthening ties with businesses can lead to research opportunities and internships for students.

• Enhanced Reputation: Offering high-quality executive education can elevate the university's profile and attract more students.• Lifelong Learning: Fostering a culture of continuous education can position the university as a leader in professional development

• Networking Opportunities: These programs can facilitate connections between students and influential industry professionals, enriching the university community.

 University of Nigeria Farm Ltd: To establish farms that produce food for students, the campus community, Nsukka and Enugu state. The farm would focus on sustainable practices, education, and providing fresh produce. Universities like Cornell, Ithaca, which operates a student-run farm and agricultural research facilities that contribute produce to the university’s dining services while also serving as a teaching and research platform.

Appalachian State University also has a student-run farm, known as the Goodnight Family Sustainable Development Farm, which produces food for the campus community.

National University of Singapore has a campus garden that produces fruits, and vegetables, promoting urban farming and sustainability among students.

Although the University of Oxford does not have a traditional farm in the sense of a large agricultural operations that produces food for the students. It however has a project, Oxford UnFarm, which is associated with the department of Zoology and focuses on research and education in sustainable agriculture and food systems.

Eastern Nigeria Regional integration: the fear of ethnic dominance which existed in the 1960-1970s no longer exists. Theresa is an urgent need for the old eastern region to form and economic and security bloc, for there is strength in unity. We share common beliefs in education, hardwork, sanctity of human life and rights, our region has many things that bind us together, such as marriage, culture, religion, values and the pursuit of progress and happiness.

We also share common borders and wealth. Let us pull our little patches together are firm one quilt. Because when we struggle and complain in our different silos and patches, as Efik, Ibibio, Ijaw, Igbo, Calabari, Ogoni, Ndoni, Okrika, Ikom and Ogoja our individual patch is not enough.

Let us all come together, like Joseph’s mother, to sow together, a coat of many colors that will shield us from the cold of retrogression, and give us a collective warmth of peace, justice and progress.

• High Electricity bill payments to EEDC. UNN incurs millions of Naira in electricity expenses. The university should explore the possibilities of an alternative source and solution to its energy needs, such as renewable energy in solar and wind. Drawing again from the university anthem: “…Hail Varsity that is planted on soft green hills: Hail her and rejoice for her beauty sake. The hills of Nsukka and not just beautiful, but when subjected to research on its wind flow, could serve as a site for wind mills generating electricity.

Renewables and generating UNN electricity, to prevent heavy dependence rid electricity derived from the weight huge electricity bills

1. The Enugu State government should now commission a feasibility study and an impact assessment study of developing a Light rail transport system linking Enugu and Nsukka

2. Eastern Nigeria Development Corporation (ENDC), for economic, educational, and cultural cooperation., reminiscing national and regional blocs such as BRICS, ECOWAS.

Some analysts query why Nigeria is not a member of BRICS. But i wish to recommend the establishment of an Eastern Nigeria Development Corporation ( ENDC) an economic, security and infrastructure cooperation between the states of the defunct

Eastern Region.

Rehabilitating and remodeling university education at a university like the University of Nigeria could involve several key initiatives to enhance the overall learning experience for students.

Some potential strategies for the future of revamping university education at UNN could

include:

. Enhancing student support services: Providing comprehensive support services for students, including academic advising, counseling, and career guidance, can help students navigate their academic journey more effectively and succeed in their studies.

. Fostering interdisciplinary collaboration: Encouraging collaboration between different academic departments and promoting interdisciplinary research can help students develop a well-rounded education and gain a broader perspective on complex issues.

. Promoting experience learning opportunities: Offering hands-on learning experiences, such as internships, research projects, and community service initiatives, can help students apply their

knowledge in real-world settings and develop practical skills that are relevant to their future

careers.

. Enhancing faculty development: Providing professional development opportunities for faculty members to stay current with the latest pedagogical approaches and research trends can help ensure that students receive high-quality instruction and mentorship. Restoring university education at any university will require a comprehensive and collaborative effort from faculty, administrators, and students to create a dynamic and innovative learning environment that prepares students for success in the rapidly changing global economy.

Rebuilding the broken infrastructure, facilities, and addressing issues such as anti-social behavior of some lecturers, vices in the university system, and the erosion of ethical values in a university like the University of Nigeria Nsukka is crucial for revitalizing the institution and fostering a culture of academic excellence and innovation. Here are some key insights into the importance of addressing these challenges:

. Infrastructure and facilities: Investing in modern infrastructure and facilities is essential for creating a conducive learning environment that inspires creativity and innovation. Upgrading classrooms, laboratories, libraries, and other facilities can enhance the overall student experience and improve academic outcomes.

. Addressing anti-social behavior of some lecturers: Addressing issues of misconduct, unethical behavior, and abuse of power among faculty members is crucial for maintaining a positive and supportive learning environment. Implementing clear policies and procedures for reporting and addressing misconduct can help promote accountability and professionalism among staff.

Such as dedicated Whistleblowers telephone lines

. Tackling vices in the university system: Addressing vices such as corruption, nepotism, and academic dishonesty is essential for upholding the integrity of the academic institution.

Implementing transparent and fair evaluation processes, promoting ethical conduct, and fostering a culture of accountability can help deter vices and promote a culture of excellence.

. Rebuilding the value system, ethics, and ethos of the university: Restoring and reinforcing the core values of integrity, respect, excellence, and accountability is essential for fostering a culture of academic excellence and innovation. Promoting ethical conduct, diversity, and inclusivity can help create a supportive and inclusive learning environment that nurtures creativity and critical thinking.

. Fostering knowledge, research, innovation, and inventions: Cultivating a culture of knowledge creation, research excellence, innovation, and entrepreneurship is essential for positioning the university as a hub of academic excellence and a driver of economic development. Encouraging interdisciplinary collaboration, supporting cutting-edge research initiatives, and fostering a spirit of creativity and innovation can help propel the institution to new heights of academic achievement. Addressing these challenges and rebuilding the infrastructure, facilities, and ethical values of a university like UNN is essential for revitalizing the institution, promoting a culture of academic excellence, and preparing students to thrive in a rapidly changing world. It will require a concerted effort from university leadership, faculty, students, and other stakeholders to create a vibrant and dynamic learning environment that fosters innovation, creativity, and positive social impact.

. Networking and collaboration: Alumni can facilitate networking opportunities and collaboration among students, faculty, industry partners, and other stakeholders, creating a vibrant ecosystem of knowledge sharing, innovation, and collaboration. By leveraging their connections and resources, alumni can help create opportunities for students to engage with real-world challenges and contribute to positive social change.

. Fundraising and philanthropy: Alumni can support the university through fundraising initiatives, donations, and philanthropic efforts to enhance infrastructure, facilities, scholarships, research programs, and other key initiatives. By giving back to their alma mater, alumni can help ensure that future generations of students have access to high-quality education and opportunities for personal and professional growth.

. Advocacy and public engagement: Alumni can serve as ambassadors for the university, advocating for its mission, values, and impact in the wider community. By promoting the university's achievements, values, and contributions to society, alumni can help raise awareness, build support, and attract resources to advance the institution's goals

The Advancement Board:

1. Reposition the Advancement Board:

- The Advancement Board plays a critical role in fundraising, alumni engagement, and strategic planning for the university. Repositioning the board can involve restructuring its composition, roles, and responsibilities to ensure effective leadership, governance, and oversight.

- The board can focus on expanding fundraising efforts, cultivating donor relationships, and securing financial support for key initiatives, such as infrastructure development, research programs, scholarships, and faculty development.

- By enhancing the board's capacity and effectiveness, the university can strengthen its resource mobilization efforts, promote sustainability, and advance its mission of academic excellence and social impact.2. Creating Centers of Excellence in Research in Medicine and Health Sciences:

- Establishing centers of excellence in research in medicine and health sciences can position UNN as a leader in cutting-edge research, innovation, and knowledge creation in these critical fields.

- These centers can facilitate interdisciplinary collaboration, attract top talent, secure research funding, and drive impactful research projects that address pressing health challenges and contribute to scientific advancement.

- By fostering a culture of research excellence and innovation, the university can enhance its reputation, attract top students and faculty, and make meaningful contributions to healthcare delivery, public health, and societal well-being.

3. Providing Consulting Services to Banking, Financial Services, and Insurance Companies (BFS&I)

- Offering consulting services to banking, financial services, and insurance companies can leverage the university's expertise, knowledge, and resources to address industry challenges, provide strategic insights, and drive organizational performance.

- The University can establish partnerships and collaborations with industry stakeholders to offer specialized consulting services, training programs, and research projects that address emerging trends, regulatory requirements, and market dynamics.

- By engaging with the private sector, the university can enhance its relevance, build industry connections, and create opportunities for knowledge exchange, skill development, and mutual benefit.

Reestablishing the Advancement Board, creating centers of excellence in research in medicine and health sciences, and providing consulting services to industry MMC sectors can enhance the University of Nigeria Nsukka's impact, visibility, and reputation, while advancing its mission of academic excellence, innovation, and societal relevance. These initiatives can strengthen the university's capacity to address complex challenges, drive positive change, and contribute to the advancement of knowledge, research, and practice in key sectors of importance.

Embracing the Future: Research and AI Readiness

As we reflect on our university’s potential, we must also ask: Are our public universities equipped to carry out meaningful research and development in line with today’s global realities? The answer lies in our commitment to innovation and collaboration. We must foster partnerships with industries and governmental agencies to create a research ecosystem that addresses real-world challenges.Furthermore, as we stand on the precipice of a technological revolution, we must ask ourselves:

How AI-ready are our universities? The future of education and industry will undoubtedly be shaped by artificial intelligence. It is imperative that we incorporate AI into our curricula, train our faculty, and equip our students with the skills needed to thrive in this new era. Embracing the disruptive technologies will not only enhance our educational frameworks but also prepare our graduates for the complexities of the modern workforce. Now, let me sound a note of warning to both our students and faculties: “AI will not take your job. But the person who has learned to use AI will”.

The Landscape of Technology Disruption: Generative Artificial Intelligence Preparing current students at the University of Nigeria to navigate the landscape of technological disruption caused by Artificial Intelligence (AI) and robotics is crucial for equipping them with the skills and knowledge needed to thrive in the digital age. Here are some potential plans and strategies that the university could consider in tweaking its curriculum to address the challenges and opportunities presented by AI and robotics:

• Integration of AI and Robotics Courses: The university can introduce specialized courses on AI, machine learning, robotics, and other related technologies to provide students with a foundational understanding of these concepts. These courses can cover topics such as data science, programming languages, AI algorithms, and ethical considerations in AI development.

• How would Universities deal with the use of Generative AI tools, such as ChatGPT by students, teaching and research staff?. Will the use of Chatbot be viewed as academic dishonesty, and plagiarism?

• Interdisciplinary Approach: UNN can encourage interdisciplinary collaboration among different academic departments to foster a holistic understanding of AI and robotics. By incorporating perspectives from fields such as computer science, engineering, social sciences, and ethics, students can gain a broader appreciation of the implications and applications of AI technologies.

• Hands-on Learning Opportunities: Providing students with hands-on learning experiences, such as project-based assignments, research projects, and internships in AI-related industries, can help them apply theoretical knowledge to real-world scenarios and develop practical skills in AI development and implementation.• Industry Partnerships and Guest Lectures: Collaborating with industry partners, AI experts, and professionals in the field of robotics can provide students with insights into industry trends, best practices, and career opportunities in the AI sector. Guest lectures, workshops, and industry visits can expose students to real-world applications of AI and robotics technologies.

• Emphasis on Critical Thinking and Problem-Solving: The university can emphasize critical thinking, problem-solving, and creativity in its curriculum to equip students with the skills needed to adapt to the evolving technological landscape. Encouraging students to think innovatively, experiment with new ideas, and collaborate on interdisciplinary projects can cultivate a mindset of lifelong learning and adaptability.

• Ethical and Social Implications: Incorporating discussions on the ethical, legal, and social implications of AI and robotics technologies can help students develop a well-rounded understanding of the broader impact of these technologies on society.

Addressing issues such as bias, privacy, accountability, and job displacement can foster a culture of responsible innovation and ethical decision-making.

By implementing these strategies and tweaking its curriculum to reflect the emerging trends in AI and robotics, the University of Nigeria can better prepare its current students to thrive in a rapidly changing technological landscape. By equipping students with the skills, knowledge, and mindset needed to harness the potential of AI and robotics technologies, UNN can empower its graduates to lead and contribute meaningfully to the digital transformation of society.

OTHER CONTRIBUTIONS

• Learn from the GCU experience
• BAFA donation of Books
• Rhodes Scholarship for Masters and Doctorate degrees Selection Committee (Age 18-24)

• African Leadership Institute (AFLI) Archbishop Desmond Tutu Fellowship (Age 30-40)
• Senior Academic Fellowship of UNN faculties with Foreign Universities WORDS OF PURPOSE FROM GARTNER RESEARCH: BY GARTNER

“The future doesn’t invent itself. It is created by today’s leaders, who know that the pace of change will never be this slow again. We must work together as leaders every day, to pursue our mission-critical priorities seize opportunities from disruption Cast a vision for the future and build it step by step

We must equip them with indispensable insights, advise and tools to confidently tackle today’s challenges and pursue tomorrow’s possibilities. Together we fuel the future of business. And a more successful world takes shape”.

The judicial career of Francis Chukwuma Abosi was supposed to last only seven years. In the event, he did 12 and may well have reached 20 years if events had not intervened. In his 12th year as a judge in April 2020, while serving as the acting president of the Customary Court of Appeal of Imo state in south-east Nigeria, the National Judicial Council (NJC) mercifully ended it all.

When he attended the Nigerian Law School, as all Nigerian lawyers must, Francis Abosi deposed that he was born in November 1950. On his appointment as a judge in 2008, therefore, Francis Abosi was 58. At the time, the retirement age of all judges was 65. This meant he would have been due to retire in 2015. 

In 2008 also, a judge could only retire on their terminal salary as pension if they had served for at least 15 years. In the case of Francis Abosi, he well knew that based on his date of birth, he was eight years short of what he needed to be eligible to retire on his terminal salary as his judicial pension.

The answer to this problem was rather straightforward – Francis Abosi edited his birth year from 1950 to 1958. This act added eight years to the seven that he would have served, bringing his notional judicial tenure to 15 years, at which point he would have been entitled to his terminal salary as his judicial pension.

What Francis Abosi could not do, however, was alter the filings he had done prior to becoming a judge, especially those he made upon matriculation as an undergraduate and also on admission to the Nigerian Law School. Upon being appointed to act as the president of the Customary Court of Appeal, they caught up with him. In April 2020, the NJC found him guilty of  “the falsification of his date of birth from 1950 to 1958. Findings showed that he was supposed to have retired in November 2015 when he clocked the mandatory retirement age of Sixty-five (65) years.”

Francis Abosi’s feat of genealogical management had far-reaching consequences. He became president of the Customary Court of Appeal of Imo state nearly three years after he should have retired. That means he took someone else’s job unlawfully. It could have been worse. Had the NJC not stopped him, Francis Abosi would have been in the position in 2023 when the age of retirement changed from 65 to 70, meaning that he would have been on the job until 2028 when biologically he would have been 78. That would have given him 15 years of judicial service beyond his due retirement age.

Abosi was not alone in the business of injudicious emendation. One of his peers in the 2008 cohort of appointments to the judiciary in Imo state was Theresa Eberechukwu Chikeka. A graduate of the University of Maiduguri, Theresa Chikeka became a lawyer in 1982 and did her National Youth Service Corps at the Borno state ministry of justice, which employed her thereafter as state counsel. There she worked for the first ten years of her professional career before transferring her service to Imo state in 1993. 

Up to this point, Theresa Chikeka’s records indicate that she was born on October 27, 1956. With this date of birth, she would have attained retirement at 65 in 2021, two years short of the 15 years of service which would have entitled her to retire on her terminal judicial salary. Borrowing a leaf from Francis Abosi’s book of elastic genealogy, it seems, Theresa Chikeka also adapted her age sometime in 2006, changing her birth year from 1956 to 1958 and making her eligible to retire in October 2023 instead of 2021. 

Indeed, according to records in the possession of the Imo State Judicial Service Commission which has looked into the issue, the affidavit deposed to Theresa Chikeka’s mother in support of her new birth year claimed that she was born in 1958, without providing the day or month on which she was extruded from the womb.

On 28 June 2022, the Imo State House of Assembly (IMSHA) confirmed Theresa Chikeka as chief judge. This was more than eight months after she should have retired as a judge. In other words, the house of assembly confirmed as chief judge a person who was – as a matter of law – not a judge on the date that they did so. 

In 2023, when the age of retirement of judges of the high court was increased to 70 from 65, Theresa Chikeka received another five years of judicial life as chief judge when in fact she should have been in retirement two years earlier in 2021.

These facts are not seriously in dispute. 

On 14 June 2024, one Comrade Ndubuisi Onyemaechi, on behalf of a group called the Civil Society Engagement Platform (CSEP), filed a petition with the Imo state house of assembly in Owerri alleging that the chief judge had unlawfully edited her age. This allegation goes to the heart of Rule 1(3) of the Judicial Code of Conduct in Nigeria which stipulates that “a judicial officer should respect and comply with the laws of the land and should conduct himself at all times in a manner that promotes public confidence in the integrity and impartiality of the judiciary”.

The IMSHA referred this to its judiciary committee, which began investigations the following month. They invited Theresa Chikeka to attend but she declined. In a letter to the house dated 12 July 2024, she claimed that “the provisions of the guidelines of my office…. do not permit me to appear before any Investigation Panel (sic) other than a panel set up by the National Judicial Council”.

On 17 July, the judiciary committee reported to the IMSHA in plenum which voted through a resolution calling for the removal of Theresa Chikeka as chief judge for falsifying her age. Moments after this vote, on the same day, the chief judge served the house with an ex-parte order of the federal high court in Owerri restraining the house from taking the vote that it had already concluded.

Matters have since then relocated to the NJC which now has cognisance of the allegations against Theresa Chikeka. Having previously told the IMSHA that she cannot answer to any panel except one constituted by the NJC, Theresa Chikeka now tells the NJC that she cannot answer to their panel because of an interim order of the federal high court, which has lapsed. On this artifice, she presently claims to function in an office for which she was ineligible to begin with.

In the last week, Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN), Kudirat Kekere-Ekun, voiced concerns about the credibility of the judicial branch that she leads, appearing rather incredulously to suggest that it is a function of how many judgments and rulings judges produce. 

The CJN must realise that no one will take her seriously if she continues to prove unwilling and unable to act swiftly to get rid of the person who now desecrates the office first occupied in 1976 by Akunne Chukwudifu Oputa.

The least anyone can ask of those who hold leadership positions in the judiciary is that they are fit in law to serve as judges. Theresa Chikeka is not. She ceased to be a judge in October 2021. Allowing her to hang on as chief judge of Imo state today is egregiously unlawful. The NJC owes Francis Abosi an apology and a recall if Madam CJN continues to prove unwilling and unable to get rid of Theresa Chikeka.

 Let her go! 

A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it. 

“The reason we talk today is the reason we counseled yesterday against replacing destroyers with predators. We said last year do not vote for election, vote for structure. Let us break down this house and rebuild it so that we can all be safe. “It is very difficult, indeed almost impossible, to maintain liberty in a republic that has become corrupt or to establish it there anew” (Machiavelli). We ignored structure and everyone gave their electoral waist beads to their own child. Votes were reduced to abject ornaments for voluptuous behinds. Machiavelli wrote again, “people are often misled to desire their own ruin.”

“All music comes from Africa,” African pop singer, Angélique Kidjo, told an interviewer in 2023. Kidjo’s dad is Fon; her mum is Yoruba. Kidjo waxed lyrical. She said she came from a culture “where you spend 10 minutes saying good morning, how is your father? How is your grandmother?” In every story, every conversation, there is at least a song. And that includes Kidjo’s ten-minute greetings. I feel her. As a Yoruba, I am expected to make anything sing. The unpleasant, if sung the right way, will be good music. That is why we are advised to laugh at any occurrence the severity of which sobbing and weeping cannot redeem. And, so, in spite of everything, the time to sing, dance and laugh is now.

At 4.50 pm on 29 May, 2023, a lady of influence tweeted: “You either accept Bola Ahmed Tinubu GCFR and Kashim Shettima GCON as your president & vice president respectively or join the wailers for the next 4 years, at least, or 8 years. And if you ask me, wailing for 8 years will be emotionally exhausting. If a new Nigeria is your concern, you’ll pray to God to guide our leaders right irrespective of the party you belong in.”

That was a few hours after Alhaji Bola Ahmed Tinubu became president and pronounced “subsidy gone.”

Fast forward to 10:30 am on 9 September, 2024. The X influencer tweeted: “I am fully committed to campaigning for and supporting any better candidate who can defeat this government in 2027, regardless of their party. For me, removing PBAT is a personal mission and a priority. In shaa Allah.”

Our lady has clearly violated the 4-years-or-8-years timeline she gave us just one short year ago. What has changed that has soured the romance?

In case you are scouring the ocean beds in search of what crime the president committed which has cost him the love of this prime supporter, a window opened at 11:23am on 15 October, 2024. The lady tweeted: “Are we really just going to sit back and accept that spending 100,000 Naira a week on fuel is now the norm? That’s 400,000 Naira a month. How many of us can actually afford this? And meanwhile, electricity costs have shot up by nearly 400%. Are we okay with being drained financially just to survive, or are we ready to question why we’re being squeezed like this?”

The last time I checked, the above tweet had attracted almost 800,000 views. Many who replied to the lady’s tweets abused her. They shouldn’t have. When Saul came back from Damascus and became Paul, how was he received? I commend this lady for her forthrightness. At least, unlike others, she didn’t subscribe to John Milton’s fallen character in ‘Paradise Lost’ who loses and shouts: “…farewell hope, and with hope farewell fear” but goes ahead to yell “Farewell remorse: all good to me is lost; Evil be thou my good.” To that Miltonic character, repentance and remorse are too high a price to pay for whatever sin he had committed. The lady here is one of millions with blisters of buyer’s remorse under their skirts. But she came out to yell and bail out of the abusive love. I commend her. Out of the eight million who voted in this government, there must now be at least seven million sipping the ale of regret quietly in public but cursing King Macbeth privately under their creaky beds. Evil should stop being their good. Because of tomorrow, their buyer’s remorse should stop pressing the mute button.

In 1994, Angélique Kidjo released ‘Agolo’ an album that contains the song: ‘Orio rio/ Ola djou monké n’lo/ Ola djou monké/ Ola djou monké n’lo’. What is she saying? The wordings are obviously in her Quidah, Benin Republic Yoruba. The Oyo-Yoruba in me has no difficulty in situating the root of the lyrics in one of her mum’s folksongs, ‘Ori Ori o Olajumoke nlo…’ There is a story behind that song. And this is where I am going. The folksong rose to meet me when I read the tweets I started this piece with.

The ‘Olajumoke’ song is a lyricised Yoruba folk story about the consequences of rash choices. It says that if you are going to choose a husband or wife, open your eyes, the inner and the outer. The dude you are dying to have may be an empty tin (agolo/pangolo), an àgbá òfìfo (empty barrel).

The story goes that Olajumoke was the most beautiful girl in the village and she knew it. Suitors came after suitors. None was handsome enough to match the taste of the fussy, finicky damsel.

One bright sunny day, a very handsome young man sauntered into the marketplace. The dude is a complete stranger, the type the clairvoyant would see and describe as a beautiful snake. The enchanting young man’s out-of-this-world elegance charmed Olajumoke. The strangeness of his person and his suspicious entry did not alarm Olajumoke. They instead combined to disarm her. She melted and commenced a session of comely stalking, and followed the love of her life up and down the market.

The sun was going down; buying and selling was over. Bobo Handsome commenced his exit from the market but noticed this beautiful girl following him. He asked why. Olajumoke broke all rules and protocols of village romance. She toasted the unknown man of uncommon allure. “Let us be husband and wife.” The strange man was forthright. He couldn’t marry her. “I am Orí (head), a complete stranger here. My place is beyond the Blue Sea (Odò Aró) and even far after the Red Sea (Odò Èjè). You can see that we cannot be husband and wife.”

Because love is blind, Olajumoke would have none of what the stranger was saying. Remember Angélique’s line:

“Ifé ayé ilé /Igbadoun foun ayé (Love in this world is strong/ It is pleasure for the world)”.

The lady of beauty insisted she would follow the strange man to wherever on earth. Then Orí, the young man, lunged into a burst of songs. “Leave me/ If you don’t turn back, we will get to the Sea of indigo/ If you don’t leave, we will reach the Sea of blood…”

The lady of our story did not heed the warnings, neither did she contemplate a change of resolve. She must marry this man of means and colour. That was how she followed a complete stranger on a journey of love. It was a long trek across daylight and moonlight. Then, they reached and crossed the Blue Sea. Soon, they reached and crossed the Red Sea. Then, things moved very fast for the lovey-dovey girl. It turned out that everything that gave the man elegance was borrowed. He started dropping the parts one by one where he got them. He started with his arms, and then his legs. The spirits that loaned them to him got back their properties. Then the torso, the flesh, the hairs and the nails. Every minute part was a borrowed item and the lender got back their properties. Orí is no longer what we call head. What he is is one ugly, scary skull. Now, beautiful girl knew she was in deep trouble. She is married to a Skull – deathly and deadly. She no do again. She told Orí but the ex-handsome man said it was too late; their romance was till death do them part.

Skull did what captors do with their victims. To ensure his ‘wife’ did not escape, Orí decided to ‘bell’ her with waist beads. Each time beautiful Olajumoke attempted to run away, the beads alerted the husband, jingling: “Ori Ori o Olajumoke nlo (Skull, Skull, Olajumoke is running away).” How did this girl get back her freedom? Did she ever get a reprieve? Well, the conclusions are as varied as the storytellers and where they belong.

How Olajumoke chose her husband is the way we choose our leaders. The signs are always there that the masquerade we are costuming will most certainly snatch the singlet we have as our only garment. Like Mr. Skull, they do not hide who they are. The parts that make up their bodies of intelligence are unreal; they are borrowed. The only parts that are truly theirs are the fingers – for counting billions.

“Omo eni kò sè’dí bèbèrè” was the battle cry of Tinubu’s campaigners in Yorubaland last year. Everything was reduced to beads (ìlèkè) and bottoms (ìdí). Any Yoruba person who campaigned against the child of the house was a bastard. We asked the past why it invented (ìlèkè ìdí) (waist beads) for girls only. The past told us it was for reasons of beauty – rounded hips, slim waists, etc. We asked what else? We are told the beads also tell which girl is chaste and which is not – or likely to be not. The loose loosen their waists; they walk and roll the beads pushing the world into libidinous wars. Where such is seen, waywardness robs such girls of parental adornments. That was why some of us insisted in 2023 that not all omo and their big bottoms deserved the land’s ìlèkè. But they said our mouths smelt bad. What did we know?

The reason we talk today is the reason we counseled yesterday against replacing destroyers with predators. We said last year do not vote for election, vote for structure. Let us break down this house and rebuild it so that we can all be safe. “It is very difficult, indeed almost impossible, to maintain liberty in a republic that has become corrupt or to establish it there anew” (Machiavelli). We ignored structure and everyone gave their electoral waist beads to their own child. Votes were reduced to abject ornaments for voluptuous behinds. Machiavelli wrote again, “people are often misled to desire their own ruin.”

When Sani Abacha took over the government in 1993, people clapped for the kingmaker who had made himself king. They said he was a wrong-righter. When by 1994 it became clear Abacha was determined to sit still on the June 12 election and the mandate it conferred, MKO Abiola went philosophical: Ìlèkè tó sò’dí òpòló ni ejò gbé wò yí o (a string of beads is found to be too large for Toad’s waist, Snake now goes for it). It is the same today. Check toad, check snake, measure their waists, solve the riddle.

Some regime backers, last week, told the newspaper columnist to stop his criticisms of the president and his bumbling presidency. “Provide solutions,” the persons yelled in forwarded messages. Well, the columnist did not campaign last year to be beaded with power. The columnist’s duty is to tell the king that he is naked. If the naked, his clothiers and courtiers do not know the solution to the nakedness, then, what else is there to say other than sing in musician Lagbaja’s voice: “Mo sorri fun gbogbo yin l’okookan.”

I am not done with Angélique Kidjo and the interview in which she spoke the words I quoted earlier. It is in the 29 June, 2023 edition of The Telegraph of the U.K. In her words is a warning to the ‘victorious’ to know how very slippery the mountaintop is. The powerful who think they stand firm and therefore could betray the ground that holds their ladder should hear out Angélique: “I didn’t get here because I decided to be number one. I got here because people decided to listen to me. The people who put you up here, well, they can always pull you down.” Wisdom. But ‘they’ won’t listen. Their ears are like Ori’s body parts – borrowed – and collected back by the lenders.