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[OPINION] Democracy in Africa and the dangers of a judicial selectorate - Chidi Odinkalu
In March 2006, Uganda’s Supreme Court convened to begin adjudication of the disputes over the presidential election that occurred the previous month in the country.
Voting took place on 23 February. Two days later, on 25 February, the Electoral Commission announced the results giving the incumbent, Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, 59.28% of the valid votes cast. In second place, with an award of 37.36% of the votes, the Commission announced Kiiza Besigye, a medical doctor whose military career began as part of the bush war that brought Museveni to power 20 years earlier in 1986.
In his petition against the announced result, Col. Besigye argued that the Electoral Commission did not validly declare the results in accordance with the Constitution, and the Presidential Elections Act; and that the election was conducted in contravention of the provisions of both. His evidence was compelling.
Yet, the impression that the petition process was a ritual performance with a predetermined outcome pervaded the process. Leading the legal team for the Electoral Commission of Uganda who were defendants in the petition was Lucian Tibaruha, Solicitor-General of Uganda. In reality, he also led the lawyers for the president, also a defendant alongside the Electoral Commission. Handling election petitions for a party political candidate was not supposed to be part of Lucian’s job, but there he was.
Presiding was Bejamin Josses Odoki, Chief Justice of Uganda since 2001 and the author of the 1995 Constitution that incrementally made Museveni a life president. Idi Amin, Uganda’s infamous military dictator, elevated Odoki to the bench as a 35 year old in 1978. Amin’s nemesis, Museveni, elevated him to the Supreme Court eight years later and made him Chief Justice in 2001.
Announcing its reasoned judgment in January 2007, the court found that there had been non-compliance with the Constitution of Uganda and the applicable laws in the form of “disenfranchisement of voters by deleting their names from the voters register or denying them the right to vote” as well as “in the counting and tallying of results.”
The Court equally found as a fact that the “principle of free and fair elections was compromised by bribery and intimidation or violence in some areas of the country” and also that “the principles of equal suffrage, transparency of the vote, and secrecy of the ballot were undermined by multiple voting, and vote stuffing in some areas.”
Despite these findings, Chief Justice Odoki and his court ruled by a majority of four votes to three of Justices of the Supreme Court of Uganda to uphold the election and grant President Museveni another five years in power. Two years after this decision, in 2009, when the Chief Justice’s son, Phillip Odoki, wedded, Museveni’s son, General Muhoozi Kainerugaba was the best man
In 2010, it emerged that Chief Justice Odoki never harboured any doubts about the outcome. Questioned about the role of judges in deciding elections in Africa, Odoki, “smiled when commenting that to nullify a presidential election would be suicidal.” He lived to see his peers in Kenya and Malawi do just that in 2017 and 2020 respectively. It proved not to be suicidal.
According to former law teacher, Olu Adediran, the role of judges in these kinds of cases is in reality “a compromise between law and political expediency.” Jude Murison is more direct in calling it “judicial politics.” Judges are not instruments of change or revolution and when they are called upon to adjudicate between sides in a political dispute, they are more often than not likely to treat that not as an opportunity to change political paymasters except when the bell has already tolled undisputedly for an incumbent.
Politicians are supposed to sell themselves to the people through their programmes and through campaigns in a contest of both ideas and vision. In return, the people through their votes offer endorsement to the politicians and programmes whom they believe best advance their interests. An electoral commission is a referee supposedly engaged and maintained at the public expense to administer this contest.
This is where things begin to break down. Although engaged in the name of the people, every electoral commission is appointed by people in power who never wish to relinquish it. When a dispute emerges as to the kind of job done by the electoral commission, it ends up before judges. However, the same people who appoint the electoral commission also usually appoint the most senior judges into office. In the maelstrom of party political competition, guardrails break down as politicians struggle to casualise the popular electorate in order to prosper a judicial selectorate.
The more election disputes end up in court, the more it becomes evident to politicians that it is easier to make deals with the judges. The people are and can be unpredictable, unlike most judges. Increasingly, therefore, politicians seek to judicialize the site of decision-making on elections, relocating that from the polling booth to the courtroom.
If a politician can get their spouse appointed to become a judge, they can even make the site of decision-making in elections more intimate, relocating it from the courtroom to the bedroom.
Instead of the usual soapbox, increasingly elections in many countries can be decided by good old pillow-talk. Former federal legislator, Adamu Bulkachuwa, whose wife, Zainab, headed Nigeria’s Court of Appeal for six years until 2020, published the manual on this model of electoral ascendancy in his parliamentary valedictory remarks as a senator in June 2023.
This is why the judicialization of politics in Africa increasingly represents a huge risk to the popular will as the basis of government. First, it vitiates the right to democratic participation and suppresses the popular will as the foundation for democratic legitimacy. Second, it enables the courts to deprive the people of their democratic rights, accomplishing that under the alluring pretence of rule of law. Third, it provides perverse incentives for politicians to capture the courts, making the judiciary in many African countries a battleground for the pre-determination of election outcomes. Fourth, it has the capacity to alter the character of the judiciary from an independent institution to a plaything of political insiders.
This trend in consigning elections to the care of a judicial selectorate around Africa now endangers judges and their independence. In Malawi, in 2020, the president attempted to remove the Chief Justice in order to secure a Supreme Court panel more solicitous of his interests in the lead-up to a presidential re-run, following a rigged electoral contest that had been struck down by the courts.
The following year in September 2021, the ruling party in Zimbabwe pressured the Constitutional Court to overrule an earlier decision of the High Court that blocked an extension of the tenure of the Chief Justice after he had reached the official retirement age. This allowed the Chief Justice to still serve, but on a contract that made him more subject to presidential whim. Ahead of contentious national elections two years later, the same president decided to advance $400,000 to all serving judges in Zimbabwe in “housing loan” with no repayment obligations. One of the beneficiaries was the chair of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC), herself a serving judge. Unsurprisingly, she announced her benefactor, the incumbent president, as winner in the ensuing election.
Even worse, this trend now also endangers entire countries, if not indeed regions. This was evident in April 2020, when Mali’s Constitutional Court overturned the results of 31 parliamentary seats won by the opposition. Its decision to hand these seats over to the ruling party sparked an uprising that led first to the dissolution of the Constitutional Court, and later the overthrow of the government in a military coup.
Mali’s twin crises of governmental legitimacy and state fragmentation is a tragic reminder of the dangers of judicial overreach in election adjudication. But the crisis in Mali has also become a regional crisis for West Africa. To adapt an expression familiar to new-age Pentecostals in West Africa: what judges cannot do does not exist.
A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.
Gov Yusuf suspends political aide over unauthorised statement
Governor Abba Yusuf of Kano State has directed the immediate suspension of Ibrahim Rabi’u, a Senior Special Reporter (SSR) attached to the Ministry of Transportation in the state, over an unauthorized statement.
Besides, the government has directed the issuance of a query to the suspended aide over his recent unauthorized comments on Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso’s purported defection.
Recall Rabiu had issued a statement over the weekend over Kwankwaso’s position on the impending defection rumour, and that which the two-term former governor has immediately denied as false.
The Secretary to the State Government, Alhaji Umar Farouk Ibrahim, issued the suspension, which takes immediate effect.
In a statement made available to newsmen by the governor’s spokesperson, Sanusi Bature, the government cautioned all political appointees against unauthorized statements, insisting that any official comment must get clearance.
According to the statement, “the government has distanced itself from the purported claim, describing the statement authored by the suspended aide as solely coming from the author for reasons best known to him.
“The government, therefore, reminded the general public that only the Commissioner for Information and Internal Affairs, Comrade Ibrahim Waiya, is authorized to speak on behalf of the government, while the Director General, Media and Publicity, Sanusi Bature, speaks for the governor.
“The government cautions all political appointees against unauthorized comments, especially outside their jurisdiction.
“Any political appointee must get clearance before making public comments on issues that have to do with the position of the government on matters of public importance or of sensitive political decisions,” the statement reads.
[OPINION] JAMB’s fiasco is horrible, but it’s not unexampled - Farooq Kperogi
The server glitch that led to unnaturally high failure rates in Lagos and southeast states in Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board’s Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination (UTME) has alarmed the nation and provoked intense, impassioned debates about the integrity of computer-based standardized tests.
There are also the predictably shallow, bigoted attacks on the ethnicity, religious affiliation, and field of scholarly specialization of the JAMB registrar, Professor Is-haq Oloyede. I have chosen to transcend this chauvinistic folderol and instead look at the bigger picture.
There is no question that the technical malfunction in JAMB’s server that almost imperiled the dreams and hard work of prospective undergraduates is inexcusably horrid. It’s even more outrageous that in the immediate aftermath of this tragedy, the minister of education was quoted as saying that the mass failure was proof that the government had found a foolproof formula to break the “exam malpractice ecosystem.”
But, as I will show shortly, what happened in Nigeria is not unprecedented in the world. It also does not constitute sufficient grounds to impute untoward motives to JAMB or its officials. Or to demand the JAMB registrar’s resignation.
Here in the United States, on March 9 this year, a technical glitch in the Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT), which is somewhat equivalent to Nigeria’s UTME, caused many test takers to prematurely submit their answers. That led to scores of students getting subpar scores that won’t be enough to get them entry into universities.
The College Board, which administers the SAT, apologized and gave students an opportunity for a cost-free do-over. It gave test takers a full refund of their registration fees. It also gave them a voucher “for a free registration for a future SAT administration,” according to Forbes of March 10. Nobody resigned because of it.
On April 8, an even devastating technical failure hit the American College Testing (ACT) exam, another standardized university admission test that is a competitor to the SAT. During an online test, up to 11,000 secondary school students in the midwestern state of Illinois could not complete their test because of a sudden server malfunction.
ACT’s computer system went down and either delayed start times or caused some sections of the exam to freeze midpoint.
In an official statement, ACT “sincerely apologizes for the disruption,” acknowledged the “impact any technical issues have on schedules, student experience, and instructional time,” and provided vouchers for a future national ACT test date in June or July at no cost to students. They have another chance to improve their college admission scores. The ACT’s head has not resigned because of this.
The Law School Admission Test, or LSAT, the standardized test required to get admission into law schools in the United States, also experienced a well-publicized technical failure in 2020 when it transitioned from paper-based testing to online testing.
A glitch in the system caused the answers that test-takers chose not to be recorded, which meant automatic failure for several people affected.
The Law School Admission Council, which administers the LSAT, admitted the error, apologized, made amends by rescheduling a make-up exam for affected students, and promised to investigate and address the cause of the technical mishap.
Earlier, in July 2019, the LSAT’s initial switch from paper to tablet-based testing in test centers also saw technical hiccups.
Some tablets crashed or froze. This forced LSAC to let students cancel their score and retake the test for free. The head of the LSAC didn’t resign because of this.
Nor is this limited to the United States. I only started with the United States because I live here. The United Kingdom, our former colonizer, has also had its own share of digital platform failures during standardized university entrance examinations.
For example, in October 2023, Oxford University’s admission test for prospective undergraduates was hampered by severe technical and administrative glitches. The university chose to change Cambridge Assessment Admissions Testing as its test provider for a new provider called Tata Consultancy Services.
This turned out to be an epic disaster.
According to an October 23, 2023, report by Cherwell, which bills itself as “Oxford’s oldest independent student newspaper,” Oxford’s test for final-year secondary school students was chaotic, marred by technical glitches, and “led to distress amongst applicants.”
It was so disordered that “The paper for the English Literature Assessment Test (ELAT) was reportedly from the previous year.” That’s equivalent to answering UTME questions from last year because technical glitches prevented this year’s questions from appearing on your screen. Meanwhile, you will be graded based on the answers for this year’s questions, which you haven’t seen.
The paper quoted a final year high school student who took the test as venting the following outrage on Twitter: “We look forward to a written apology and statement about the progress of these tests today. Not only with technical errors, but also the error on the ELAT. Students have prepared for these for months, so rapid response is necessary to assure them they will not be disadvantaged.”
The student paper reported that some test sessions were so delayed that backup paper test booklets had to be delivered. For example, the Math Admissions Test (MAT) was eventually given on paper after a two-hour wait when the online system couldn’t be stabilized. Even so, Oxford officials were compelled to indicate that affected applicants would be treated with leniency in score interpretation. No one resigned because of this.
It isn’t just advanced industrialized countries that experience technical troubles in standardized tests similar to what happened to this year’s UTME.
India, a country that shares many characteristics with Nigeria but is more technologically advanced, has also occasionally grappled with testing glitches. In 2009, India’s transition from paper-based to computer-based testing for its Common Admission Test (CAT)—required for entry into the country’s prestigious Institutes of Management—was marred by widespread software and network problems.
This was made even worse by a malware virus attack that caused about 47 out of 104 test labs to crash on the first day, preventing thousands of test takers from completing the exam. Roughly 10–11% of test takers were affected by crashes or freezing terminals, according to India’s Business Standard newspaper of January 21, 2013.
Charles Kernan, the COO of Prometric, which administered the test, acknowledged the technical glitches, apologized, and worked with schools to reschedule the tests for affected test takers. He didn’t resign.
In January this year, conduct of the Joint Entrance Examination (JEE), India’s key entrance test to study undergraduate degrees in engineering, had glitches and disruptions that altered students’ scores in some parts of the country.
According to a January 22, 2025, news report from The Times of India, the National Testing Agency (NTA), which conducts JEE, acknowledged the glitches and posted an official circular noting a technical snag at one venue and promptly issuing a new exam date for all candidates at the most affected centers. NTA’s head didn’t resign because of this.
My search turned up many other parallels from different parts of the world. I won’t bore the reader with more examples.
My goal, however, is not to lessen or dismiss the gravity of what happened, but to give a broader global context of the failure of technology in test taking and to help rein in the wild emotions this one incident appears to be provoking.
I am glad that the JAMB registrar has accepted responsibility for the failure of JAMB’s system. He has apologized sincerely and has offered immediate restitutive amends to affected students.
Of course, that didn’t happen in a vacuum. The sustained, evidence-based protestations of Alex Onyia, the CEO of Educare, contributed to this. So, Onyia also deserves commendation for vigilant citizenship. I am sure he is not alone.
But it takes a broad, open, and mature mind to invite one’s challenger to the table, give them an opportunity to make their case, admit error when the challenger’s evidence overwhelms yours, then apologize, and make amends. I honestly don’t know what more is expected.
Finally, that a simple, if grievous, technical error in a national test became the basis for the widening of our national fissures and for a vicious ethno-religious smear campaign against an individual is not a surprise to me. But I wanted to move beyond that and show that this isn’t unique to Nigeria.
[OPINION] Dele Momodu: Celebrity of Nigerian journalism @ 65 - Festus Adedayo
Last week, icon of the Nigerian media, Dele Momodu, celebrated his 65th birthday. One of the events hallmarking the celebration was the Dele Momodu Leadership Centre he constructed in Ibadan, the capital of Oyo State. Like a wayfarer, Momodu’s journey through the rough road of the Nigerian media has no doubt been very eventful.
He rose to celebrity status from a humble background in the city of Ile-Ife. This much was manifest last Tuesday as the Osun State governor, Ademola Adeleke, freely allowed tears to cascade from his brows as he recalled the day he entered where the man who would one day be a media icon lived as a youngster.
With a 1982 degree in Yoruba from the then University of Ife, Momodu proceeded to secure a Master’s degree in English Literature in 1988. This was after having taught at the Oyo State College of Arts and Science in Ile-Ife. From them on, Momodu took steady, challenging but measured steps down the aisle of journalism practice. While in May 1988, he secured his first journalism job as Staff Writer with the African Concord magazine, he later moved to the Weekend Concord where, as pioneer staff member in March, 1989, he penned the newspaper’s first cover story.
Momodu’s brilliance became known to people like us when, in September 1991, he became Editor of May Ellen Ezekiel’s Classique, a celebrity magazine. Bob Dee, as he is famously known, became the highest paid Nigerian newspaper editor with this appointment. Coupled with May’s engaging pieces, you could not but read Classique for, especially, Momodu’s racy pieces. I cannot forget May’s piece “Over Cognac” a narrative of her battle with childlessness and how her bosses made fun of her as they drained bottles of champagne.
After Classique, Momodu has been many other things: publisher, businessman, and motivational speaker and with the founding of Ovation International, became CEO and publisher of the celebrity magazine.
Momodu is a huge inspiration to people from humble backgrounds. He signposts the fact that no matter how challenged your beginning is, there is always a way where there is a will. One day in late 2019, he gave Wale Adebanwi, his journalism mentee, who eventually became his professor at the University of Oxford while he studied for his fellowship at the prestigious university, and me a dinner at Oxford’s Holiday Inn That night was a cherished moment of introspection. Be kind to those you meet on your way up. You will always meet them, even as you yourself go up and up. Sitting at table with the legend of celebrity journalism was a night to remember.
Last Tuesday, he took my friends, Lasisi Olagunju, Dupe Olubanjo, and me on a tour of his Ibadan Leadership Center. Olubanjo, a former deputy editor of the Sunday Tribune, now of Globacom, was incidentally, the one who handled Momodu’s Tribune columns decades ago. While touring the Ibadan centre, we gasped at the well-kept bound copies of Momodu’s works in the Tribune, Classique, Ovation and other Nigerian newspapers, which tell the story of his column-writing odyssey. The shelves house more than his works. They are a researcher’s treasure.
The Momodu story we saw was a classic case of an appreciative boy weaned from the backwaters of Ile-Ife, giving back to a society which forged him from the smithy of its rough road.
Happy birthday to you, Legend of the Written Words.
[OPINION] Oloyede’s tears and Nigeria’s horror scenes - Festus Adedayo
IN May, 2016, a young man got abducted by three men. They drugged him and gouged out his two eyes and testicles. According to the Daily Sun of South Africa, police later found the “fresh balls” of the victim in one of the suspects’ refrigerator. It was a suspected case of Muti. Andrew Kenny, a South African newspaper Op-Ed writer, penned it. Kenny was bothered by mounting cases of what he called desecration of humanity, as demonstrated by rampant cases of Muti killings. In Muti, the human victim’s body parts are harvested for rituals. In the piece he did for the BizNews newspaper, Kenny made a vivid portrait of what he called “a world of horror and fear” which he said Cyril Ramaphosa’s country had slipped into.
If Nigeria of last week was a fallen combatant and an epitaph in its memory needed to be written, it will be that poetic, idiomatic expression, “when it rains, it pours.” When unpleasant things happen, they appear to come in quick succession or clusters.
Nigerian horrors are a legion. Some of them came were on parade last week. The first was the ruckus generated by the results of the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB’s) Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination (UTME). Apparently overwhelmed by glaring evidence of wrongs in the results, JAMB Registrar, Prof Ishaq Oloyede, at a press conference, admitted that indeed, there were system glitches caused by one of JAMB’s two technical service providers and which occurred in 157 centres nationwide. This invariably affected the results of 379,997 candidates. JAMB linked the discrepancies to faulty server updates in its Lagos and south-east zones. In the process of confirming the glitches, Oloyede took ownership and responsibility for them and ostensibly saddened, he went emotional and shed tears.
Then the Nigerian horror occurred. It is the elephant in the room whose ubiquity has, for almost a century now, ruined ethnic relations in Nigeria. To be specific, it is the age-long phobia for and acrimony against selves among Igbo and Yoruba people. Oloyede and his Yoruba team deliberately failed the 379,997 candidates, majority of whom were Igbo, the narrative began. Nothing would appease those persuaded by that obvious rant. How did a Professor of Islamic Studies come to head JAMB? Some others asked. Victims of the technical glitches became weaponized as synecdoche, as a part representing the whole. They figuratively stand for the unceasing “war” between Yoruba and Igbo. So many tropes were built in its service.
Though horrific, using ethnicity as lens of relations between Igbo and Yoruba didn’t start today. As aptly put by James S. Coleman in his Nigeria: Background to Nationalism (1958), “from the beginning, Azikiwe’s newspapers glorified the achievements of individual Ibos at home and abroad, but seldom gave publicity to the activities of prominent Yorubas; they claim, on the contrary, that Azikiwe carried on a sustained program of character assassination against them.”
The exchange of acrimony between Yoruba and Igbo became so rife during Dr. Okechukwu Ikejiani’s time as Chairman of the Nigerian Railways with allegations that he filled the Railways with Igbo. Ikejiani was appointed in 1960. The Yoruba harangued Ikejiani terribly through their newspaper press, the Daily Sketch, especially over his claim of having a DSc from Toronto. Same happened during the VC contest of the University of Lagos in 1965 between incumbent, Prof Eni Njoku and Prof Saburi Biobaku. It degenerated into verbal abuses and exchanges of ethnic bile. As it was then, so it is today.
The harbinger of this ethnic horror between Yoruba and Igbo is the January 1966 coup when Nigeria’s federal structure was unitarized by the military. From then, Nigeria has not recovered from the blow of Aguiyi Ironsi. It has since then been superficially practicing federalism in context but in content, fully runs a unitary government. I went into history to situate the ancient animosity between the two ethnic groups, in the bid to show where the rain began beating the two ethnic groups. Only a federal system in content will cure the incurable malady of mutual hatred between the duo. It is becoming glaring by the day that no preachment can stop this “war’.
As the “war” was being fought, another horror slid in. Patriot Professor Pat Utomi was dragged to the Federal High Court by the Department of State Services (DSS). His crime? He called for and formed a shadow government. Utomi’s patriotism has overtime been assessed from ethnic prism. An Igbo from Delta State, Yoruba, especially those of the persuasion of the Nigerian president, have denigrated his civic engagement of a stagnating federal government whose feel is nil in the lives of the people. The DSS alleged that Utomi’s shadow government was akin to usurping executive authority.
The DSS case against Utomi is a demonstration of the rot in Nigeria’s practice of democracy. Rather than destabilizing the Nigerian state, what Utomi seeks is to canvass the other view. There is no doubting the fact that, in the last two years, the persons in charge of Nigeria’s federal power have performed grossly inadequately. In the shadow government call, I do not see Utomi asking that Tinubu’s effete arrangement should be collapsed. What he offers is a counter formation from which the Tinubu dross can learn. To tenants of Nigeria’s Hammer House of Horror Villa, dissent is criminal and civic engagement, an anathema. The question to ask the DSS is, at what lamentable point did offering civic alternative wear the toga of a coup? When did an alternative opinion constitute national security threat? What is more threatening to Nigeria is the stagnation, and I dare say, regression of Nigeria under its current taskmasters. Utomi’s only crime is his power of re-imagination, his effrontery to have another view.
Yet, another. Let us not dwell on the horror of how Minister of Education, Dr. Tunji Alausa, prematurely jumped the gun to diagnose the mass failure in JAMB before Oloyede burst his bubble. He subsequently appeared to the rest of Nigeria as a confused man. While his ministry, perhaps in the name of the Nigeria First initiative of the federal government, seems to want to stop the Bilateral Educational Agreement (BEA) scholarship scheme which he inherited, should it be done retroactively? Under the BEA, Nigeria sponsored some students to Russia and some other countries on scholarship. Recently, the ministry seems to be making moves to stop BEA while its engagement with those on its scholarship scheme still subsists. Methinks the most sensible thing to do is to stop subsequent engagements but not to leave students currently on the scheme in the lurch. This violates the principle of fairness. It is only in military regimes that actions are taken this retroactively.
Yet, another. Yes, Nigeria has a pandemic of ritual killings like the Muti of South and Southern Africa, but the revelation last week by Aminu Jaji, a member of the House of Representatives from Kaura-Namoda/Birnin Magaji Federal Constituency of Zamfara State, ranks like a news from the House of Horror. It is a social signpost of the worsening security situation in Nigeria. According to Jaji, armed insurgents now feed newborns in captivity to their dogs.
That blood-curdling revelation should galvanize Nigerian authorities into action. Bandits and terrorists are taking over the levers of power. As the week was winding down, the gladsome news that the Federal Government had established a national forest guard system filtered into the airwaves. About 130,000 armed operatives will be recruited to man Nigeria’s 1,129 forest reserves. Each state is to recruit between 2,000 and 5,000 forest guards based on their capacity for this project of curbing the escalating insecurity across Nigeria. That is one exemption from the horror stories that laced our last week. However, it is not without questions. If the states are to employ their own guards into the scheme and pay them, how is the initiative federal? What happens to states like the Southwest which have their own security network called Amotekun? Some of the Amotekun operatives keep an eye on the forests.
The week before, GovSpend, a civic tech platform which peers torchlight into the spending of the FG, gouged out another horror. According to it, between July 2023 and December 2024, the Tinubu government spent the sum of N20.3b to maintain Nigeria’s presidential fleet. The president’s recently acquired sky octopus, an Airbus A330, which cost Nigeria over $100m, was taken to South Africa for a remodeling that will cost Nigerians multiple of millions of dollars. When government calls for belt-tightening and its Capon lives like an oil Shekh as this, it becomes a dissonance that doesn’t resonate with the people.
Like the Muti of South Africa which bothered Andrew Kenny but which the elite chattering classes ignore and probably enjoy, we must be bothered by the horrors of Nigeria. We must speak up about them and change these narratives that have become a refrain in our daily lives.
[OPINION] What’s Gwan in NOA? - Taiwo Adisa
WHAT is today known as the National Orientation Agency (NOA) is an offspring of the Mass Mobilisation for Self-Reliance, Social Justice and Economic Recovery (MAMSER) which was premiered by Professor Jerry Gana and his team under the military regime of General Ibrahim Babangida in 1987. The body was introduced by the military regime to promote value orientation, self-reliance, and social justice, as well as educate citizens about the political process and encourage participation in elections and the myriads of debates it was consistently engaging the public with. At that time, some of the objectives listed in MAMSER’s enabling decree includes re-orienting Nigerians; campaign against waste and vanity in lifestyle; promotion of public values; campaign to eschew social vices like corruption, dishonesty, and electoral malpractices; campaign to foster national development, as well as encouraging participation in the political process and promoting locally made goods.
Within a short time, MAMSER plugged itself in public consciousness to the extent that the young and the old had its anthems on their lips. On radio and television, captivating jingles, playlets and drama of all kinds were used to explain government actions, inactions and policies. It was a mass movement. I had pictures of the MAMSER heroics in my head when I was deployed to serve in the Federal Ministry of Information and National Orientation by the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC). Though I was assigned a beat as a Government House Correspondent and filed stories daily to the Lagos headquarters of the ministry at the time; while also getting published in the weekly and monthly publications, I didn’t feel the vibes that MAMSER created through the service year. Thus, over the years, after Prof. Jerry Gana’s exploits, the NOA, which took over the direct functions of MAMSER had lost its orientation and was constantly presenting the picture of a ‘dead’ and forgotten government parastatal. Even though its parent ministry has also not been doing well over the years, it was, however, easier to forget about the NOA, because the Information Ministry at least presents itself in our faces occasionally.
But as much as time heals, it equally destroys. The biblical book, Ecclesiastes says there is time for everything under the sun. A poet who wrote Time, a work we treated in 100 level Poetry class shows Time as the destroyer of everything including the teeth of the lion with which it crushed bones! Since Time can destroy and heal, it thus can engender the good and the bad. For the NOA, as presently constituted, under the leadership of Alhaji Lanre Isssa-Onilu, maybe we can say that the drought period is over, and that Nigerians are beginning to reap some dividends from the mobilisation agency. As a result of my early stint with the parent ministry, I would say I usually take interest in its activities. And year after year, it’s been one unpalatable story or the other. Perhaps that makes it easily noticeable when a change has occurred.
As soon as the current management took over, one can see the signs of the good things to come. Aside the launch of The Explainer, as an in-house magazine to provide in-depth analysis and contents on diverse aspects of governance, the agency also made it clear to all that its core mandate would revolve around specific efforts including informing the citizens, educating them and inspiring the Nigerian people into building a great nation. NOA had immediately launched out as one agency with sharp focus on service delivery. And I can see that The Explainer had in several editions taken on the task of breaking down key policies and programmes. One of such is the expansive space it took to explain the benefits of the Tax Reform Bills, which is already being passed into law by the National Assembly. It has equally taken time out to explain the challenges associated with power supply in this era, something I would say, should have been complemented by positive energy from the Ministry of Power. Everyone knows that power is problematic, but no one needed to be told repeatedly that Nigeria’s power problem is more than 60 years old as we often hear from the key drivers of policy in the Power Ministry. Of course, merely engaging in descriptive essays on the problem at hand would only amount to throwing both hands in the air in surrender and that cannot qualify as the hallmark of leadership. Perhaps the NOA equally needs to orientate officials of the ministry on how to show determination in tackling the challenges.
One noticeable thing in the operation of the current NOA is the adoption of digital tools to enhance civic engagement. Insiders in the agency would confirm that the drivers of its policy initiatives had realised the importance of technology in reaching the youthful and tech-savvy population. The body therefore launched the Mobiliser App in March 2024. The app, which is available on both Android and iOS platforms, serves as a hub for accessing information about government policies, programmes and initiatives as well as to provide feedback on government activities. Citizens are being encouraged to partake in the governance process through the “Say Something” tool, where issues can be reported anonymously, to not only provide feedback but to bridge the communication gap between the government and the populace. Though stakeholders in the organisation would contend that the tool equally encourages transparency and accountability in government, it is obvious that all hands must be on the deck to ensure the nation attains the desired level of transparency and accountability. The agency had also launched the Mobiliser App, which is the AI-powered platform called CLHEEAN. This is an acronym for Crime, Lawlessness, Health, Education, Environment, Abuse, and Nationalism. It was launched in July 2024 with the promise that it would function as a virtual assistant to provide real-time information on government initiatives, civic responsibilities, and national values. It was designed to interactively engage citizens in a way that would foster deeper understanding of governmental programmes and ensure the participation of citizens in national development. This is an idea that goes deep into theoretical basis of citizenship and democratic ideals. Democratic-Participant theorists have indicated that open access of citizen-body to governance through the media is an undeniable quality of democratic governance. That presupposes that the more access the citizens are guaranteed, the better it becomes to avoid the democracy paradox-the Achilles heels of democratic governance across the world.
Because democracy promises more but often delivers little, the people are usually left in a quandy as to whether they have made the right choice by sticking to the governance model. Thus, the type of open access being encouraged by the digital tools of the NOA would serve a good purpose if sustained for a long while.
Some of the other areas the NOA has been strong in recent years include the revitalisation of national identity and values, the campaign against gender-based violence and partnerships in legislative advocacy. In recent months, the agency has been involved somewhat vigorously, in campaigns to revitalise national identity and values. As contained in some of its publications, the NOA had, to this effect launched the 7 for 7 framework, which is aimed at enhancing the reciprocal commitments between the government and its citizens. The programme promises government’s commitment to guarantee Equality, Democracy, Entrepreneurship, Peace & Security, Inclusivity, Freedom & Justice, and Meritocracy, while it expects the citizens to reciprocate by upholding values including Discipline, Duty of Care, Tolerance, Leadership, Accountability, Environmental Awareness, and Resilience. This is surely a campaign that demands extensive coverage and planning and seeks to engender attitude change in the citizens. While campaigns like this are not guaranteed a hypodermic-niddle effect, consistency of implementation can, however, ensure a huge success mileage. Besides that, one can also see the introduction of the Citizens Value Brigade to replace the moribund War Against Indiscipline (WAI) Brigade. The WAI Brigade initiative was introduced as a contemporary copycat of the policy of General Muhammadu Buhari/Tunde Idiagbon’s iron-fisted rule of the mid-1980s, with the objective of instilling discipline, moral rectitude and alignment with democratic ideals. The current initiative is, however, meant to operate in schools and communities, to promote ethical behaviour and civic responsibility. In this regard, the agency has designated September 16 as the National Symbols Day, with the aim of promoting nationwide awareness and respect for national symbols including the flag, national anthem, and the pledge. Added to that initiative is the integration of citizenship education into the nation’s academic curricula. One of the agency’s publications noted that this initiative is key to shaping the future leaders, and that the agency plans to ensure that Citizenship Studies is introduced as a compulsory subject across all educational levels.
“This subject will focus on values, ethics, and the history of Nigeria, aiming to inculcate a strong sense of national identity and civic responsibility among students,” the document indicated, adding that the NOA is already collaborating with the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) to integrate value orientation into the mandatory one-year service programme. Apart from promoting programmes such as the digital learning programmes, the NOA has equally been strong on political education-focused initiatives, anti-corruption campaigns in collaboration with the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), as well as health awareness campaigns to popularise immunisations and digital birth registration campaign.
Another area in which the agency has been coming strongly in recent months is the campaign against gender-based violence, a global campaign which Nigeria has recently keyed into. One is impressed that the NOA has intensified its gender-focused initiatives, with the aim of reducing to its barest minimum, issues of Gender-Based Violence (GBV) in the communities. An adjunct of this initiative is the push to promote women participation in governance, and elimination of harmful traditional practices. The agency said in one publication that: “These efforts reflect NOA’s commitment to fostering a more inclusive and equitable society.” It has been observing the annual 16 Days of Activism Against Gender-Based Violence and launched a nationwide campaign whereby traditional and religious leaders are engaged to address the dangers of GBV, which emphasising the importance of community involvement in creating a violence-free society.
Gradually, one can see that the NOA of today is gradually making the needed change happen. But in a society like ours, where almost every sector is challenged, the good steps being taken by one agency would only get the desired ovation from the public, when such steps are complimented by activities of sister bodies.
[OPINION] Who needs an African pope? - Bolanle Bolawole
WAITING for an African Pope” by my brother, Azu Ishiekwene, made an interesting reading. Azu’s immense fecundity, as usual, his flawless prose, and free-flowing minting and weaving of words will always be a delight anyday. “Waiting for an African Pope” ended while I was still enjoying it! Did Azu argue or canvass for an African pope at this point in time? Not really, in my own opinion, although he gave reasons that can support or justify the choice of one. Since the late Pope Francis was the first Jesuit and cardinal from the Americas (born in Buenos Aires, Argentina, to be specific) “to rise to the top of the papacy”, this, posits Azu, “raises hopes that the next one may come from Africa or Asia”. Another cogent reason given by Azu is that Africa “is the largest growing region for the Catholic Church, with about 20 percent of the church’s 1.4 billion population”, thus giving hope that we may not be far away from seeing “the first Black pope in modern history”. What that means is that there had been Black popes in the past, but that was a long, long time ago, in the 5th century or the Roman-era Africa. The office of the Pope had since been dominated by three European countries – Italy, Germany, and France – giving the impression (my own interpretation, please!) that this may be another form of (religion) colonialism or imperialism! According to Google, “there have been 266 popes throughout history, of whom 4 in 5 were from Italy.”
In this Digital Age and Free World, an office as important as that of the Catholic pope should also be democratised. God, being no respecter of persons and the Holy Spirit also not discriminating among tribes and tongues, what is good for the Caucausians should also be good for the Asians and Africans. Azu also argues that since the deceased pope pitched his tent with the poor, championing a lot of reforms that deliberately made advocacy for the poor a legacy, there is no better way to protect, preserve, advance, and concretise that legacy than to choose the next pope from among the poorest of the poor. This is debatable, though, because a man’s ideology, more than his place of origin or the colour of his skin, is likely to determine where he pitches his tent between the haves and have-nots. Azu, however, highlights a drawback of the African Catholic church – it is a poor church. Says Azu: “The African church may have the fastest-growing flock, but it is also the begging bowl. In a world where money is the bicycle of the gospel, the African church is the largest recipient of many forms of financial aid.” These days, though, the gospel no longer thrives on bicycles but on custom-built supersonic jets, especially where Nigeria’s Pentecostals are concerned!
Other obstacles listed by Azu include that African cardinals have faced less scrutiny compared with their other colleagues; and then there is the politics of the conclave (where popes are chosen). Since man is intrinsically a political animal, there is politics everywhere you find human beings. And where there is politics, a lot of factors – subjective and objective – come into play. The colour of one’s skin, the region where a candidate comes from, and his ideology will certainly come into play. How many of the cardinals who fought the deceased pope tooth and nail over his reforms, especially his fight against corruption, incompetence and conservatism, will want to see a continuation of the same policies?
In the end, will a Black pope emerge after the white-coloured smoke funnels from the top of Sistine Chapel, signalling that a choice has been made? Again, why is it a white-coloured smoke that signals success while a black-coloured smoke signals that no decision has been arrived at? Azu does not think a Black pope will emerge because, according to him, the road to change is usually long! And he is right! Jamaican reggae artiste Jimmy Cliff says the road is not only long but also hard. But isn’t 16 centuries a long and hard enough wait for Africa – except, here again, it is a wait for Godot? “The odds, this time, favour yet another Italian pope”, concludes Azu. Each time prophets, pastors, and preachers take such a risk as Azu’s or soccer buffs predict who wins in a football match and fail, I shudder at the perils of making predictions!
As if Catholic Rev. Father Oluoma Chinenye John had also read Azu, he was quoted as saying that getting an African pope was not something Catholics in Africa were clamouring for. Did he say it was not desirable? No! He only wanted whoever emerges to have been so chosen by God, arguing that getting an African (simply because he is an African – my own addition, please!) to succeed the deceased pope will make no difference.
His exact words: “We are not praying for an African pope. We are praying for a good and holy pope who will shepherd the people. He can be an African, American, European or Asian… Una don hear, ba? All those agitating and clamouring for an African to be the next pope, you miss the point completely. Popes are not chosen on racial sentiments. Even if an African becomes the next pope, it will not give Africans any advantage over others and vice-versa”. Poking fun at Nigeria, he noted that there is nothing like “emilokan” or “it is my turn” in the selection of a pope! Father Oluoma is a person I respect so much for his candour. I always love to listen to him as he makes very serious statements in a light-hearted manner. Another such fellow is Professor PLO Lumumba.
But this time around, I want to disagree with Father Oluoma while agreeing with Azu. Whatever criteria is applied to choose the next pope – by God or human beings – nothing should stop an African from making the mark. Why should Blacks always fall behind Whites in the pecking order in all things and at all times, even in things that pertain unto religion, which is touted as our forte in Africa? When will Africa “come of age”, to quote the assassinated Nigerian Head of State, Gen. Murtala Muhammed?
That said, the life of Pope Francis should be a challenge to church leaders worldwide. Can the following report about the pope be true? He should have been buried yesterday (Saturday). It goes thus: “Some reports indicate that Pope Francis died leaving only 100 dollars. Yes, a hundred dollars. Less than 90 euros. No house. No bank account. No investment in his name. And yet, he was the head of the Catholic Church. A post that could have earned him about €340,000 a year. But he refused that money. Every year. Since 2013. Why? Because he was a Jesuit, and the Jesuits take a vow of poverty.
“Rather than living in the luxurious Vatican apartments like his predecessors, he chose to move into the Casa Santa Marta, a simple, modest residence. No gilding. No personal servants. Just a bed, a desk, and his faith. He wore his old worn-out black shoes, refusing traditional red moccasins. He moved in a small Ford Focus while other religious leaders were driving in limousines. He ate with the Vatican employees, not in a private dining room. He simply dressed, without special adornment, just his white outfit and an iron cross. An invisible wealth…
“While some cling to their property… Pope Francis has chosen to own nothing to offer everything. No millions. No complex wills. Just 100 dollars… and a powerful message: ‘It’s not what you own that matters. That’s what you are. What you do for others.’ The world is shocked… but inspired. At a time when wealth often becomes an ultimate goal, Pope Francis leaves an eternal trace without ever having sought to enrich himself. He did not bequeath any material fortune. He left a moral fortune. A lesson in humility. A vision of service.
“He wasn’t a luxury Pope! He was a Pope of The Heart. A man who has proved that to live simply is to reign differently. What about you? What will you leave behind? Money? Things? Or a real inspiration?”
It is difficult not to notice the difference between the religion-preneurs here and the true followers of Jesus Christ as depicted by Pope Francis. Yet, the Bible says in St. Luke 12: 15: “Take heed, and beware of covetousness: for a man’s life consists not in the abundance of the things which he possesseth.” Matthew 6: 19 -21 says: “Lay not up for yourselves treasures upon earth, where moth and rust doth corrupt, and where thieves break through and steal: but lay up for yourselves treasures in heaven, where neither moth nor rust doth corrupt, and where thieves do not break through nor steal: for where your treasure is, there will your heart be also.”
For a moment, please pause and Google “The 10 top richest pastors in Nigeria” and marvel! Tell me, where are folks taking all the riches? Heaven or hell? What with so much poverty – grinding poverty, multi-dimensional poverty – in the midst of their congregation? Why can’t they divest themselves of their stinking riches and give to the poor, like Jesus Christ admonished the rich, young man in Matthew 19: 21-24? Building state-of-the-art cathedrals is not a substitute for taking care of the poor.
Pope Francis is dead – by the time you are reading this (on Sunday), he would have been buried the day before (on Saturday). He would have taken nothing with him – only his soul went with him. I counsel our church-preneurs to listen to Tracy Chapman’s “All that you have is your soul.” Permit me to take just a few lines from it: “Oh my mama told me/Because she say she learned the hard way/Say she want to spare the children/She say don’t give or sell your soul away/Because all that you have is your soul/Don’t be tempted by the shiny apple/Don’t you eat of a bitter fruit/Hunger only for a taste of justice/Hunger only for a word of truth/Because all that you have is your soul/ Why was I such a young fool/Thought I’d made history/…Thought I’d made something that could be mine forever/Found out the hard way one can’t possess another/And all that you have is your soul…”
Can anyone, from his or her grave, beat God’s words in Psalm 39:6? Or nullify Mark 8: 34 -38?
Fare thee well, Pope Francis! The thoughts of your patron saint, the Italian Saint Francis of Assisi (Giovanni di Pietro di Bernardone: 1181 – 3 October, 1226), have also had a profound influence on my worldview.
[OPINION] Monetary Policy Not Cure-all - Obinna Chima
The 300th meeting of the Monetary Policy Committee (MPC) of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) has been scheduled to hold, between Monday and Tuesday, in Abuja. This will be the second MPC meeting for the year and the eighth since the Olayemi Cardoso-led CBN was constituted.
The MPC is the highest policy making committee of the CBN with the mandate of reviewing economic and financial conditions in the economy; determining appropriate stance of policy in the short to medium term; reviewing regularly, the CBN’s monetary policy framework and adopt changes when necessary, as well as communicate monetary/financial policy decisions effectively to the public and ensure the credibility of the model of transmission mechanism of monetary policy.
As expected, economics and financial market analysts have already begun projecting outcomes and policy shifts ahead of the meeting. From speculations on interest rate adjustments to forecasts on liquidity management, this flurry of commentary has become a familiar ritual in the lead-up to each meeting. While such anticipatory analysis reflects the importance of the MPC’s decisions to the financial markets and broader economy, it is crucial to understand that the committee’s deliberations are far more comprehensive than surface-level predictions often suggest. Likewise, the belief by some Nigerians that monetary policy alone can cure all that ails the economy is a misconception that warrants a closer look. Let us be clear: monetary policy is important. But it is not omnipotent, and treating it as such not only misrepresents its role but also distracts policymakers, especially from the other arm of the federal government, and from the urgent structural reforms the country desperately needs.
So far, the Cardoso-led CBN has clung onto orthodox monetary policy and has deployed a full suite of conventional tools — raising the Monetary Policy Rate, adjusting cash reserve ratios, and tinkering with the foreign exchange framework.
The MPC does not make decisions in isolation, in response to emotions or market sentiments. Its framework and decisions are rooted in careful assessment of both global and domestic developments.
Globally, factors such as the ongoing conversation around reciprocal tariffs, which appears to be simmering down, interest rate directions in advanced economies, commodity price trends—especially crude oil and geopolitical risks are thoroughly examined for their transmission effects on Nigeria’s macroeconomic stability.
In the domestic economy, the committee will evaluate a complex matrix of inflation data, exchange rate pressures, credit growth, fiscal dynamics, and output trends before concluding.
For instance, Thursday’s announcement by the National Bureau of Statistics that Nigeria’s headline inflation rate slightly dropped to 23.71 percent in April 2025, down from 24.23 percent in March, will be one of the major considerations at the meeting. According to the bureau, the movement in April 2025 headline inflation rate showed a decrease of 0.52 percent compared to the March 2025 headline inflation rate.
This broader analytical lens ensures that monetary policy responses are not reactive but strategic, anchored in both short-term realities and long-term objectives.
While analysts may zero in on a single variable, such as headline inflation or the exchange rate, the MPC’s mandate requires balancing multiple and sometimes conflicting goals: price stability, economic growth, and financial system soundness. Understanding this context helps temper expectations and underscores the importance of patience, coordination, and structural alignment in achieving real macroeconomic stability.
The uncomfortable truth is that Nigeria’s inflation is largely cost-push, not demand-pull. This means it is driven by factors outside the control of interest rate policy: insecurity in food-producing regions that intensified recently and has seen many farmers abandon their farmlands, poor transportation networks, heavy import dependency, energy price volatility, and rising cost of living. Raising interest rates in this context is like using a thermostat to fix a broken engine.
What we face as a nation is a structural economic disorder. No amount of fine-tuning of monetary policy alone can mask the fact that our factories run on diesel generators, our farmers face armed conflict rather than market competition, our imports outstrip local production and the rising cost of living, which is suffocating the common man.
Behind every overburdened central bank lies an underperforming fiscal authority. Nigeria’s fiscal space remains narrow, constrained not only by low revenues but also by misaligned priorities. This imbalance makes it impossible to stimulate long-term growth. Without productive capital spending, we are simply recycling poverty through borrowed consumption. Already, the World Bank has described the key assumptions of 2.1 million barrels per day oil production and $75 per barrel price in the country’s 2025 budget as overambitious, given the current production level of 1.6mbpd and about $65pb price in the international market. The multilateral institution has also pointed out that the pace of growth in Nigeria needs to be accelerated further to meet its $1 trillion economy aspiration by 2030, deliver poverty reduction and shared prosperity. All these require hard work from the fiscal authorities, with policy support from the monetary side of the economy.
In most developed economies, fiscal policy sets the tone for economic direction, with monetary policy providing supportive alignment. But unfortunately, in Nigeria, the reverse is the norm. Monetary policy often takes the lead, while fiscal policy lags in coherence, responsiveness, and execution.
This imbalance mirrors the central argument in Mohamed El-Erian’s book, ”The Only Game in Town”, where he describes how central banks are forced to operate beyond their traditional mandates in the absence of decisive fiscal leadership. According to El-Erian, since the 2008 global financial crisis, global central banks ventured, not by choice, but by necessity, ever deeper into the unfamiliar and tricky terrain of unconventional monetary policies and heavily intervened in the functioning of markets. He also revealed in the book that during the 2008 financial crisis, in the US, a myriad of emergency funding windows were opened to enable cash to be injected into the financial system, and from virtually all directions. We saw this in Nigeria, with past CBN Governors venturing into development finance, agriculture funding, and interventionist credit schemes —areas that rightly belong to fiscal authorities. It not only blurs institutional roles but also weakens the accountability and efficiency of policy outcomes. A monetary authority overstretched into fiscal space becomes vulnerable to politicisation and operational fatigue,
This, however, is one of the areas we must commend Cardoso for, as he has maintained his stance on orthodox monetary policy, which clearly has increased transparency in the apex bank’s operation. This was evident in its consolidated and separate financial statements for the year ended December 2024, which also revealed that the CBN Group’s year-on-year losses declined to N680.62 billion in the year under review compared to N1.16 trillion in 2023. The CBN also recorded significant growth in its operating income in 2024, as it climbed to N15.23 trillion in 2024, from N5.89 trillion in the preceding year.
Likewise, the banking sector posted significant growth in its total operating income for its subsidiaries, as it rose by 41.3 per cent to N15.1 trillion in 2024, from N5.91 trillion in 2023. Also, the group posted a profit after tax (PAT) of N38.8 billion, indicating a recovery from N1.15 trillion loss in 2023.
This is commendable as confidence is earned by transparency, not defended by rhetoric. Investors, both local and foreign, require predictability and fairness, a path Cardoso has chosen to follow.
From the foregoing, there is a need to strengthen fiscal policy activities in Nigeria to promote sustainable economic growth, address challenges like debt, and improve the country’s fiscal standing. A proactive fiscal policy can help stabilise growth, create a more predictable business climate, and facilitate increased investment in infrastructure and social services.
Just as importantly, Nigeria’s trade policy must be realigned to support macroeconomic goals. The country needs a trade strategy that is coherent, predictable, growth-oriented and aligns with the complexities in the global trade environment. Policymakers must target policies and programmes that encourage local production, reduce structural import dependence, and enhance the country’s competitiveness in both the regional and global markets.
Ultimately, we must demystify the role of monetary policy. It is not a magic wand. Monetary policy will always have a role, but it cannot drive a car with no engine. Until Nigeria confronts its structural and institutional weaknesses, the central bank’s best efforts will amount to managing decline rather than engineering growth.
[OPINION] Frank Conversation With a Gen-Z - Okey Ikechukwu
He is one of those Arthur Brooks says belongs to a demographic group that can best be described as unhappy. This is despite the fact that his generation has been described as living in an age of wealth, wellness and wonders created and sustained by contemporary science and technology. Arthur’s claim is grounded in his Harvard University backed findings. Asked if he agreed with the Harvard teacher’s presumably presumptuous claim, my young friend said that the man had a point. So, our conversation began.
“Well, yes my generation of young people can be described as a sad one. It is true that we are a highly connected generation, with science and tech at our Beck and call. We are the most connected virtually, but we are also probably the most fundamentally alone in our little corners and trying very hard to pretend that all is well. Genuine, face to face cheerful laughter is replaced with either an emoji face or “LOL”. So, Gen-Z’s can be said to have created unreal alternative comrades in their play and laughter”.
He paused, then said he had been following a lot of literature on Gen-Z issues and has also been monitoring what he called “the really human content” of his generation’s socialization templates and practices. “I find it worrisome”, he muttered quietly. Then he referred to the Global Flourishing Study, a research project that collected data from more than 200,000 people across 22 different countries. He said that he agreed with the findings, especially the submission that inner loneliness, a lack of purpose and a deep sense of hopelessness outside digital reality are the constant companions of many Gen-Z’s.
The United States has been one of the countries where young people’s well-being has declined the most in recent decades, according to the World Happiness Report. Not because life has suddenly become harder out there, but because you have a digitally well-connected world of young people who are also victims of emotional barrenness at the same time. They try to hide this, even from themselves, without knowing it. By forming relationships that are actually more vacuous than smoke, they try to reassure themselves that all is well.
But all is not well. “What does it mean, for instance, to say that someone has ten thousand followers on Facebook, Instagram, etc.?” I asked him. “Yes, what does it mean?” I continued. “And where is the fellow in question going to that they are following him? Yet, the person with more following is deemed superior, deemed more important and seen as someone to be envied by those with fewer followers. Is this not altogether absurd?”.
He smiled and agreed that it was really absurd. Then he said: “To think that someone would envy a person whose superiority is solidly established by a meaningless number?” He laughed.
Then I added: “People will just be strutting about talking of “likes” and “followers”, without pausing to note that some of the followers under reference may be mentally unstable, idlers who are always on their back in some dingy, unswept space fiddling endlessly with their phones”.
“That is why I sometimes wonder if technology has failed the Gen-Z’s”. Then a quipped again: “Could it be that the problem is not technology itself, but the progressive disappearance of real human interactions, as well as its replacement by digital alternatives, which are profoundly inadequate at the end of the day?”
“Maybe”, I said. They still have physical and emotional exchanges. But please note that “Tell me about it”, and “Trending” things, general gossip and anything that shines for a moment dominate today’s social intercourse. The world is now more of “Fast-Food” generation in everything, wherein instant pleasures and immediate gratification come first. And it is often all ephemeral and anchored on nothing lasting”.
“Yes, we do not just want things, many things, but we want them here and now”, he said. “We are largely consumption-driven. We create media content, not out of a desire to spread enlightenment, drive any lasting purpose or achieve any clear results beyond making people laugh, or display something shocking or outrageous. We scurry from one distraction to another, in search of something more exciting”.
“And that is how days, weeks and months fly by”, I said. A job becomes boring after a few months, because it doesn’t create the opportunity for “making impact”. It’s as if life should be one “wow” after another, and it is not just tiring, but wearying. Sad.
My young friend was quiet for quite some time before saying: “My generation can be described as more materially comfortable and more harassed. Look at startups, Fin tech, the epidemic of young entrepreneurs and much more. But it is all richer, emptier, less indicative of wisdom. We are a very opinionated lot”. Then he fell silent again.
Anon, he continued: “Do you know that one of the very interesting discoveries of the Harvard study mentioned earlier is that more Gen-Z’s are suffering from a sense of purposelessness? I replied: “It has always been a strongly held view amongst members of my generation, that money cannot buy happiness”. He made to speak, and then kept quiet again.
Finally he said: “We feel more empty than most of you older folks. I see my peers anchoring everything they say on quotations from one motivational speaker or the other. They are all talking about leadership and influencing others. Meanwhile, a motivational speak is not God. Why should his personal opinion be taken as Ultimate Truth, why? Most religious leaders are simply glorified liars and crooks, as far as some of us are concerned”.
It was my turn to be silent and say nothing. The young man spoke from the depth of his soul, and was most probably also trying to further digest his own statement. “Did the book you mentioned not say anything about the way out for Gen-Z’s?” I asked.
“It speaks of three things one can do”, he replied. The first is to do everything possible to have real relationships that involve face to face exchanges, play and real laughter. He also suggested that Gen-Z’s should cultivate their inner life, seek some form of spirituality and look for meaning beyond everyday events”.
The existential nightmare of being lonely in the midst of a happy crowd is the issue here. What can Gen-Z’s, and the rest of us by the way, do about the occasional inexplicable emptiness; of desire to return to genuine friendships, to simplicity, to the ability to play and laugh honestly?
This generation of roughly those born between 1997 and 2012, is immersed in a complex mix of very dynamic social, economic, technological, and cultural influences. Information and technology, overload, constant self-vaporization and comparison with others, the pressure to trying to create a wonderful online life that only exists online, with photoshopped images and curated narratives.
Depression and confusion abound everywhere, with the older generation being more judgmental than understanding towards Gen-Z’s. They need help, but are not getting it from an equally confounded older generation. So, they turn to online Apps on how to settle a quarrel, how to think and even what to think. And that makes it worse, as they download and deploy whatever bunkum anyone puts out there as sure knowledge.
Gen-Z’s walked into a budding world of smartphones, social media, digital convergence, and endless connection and entertainment; requiring them to be perpetually “on”, in order not to miss anything. This fact alone is a major misfortune for any human being. Platforms like Instagram, TikTok, and Snapchat often highlight the best moments of people’s lives, leading to unrealistic standards, the desire to out-fake other people’s fake reality, in an endless/pointless competition that only fuels feelings of inadequacy in some people.
Are there Gen-Z’s who are cheerful victims of sleep denial and unconscious patients of Disrupted Sleep and a dwindling Attention Span? Their excessive screen time, particularly at night, affects sleep quality, impairs concentration, induces internal restlessness and contributes to mental fatigue and the desire for “something exciting” when awake.
In the end, many are battling with Identity Struggles. Experimenting with drugs and insane adventures is part of the consequences. Those who zoom off to explore complex identity issues around gender, sexuality, race and much more are all victims of the same malaise. The adventures and exploration accentuates their vulnerability, throws them into the clutches of internet and social media highwaymen who boldly offer their conjectures and unverified opinions as knowledge.
Some Gen-Z’s go into activism and soon suffer Activism Fatigue. Many of them quickly burnout and develop an even greater sense of hopelessness. Being also among the first to hunt for, and get, information on Global Crises, like wars, refugee crises, climate issues and threats to democracy, they have everything needed to maintain the illusion of involvement. Nearly every single one of them will be only satisfied with being the best, getting the first position, being number one. This, the Pressure to Excel, and the search for Credential Inflation, take over from rationality. And because they lack any Clear Paths before them, inner fragmentation and non-linear paths create illusory worlds, which can be exciting – but only because they only exists in the imagination.
We concluded our conversation, the Gen-Z and me, by quietly agreeing that we are all in a uniquely challenging era. The digital saturation, global instability, economic pressure, and a heightened awareness of systemic problems are symptoms of a much deeper crisis of humanity. Yes, a lot of Gen-Z’s are quite creative, resilient, informed, and socially engaged. They are not simply crumbling before every pressure, no! They are actively struggling, adapting, resisting, and even leading in some ways.
Hear the last words of my Gen-Z friend at the end of our conversation: “You know ” we” don’t give up. I won’t go down. If I must, oh you can be sure that I will go down fighting -and it would be one hell of a fight.
Yes, they won’t go down at all. They shouldn’t go down. They need help, guidance, discipline and humility.
[OPINION] Is JAMB Still Fit for Purpose? - Simon Kolawole
May I confess upfront that I am a fan of Prof Ish’aq Oloyede, the registrar of the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB). I have been genuinely impressed with the energy, commitment and innovation that he has brought to the organisation since he was appointed as the CEO in 2016. It very much reminds me of the oomph Prof Dora Akunyili brought to the National Agency for Food and Drugs Administration and Control (NAFDAC) when she was appointed as the director-general in 2001. Within a short period, Akunyili had vigorously made NAFDAC’s impact felt all over the country. Till today, many Nigerians, including NAFDAC staff, reminisce over her tenure with smiles on their faces.
Oloyede, as the man charged with leading the body that conducts entrance examinations into higher institutions of learning in Nigeria, also started making his impact felt as soon as he assumed office, confronting the corrosion in the ecosystem — from JAMB itself to the conduct of examinations. The fraud, particularly in the conduct of examinations, was of monumental proportions. The introduction of computer-based test (CBT) improved the process, with JAMB leveraging on technology to tackle malpractices, facilitate assessment and shorten the turnaround time. Oloyede has also, to a considerable extent, cut down on wastes and improved staff welfare since mounting the saddle.
However, things seem to be unravelling with the fiasco surrounding the 2025 unified tertiary matriculation examination (UTME). When the results were released, 78 percent of candidates scored less than 200 out of the 400 obtainable points. Amid the public outcry, Oloyede said the results reflected the “true academic abilities” of the students because JAMB had clamped down on cheating. Dr Tunji Alausa, minister of education, said advanced anti-examination malpractice technologies had made cheating “nearly impossible”. Government officials often talk down on us. They always blame the victims. This rush for self-justification is uncharitable and unfortunate.
I sadly remember when 20 young Nigerians died in a stampede at the NIS recruitment centre in Abuja in 2014. Comrade Abba Moro, then minister of interior, callously accused them of being “unruly”. He is now a senator of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and pro-chancellor and chairman of the governing council of the University of Agriculture, Makurdi, Benue state. Rather than the resort to victim-blaming, the first question should have been around what crowd control measures the recruitment consultants put in place when thousands of applicants were invited to write the test. As it is our custom and tradition in Nigeria, human life hardly matters in our overall consideration.
Back to JAMB. An emotional Oloyede addressed the media on Wednesday, admitting that there was a technical glitch with the marking system which distorted the results of nearly 380,000 candidates in 157 centres across Lagos and Owerri. He took personal responsibility, tendered an apology and accepted that the board’s reputation had taken a hit “despite rigorous quality assurance measures put in place before the examination”. As an anti-cheating measure, answer options were scrambled so that students sitting next to each other would not successfully do “giraffe” since a candidate’s option A may be the neighbour’s option B. Sadly, something went wrong with the technology.
I would like to express my reaction to the shambles through a series of posers. My first line of questioning is: why is JAMB always in a hurry to release results? This might sound contradictory because I just praised Oloyede for leveraging on technology to improve the process. In our days, students used to wait for months to get the results of what used to be called university matriculation examination (UME). These days, the results are ready within the twinkle of an eye — thanks to technology. Candidates do not need to live with the anxiety of checking newspapers daily to know when results will be released. It is great progress but we can now see that it has its own downside.
And this is my point. Technology, as divine as it looks, is not infallible. It would not hurt to subject the work of technology to human review because of possible bugs and breaches. This year, students complained about being unable to log in to their systems. Also, some questions did not appear on the screen. “Up NEPA” (power cuts) also meant some could not write the test at all. These are issues that can be addressed if a review is carried out immediately after the exam — and before the results are released. However, JAMB only does reviews months after the results are released, thereby presenting a fait accompli to the candidates. I want to believe a lesson has been learnt from this.
My second question is: why reschedule exam for so soon? Oloyede announced the technological failure on Wednesday and fixed Friday for resit. We are dealing with hundreds of thousands of probably disoriented teenagers being asked to study for, and re-write, four papers within 48 hours. I am obviously not a good example of a smart student — I was this type that did not want to touch my books for a long period after writing an exam. I just wanted to exhale. (By the way, I hated — and still hate — exams.) It always took a lot for me to prepare mentally and emotionally to write an exam. I hope none of the affected 380,000 candidates is like me, otherwise this is not going to be pretty.
Third question: maybe this is not the first technological glitch? Maybe it has been happening all along and JAMB only papered over it and put up a strong face? Technological failures are universal. I run an online newspaper and technology regularly injures us. There is nothing peculiar to Nigeria about that. However, for years, candidates had been complaining that their UTME results did not reflect what they thought they deserved. Of course, students would always look for an excuse for failing an exam (the blame is always on the examiner), but maybe some of the complainants have a good case. We cannot afford to dismiss every complaint if we really and truly want to progress the system.
Although JAMB acted honourably by owning up to its error this time, there is a risk. I hope it will not become a weapon in the hands of candidates to start questioning the integrity of every result in the future. If I know us well, candidates who actually fail may start saying it is because of a glitch. People write and fail exams on a normal day, technology or no technology. Unfortunately, some react badly. My heart goes to the family of 19-year-old Miss Timilehin Faith Opesusi, who wrote the exam in Ikorodu, Lagos state, and reportedly committed suicide on seeing her score — said to be 146. There is no evidence she was affected by the glitch but nobody should die this way. This is so, so tragic.
My second to the last question: why does JAMB take joy in sending candidates to exam centres that are many miles from home? In this age of technology and cost of living crisis — not to forget insecurity — why should students be sent so far away? The News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) spoke to parents in Cross River state. They were full of lamentations. Mr Jonas Achi, a parent, said the process was complicated for his family — from the registration to writing the examination. “To make matters worse, many children were posted to Akwa Ibom from Cross River for their examination, others to local governments like Obudu, which can take up to eight hours of travelling from Calabar,” he said.
Achi said another challenge was the examination starting at 6:30am. He asked: “How does JAMB expect the candidates to make it to the centre by such time to write their examination?” Johnson Etim, another parent, told NAN: “After going through the pains of registering my daughter, she was still posted to Akamkpa LGA which is a two to three hours journey from Calabar without minding that many of these children are just teenagers. My neighbour’s son was posted to Ikom, which is a four to five-hour journey from Calabar for the same examination. This is a place the boy had never been to before.” This was a common experience nationwide. Now, imagine having to do that all over again!
My last question, which actually should be the only one, is the continued relevance of UTME in the scheme of things. To be sure, this question has nothing to do with the current fiasco. It has been on my mind for a while. Now that we are here, maybe we should now start having an open, sincere conversation over this. The purpose of JAMB when it was established in 1978 was to unify university entrance exams. Before then, universities individually handled admissions. Candidates would apply to universities and each institution would apply its own criteria in picking intakes. JAMB thereafter became the central body conducting entrance examinations and offering places to candidates.
Over time, the quality of candidates being offered admissions by JAMB began to fall, amid reports of exam fraud. Candidates were hiring exam writers to do the heavy lifting for them, while some centres were notorious for aiding and abetting cheating. I recall the story of a lady who got the highest score in UME but could barely write her name! Worried by the menace, universities succeeded in getting a reluctant JAMB to let them organise what they called post-UTME tests as another layer of filtering candidates. Some candidates who were scoring high hundreds in UTME suddenly found themselves struggling to get decent scores in post-UTME tests. This helped the weeding process enormously.
As time went by, universities toughened up. Today, UTME score is just one of the three items in the basket. A candidate’s O-Level result now goes into the basket, weighed along with UTME score and post-UTME result. This has helped to address the gaming of UTME. But maybe we should take a step further by taking the function of conducting entrance exams from JAMB? As suggested by some commentators, JAMB could still be the central body co-ordinating admissions and setting policy standards, but the schools can offer admissions based on O-Level results and their own tests. Maybe JAMB is no longer fit for purpose? Maybe the time has come to debate this matter more seriously?
AND FOUR OTHER THINGS…
BOKO BOUNCE
Nigeria has been recording a reverse in the war against terror. Lt Gen Olufemi Oluyede, who succeeded the highly efficient late Lt Gen Taoreed Lagbaja as the army chief, has carried out extensive shuffles but maybe they are yet to bed in — assuming square pegs are in square holes. What we can see is that Boko Haram is in resurgence and the gains of recent years are fast disappearing. Gen Chris Musa, the chief of defence staff, thinks the upsurge is a spillover from the onslaught on terrorists in the Sahel region. He also blamed porous borders. We need to look inward as much as we look outward. We cannot afford renewed terrorism and insurgency. Distressing.
‘JAPA JANTIS’
Mr Afolabi Ayantayo, the Lagos state commissioner for establishments and training, revealed last week that three in 10 civil servants sent on foreign training did not return to Nigeria. In simple English, they opted to “japa”. This is not completely new — for decades, African athletes have regularly disappeared during international competitions in advanced countries. Ayantayo said it is undermining Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu’s programme of international training to improve the state’s civil service. Maybe Lagos should start patronising local institutions. I won’t be surprised if these defectors are still being paid in full. We shouldn’t be losing on both sides, should we? Ghosts.
CUT AND PASTE
Here we go again — trying to create a solution to solve a problem without understanding its root. The house of reps is cooking a bill to impose a six-month jail term on qualified Nigerians who fail to vote. That means 68 million Nigerians might have gone to jail for not voting in the 2023 elections. Pray, what is Nigeria’s prison capacity? How many judges do we have? What is the feeding budget for prison? But why are we proposing a law on compulsory voting? According to Hon Benjamin Kalu, the deputy speaker, it is because that is what obtains in Australia! Can you beat that? I find the process of lawmaking (and policymaking) in Nigeria not only very shallow but incredibly bemusing. Cruise.
NO COMMENT
Wait for this: Nigeria is about to establish an agency to “eradicate” malaria. The name? NAME! Yes, the National Agency for Malaria Eradication (NAME). You mean it is so easy to “eradicate” malaria and we haven’t created an agency to do the job since 1914? I’m sure it’s some smart guys at work. Meanwhile, we did not create any agency to eradicate polio. And there is now a malaria vaccine. Since President Bola Tinubu ordered “immediate” implementation of the Oronsaye report to reduce the size of government, we have been busy creating more agencies weekly. What next? A bill to establish the Bureau for the Repression and Eradication of Acne and Diarrhoea (BREAD)? Hahahaha.