It was a warm evening in Lagos, the kind where the city’s vibrant energy hums through the air, mingling with laughter and clinking glasses at a friend’s 70th birthday celebration. Amid the chatter and music, I found myself in a moment that would stir deep emotions and reflections on Nigeria’s complex history. A man introduced himself: Philip Effiong Jr. The name hit me like a bolt, sending an eerie chill through my veins. This was no ordinary introduction. He was the son of General Philip Effiong, the Biafran second-in-command who, in one of Nigeria’s most defining moments, bore the weight of a nation’s surrender at the end of the Nigerian Civil War in January 1970. The memory of that encounter has lingered, compelling me to reflect on the legacy of General Effiong—a man whose courage, honor, and sacrifice deserve a permanent place in Nigeria’s national consciousness.
My mind raced back to another moment, years earlier, in the lobby of the NICON Hilton Hotel (as it was
then known) in Abuja during the early days of President Olusegun Obasanjo’s administration. There, I had briefly met General Philip Effiong himself. He was a quiet, dignified figure, navigating the bureaucratic maze to secure his military entitlements—a stark reminder of how often nations overlook those who shape their history. That fleeting encounter left an impression of a man who carried his burdens with grace, a soldier whose loyalty to his people and principles defined his life. Meeting his son decades later rekindled those memories and underscored a truth: Nigeria, and indeed the entire Eastern region that once formed Biafra, owes General Philip Effiong a debt of gratitude. His story is one of valor, sacrifice, and an unyielding commitment to his people—a story that must be immortalized for future generations.

The Weight of History
To understand General Philip Effiong’s significance, we must revisit the Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970), a conflict that tore the nation apart and left scars that linger to this day. The war, sparked by ethnic, political, and economic tensions, saw the Eastern Region declare itself the Republic of Biafra under the leadership of General Chukwuemeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu. As the Biafra leader’s deputy, Effiong was a key figure, not only as a military strategist but as a steadfast leader who remained when the tides turned against Biafra.
By early 1970, Biafra was crumbling under the weight of Nigeria’s military might, starvation policies, and international isolation. Ojukwu, recognizing the inevitability of defeat, left for exile in Côte d’Ivoire, entrusting Effiong with the unenviable task of surrendering to the Nigerian forces. On January 15, 1970, in Amichi, Effiong formally declared the end of Biafra’s resistance, a moment captured in history as he stood before Nigerian commanders to announce, “The Republic of Biafra ceases to exist.” It was a moment of profound humility and courage, a decision that likely saved countless lives by preventing further bloodshed.
Effiong’s act of surrender was not a capitulation of spirit but a pragmatic choice rooted in his commitment to the survival of his people. While Ojukwu’s departure was a strategic retreat, it was Effiong who faced the consequences, standing firm in the face of defeat to negotiate peace. His decision embodied the essence of leadership: placing the welfare of others above personal pride. For this, he earned the respect of both Biafrans and Nigerians, though his contributions have often been overshadowed by the broader narrative of the war.

A Life of Service and Sacrifice
Born in 1925 in Ibiono Ibom, Akwa Ibom State, Philip Effiong was a career soldier who joined the Nigerian Army in 1945. His early career saw him rise through the ranks, serving with distinction in the West African Frontier Force and later training at military institutions in Ghana and the United Kingdom. By the time the civil war broke out, Effiong was a seasoned officer, respected for his discipline and integrity. His role as Biafra’s Chief of General Staff and later Deputy Head of State placed him at the heart of the secessionist struggle.
Effiong’s leadership was not just military but deeply human. During the war, he worked tirelessly to maintain morale among Biafran troops and civilians, even as resources dwindled and famine ravaged the region. His ability to navigate the chaos of war while maintaining a sense of duty earned him the admiration of those who served under him. Yet, it was his final act—surrendering to preserve lives—that cemented his legacy as a leader who valued humanity over ego.
After the war, Effiong faced the challenges of reintegration into a Nigeria striving for reconciliation under the “No Victor, No Vanquished” policy of General Yakubu Gowon. Unlike many former Biafran officers, he was not immediately reinstated into the Nigerian Army, and his post-war years were marked by struggles to secure his rightful entitlements—a reality I glimpsed during our brief encounter at the NICON Hilton. Effiong’s later life was one of quiet dignity, as he continued to advocate for unity and development in Nigeria until his death in 2003.

A Debt Unpaid
The encounter with Philip Effiong Jr. at that Lagos party was a stark reminder of how little Nigeria has done to honor this remarkable man. General Effiong’s story is not just a footnote in the history of the civil war; it is a testament to the qualities of courage, sacrifice, and honor that should inspire every Nigerian. Yet, his name is rarely mentioned in classrooms, public discourse, or national commemorations. This oversight is not just a disservice to Effiong but a missed opportunity to teach young Nigerians about the values that define true leadership.
Across the world, nations immortalize their heroes through statues, memorials, and educational curricula. In Nigeria, we have streets and institutions named after leaders, but Effiong’s name is conspicuously absent. Why has a man who played such a pivotal role in one of the nation’s darkest chapters not been given his due? The Eastern Region, which bore the brunt of the war’s devastation, owes him particular recognition for his unwavering commitment to its people. Nigeria as a whole must acknowledge his role in fostering peace and preventing further loss of life.

A Call for Immortalization
It is time for Nigeria to honor General Philip Effiong in a manner befitting his contributions. This is not about reopening old wounds or glorifying one side of the civil war but about recognizing a universal story of valor and humanity. Here are tangible steps the government, civil society, and educational institutions can take to ensure Effiong’s legacy endures:

1. National Recognition: The Federal Government should consider naming a significant public institution or infrastructure after Effiong. A military academy, a major highway in the nation’s capital city, Abuja, the South-South or South-East, or a national peace monument would be fitting tributes. Such a gesture would symbolize Nigeria’s commitment to unity and reconciliation.

2. Educational Integration: Effiong’s story should be a mandatory part of the history curriculum in Nigerian schools. Teaching young Nigerians about his role in the civil war would highlight the importance of courage, sacrifice, and ethical leadership. His actions offer a counterpoint to the often divisive narratives of the war, emphasizing unity and humanity.

3. Memorialization: A statue or memorial in Effiong’s home state of Akwa Ibom or in a prominent location in the South-East would serve as a physical reminder of his contributions. Such a monument could be a place of reflection, drawing visitors to learn about his life and the broader context of the war.

4. Scholarships and Awards: Establishing scholarships or awards in Effiong’s name for students or military personnel who exemplify leadership and service would keep his legacy alive. These could be targeted at young Nigerians studying history, peace studies, or military science.
5. Public Discourse: Media outlets, historians, and filmmakers should be encouraged to tell Effiong’s story. Documentaries, books, and feature films could bring his contributions to a wider audience, ensuring that his name resonates beyond academic circles.

A Personal Reflection
Meeting Philip Effiong Jr. was more than a chance encounter; it was a call to action. The eerie feeling that ran through me was not just about the weight of his father’s name but the realization that Nigeria has yet to fully embrace the lessons of its past. General Effiong’s life reminds us that true heroism lies not in victory but in the courage to do what is right, even when it is painful. His decision to surrender was not a defeat but a triumph of humanity, a choice to prioritize lives over pride.
As I left the party, I couldn’t shake the thought that Effiong’s story is a mirror for Nigeria today. In a nation grappling with division, insecurity, and economic challenges, his example of leadership and sacrifice is more relevant than ever. We must ask ourselves: How do we honor those who have shaped our history? How do we teach future generations the values that will build a stronger, more united Nigeria?

General Philip Effiong stood by his people until the end, bearing the weight of a nation’s surrender with dignity and grace. It is time for Nigeria to stand by him, ensuring that his name and legacy are etched into the fabric of our national identity. Let us immortalize this courageous officer and gentleman, not just for the Eastern Region or Biafra, but for all Nigerians who believe in the power of valor, honor, and unity.

NB: Sonny Iroche is a Nigerian Alumnus of the University of Oxford and also a Senior Academic Fellow, African studies Centre. University of Oxford 2022-2023

Elon Musk says he is leaving the Donald Trump administration after four months as head of the department of government efficiency (DOGE).

Musk announced his decision late Wednesday evening, thanking Trump for the opportunity to reduce wasteful spending.

The Tesla CEO said DOGE will, however, continue.

News of Musk stepping down caused a stir, largely because of his close relationship with Trump.

But a retweet from the X CEO’s account stated that the departure had not strained his friendship with the president.

“In the coming days, legacy media will try to convince you that President Trump and Elon Musk are no longer friends and that’s why Musk left,” the post reads.

“What they won’t tell you is that Elon was a Special Government Employee, limited to 130 days of service and that term ends tomorrow.”

Musk’s exit comes a day after he spoke out against a Trump-backed spending bill. The president called it a “Big Beautiful Bill”.

In an unusual criticism of the president, the tech tycoon said he was “disappointed to see the massive spending bill, frankly, which increases the deficit, not just decreases it, and undermines the work that the DOGE team is doing”.

“I think a bill can be big, or it can be beautiful, but I don’t know if it can be both, in my personal opinion,” Musk added.

Before Trump was elected, Musk, who played a significant role in seeing him win back the White House, pitched a government cost-cutting initiative multiple times.

Since January 20 when Trump was inaugurated, DOGE has shrunk 11 federal agencies, forcing about 250,000 federal workers out of their jobs.

The agency also claimed to have saved taxpayers $160 billion. Its promise was to save $2 trillion.

A budget model designed by the University of Pennsylvania which tracks weekly treasury data showed that the US government has spent more than it did during the same period last year.

Trump has yet to publicly react to Musk’s departure, marking another bump in the tumultuous relationship between the two-time American president and the world’s richest man.

Musk heavily criticised Trump during his first term.

In recent times, their relationship morphed into a rapid friendship.

A few months earlier, the billionaire tech entrepreneur said he loved Trump as much as a straight man can love another man.

[TheCable]

On 30th May 2018, then Imo State Governor, Rochas Okorocha added a new word to the vocabulary of politics in Nigeria. Explaining the nature of the democracy being practiced in our country on a Channels Television programme, Okorocha told his interviewer, Ladi Akeredolu-Ale, “If you come to my state and I have collected N500 billion, yet I can only show you boreholes and renovation of schools, but I can perfect the papers, that is Iberiberism.” Obviously baffled by the word he was hearing for the first time, Akeredolu-Ale asked Okorocha to explain what he meant. He got a crisp response: “Go and search for it in the dictionary.”

Of course, there was no such word in the English dictionary at the time. But it has since been established that Okorocha coined it from the Igbo word, Iberibe, which means deceit. And with linguists taking up his challenge, Urbandictionary.com has defined ‘Iberiberism’ as a “political ideology based on lack of substance, mediocrity, platitude and corporate greed.” In a milieu where political parties have been reduced to ‘coalitions’ of strange bedfellows devoid of any ideal beyond grabbing or retaining power, who can fault Okorocha’s summation?

Four years ago, I started a book I thought would be released last year to mark the quarter of a century of unbroken democratic rule in Nigeria. With the rider, ‘25 Defining Issues in 25 Years of Civil Rule in Nigeria (1999—2024)’, I felt there could be no better working title than ‘Democracy by Iberiberism’. Although the book was 80 percent completed, I eventually suspended work on it in April last year when I became distracted by other commitments and could not keep most interview appointments. Quite naturally, one of the people I interviewed was Okorocha who admitted coining ‘Iberiberism’ from the Igbo word Iberibe and justified it with what he described as a lack of vision that defines both the public and private engagements in our country. “In Nigeria today, nobody is interested in how to get the job done, the emphasis is always on perfecting the paperwork,” Okorocha insisted. “That’s why what you find in every facet of our national life is Iberiberism.”

I spent almost an hour with Okorocha, probing this strange but interesting concept and he had a lot to say, including illustrating his points with practical examples. There were also pushbacks, especially when I challenged his own ‘Iberiberistic’ dispositions as Imo State Governor. I reminded him of his failed attempt to anoint son-in-law, Uche Nwosu, as his successor. A smooth talker with an incredible sense of humour, Okorocha is difficult to pin down, but he made some compelling arguments on the situation in Nigeria. While other societies seek leaders with vision and imagination at all levels and spheres of life, according to Okorocha, “Nigerians are still trapped with making their choices based on certain primordial considerations. And because these leaders cannot give what they do not have, the system is now reeking with Iberiberism.”

Let me state from the outset that in the last 26 years, Nigeria has made considerable strides in many areas—even if we are not where we would want to be. First, the telephone that we were gleefully told “is not for the poor” by the military leaders of a certain era is now in the hands of almost every Nigerian, thanks to a transparent auction process that inevitably revolutionised the sector and the economy. The two banking reforms of 2004 and 2008 by Chukwuma Soludo and Muhammadu Sanusi II have helped to put Nigerian banks on a sound footing. You only need to travel across the West African subregion to appreciate how robust our banking sector has become. Meanwhile, contrary to the apprehensions expressed at epochal moments, Nigeria earned the applause of the world with the manner we handled the Ebola Virus crisis in 2014 and the Covid-19 pandemic in 2020. From the debt deal to the Niger Delta amnesty, to the recent removal of subsidies in the downstream sector of the petroleum industry, there have been fundamental developments in our country under the current democratic dispensation.

However, the more Okorocha expanded on the concept of ‘Iberiberism’, the more it also became clear to me that his description of the situation in our country today is apt. Especially against the background of how we have mismanaged the issues of identity and social fabrics, the struggle for power and control, human rights and the rule of law, as well as the challenge of transparency and accountability and the growing number of our citizens who live below the poverty line. Even though Nigeria retains the apparatus of a functioning state, it is obvious that the system has been rigged against the majority of our people. When you add how sundry cartels of criminal gangs have conspired to take our country by the jugular, the lack of electricity despite spending billions of dollars on the sector, the number of our young citizens who now ‘Japa’ either through the normal channels or the life-or-death route across the Sahara Desert and Mediterranean Sea, you get the picture of a country trapped in ‘Iberiberism’. These are some of the defining issues in the last 26 years captured in the uncompleted book. Hopefully, I will return to it in the coming years.

But I am not going to read from the book of lamentations today. As we mark 26 years of unbroken civil rule, it is worth noting that the current democratic dispensation didn’t come as a gift. It was wrestled from the iron grip of military dictators through blood, tears, and sacrifice. Even reporters like me have tales to tell. But there were many who paid the ultimate price: Kudirat Abiola, Bagauda Kaltho, Alfred Rewane, Shehu Musa Yar’Adua and far too many others whose names may never make the headlines. Perhaps as a reminder of how far we’ve come, a senior professional colleague and former House of Representatives member, Abdul Oroh has chosen to publicly present his memoir, ‘Demonstration of Craze: Struggles and Transition to Democracy in Nigeria’, today in Abuja. The book offers a compelling narrative of the tortuous path to civil rule in Nigeria and the role of many actors. Rich in anecdotes and flowing prose, reading through the 614 pages reminded me of the courage and tenacity of ordinary Nigerians and civil society activists who stood up to military brutality at great personal risk.

A journalist who later became Executive Director of the Civil Liberties Organization (CLO) before transitioning to politics, Oroh documents the intense struggles against the military juntas of Muhammadu Buhari, Ibrahim Babangida and the late Sani Abacha. What stands out in his account is the relentless assault on democratic values during that era. The annulment of the June 12 (1993) presidential election—now belatedly confirmed to have been won by the late MKO Abiola—remains a defining moment in our political history. The subsequent crackdown on dissent, which Oroh captures, illustrates the steep price paid for the democracy we enjoy today. Oroh also explores the complex relationship between domestic agitation and external pressure, particularly under Abacha when Nigeria became a pariah state.

Twenty-six years later, how well have we fared? Oroh’s narrative suggests a gradual disconnect between the people and the political class that emerged post-1999. The struggle that began as a people’s movement became hijacked by opportunists, many of whom were in bed with the military and had no genuine commitment to democratic ideals. Oroh’s transition from activist to legislator and later commissioner in Edo State offers interesting insights into the challenges of governance in Nigeria. He reveals some of the entrenched interests that continue to undermine our democratic experiment.

In his book, the reporter in Oroh shines through. He takes the reader behind-the-scenes to reveal how godfathers operate while also explaining the intrigues involved in the role of a ‘placeholder’—a recent Nigerian invention in political surrogacy. With his background as a reporter, it is no surprise that Oroh’s recollections are very insightful. But he started by recounting the role played by Olisa Agbakoba, SAN, in the birth of what became a vibrant human rights activism in Nigeria as well as that by Clement Nwankwo, Ayo Obe, Femi Falana, Emma Ezeazu, Mike Ozhekhome and many others. “The story that Oroh tells is a unique personal and collective tale, reminiscent of Fela Anikulapo’s rhapsodic critiques of Nigeria’s democracy,” renowned academic, Professor Olu Obafemi wrote in his blurb. “The book is a work borne out of concrete lived experience and vivid imagination.”

The struggles chronicled in Oroh’s memoir remind us that democracy is not a destination but a journey that requires continued engagement. Yet, as things stand, the ‘demonstration of craze’ that characterized the pro-democracy movement in the eighties and nineties may need to be rekindled if we are to rescue our country from those who see politics merely as a path to power and privilege. As we therefore celebrate this milestone of 26 years of unbroken civil rule, we must recommit to the ideals that inspired the struggle against military dictatorship in Nigeria. We must insist on free and fair elections, respect for human rights, transparency in governance, and accountability from our leaders. We must also remember that democracy is not merely about periodic elections but about creating a society where every citizen has a voice and where government truly derives its legitimacy from the consent of the people.

May the sacrifices of those who fought for our democracy never be in vain. And may we find the courage to complete the unfinished business of building an egalitarian society that is devoid of ‘Iberiberism’.

The Ghost of June 12

Between 1991 and 1998, I authored three self-published books (Fortress on Quicksand, Poli-tricks and Abiola’s Travails) on the various contradictions in the transition to civil rule programmes of Generals Babangida and Abacha. I added a fourth, ‘The Last 100 Days of Abacha’ six years after the military left power. Although written at different moments, these four books capture distinct yet interwoven aspects of the bizarre political process that shattered the peace of our country. Combined, they piece together the threads of those turbulent years. Titled, ‘The Ghost of June 12’, the book will be released on June 16 this year. Compiling these books into one is significant given the demographics of Nigeria. With over 70 percent of our population under the age of 30, it means that most of our citizens were born after the ‘June 12’ fiasco of 1993. But the book is more than a recounting of events. It is a reminder of where we have been and how easily history can repeat itself if we are not vigilant.

In 2018 when I took this picture with you , you spoke concerning Africa and why our continent must improve and develop. I remember telling you that as a student of Theatre Arts, I acted the character - ‘Asinjo’ who was in a relationship with Wanjiro, the daughter of Njango in “I will Marry When I Want” - which you wrote.

Later that evening, we drank palm wine together, while you pleaded that writers should write in their indigenous languages for sustainability and identity.

As you exit this arena of life, your literary contributions to the well being of humanity will continue to resonate amid the chaos of existence. Especially, when you said that, “Our lives are a battlefield on which is fought a continuous war between the forces that are pledged to confirm our humanity and those determined to dismantle it.”

Once again, Rest In Peace Africa’s Great!
Posterity will never forget you.

Ozi Okoli

...Offenders to face 21 years in prison as government declares zero tolerance

In a decisive move to protect property rights and restore order in land administration, Governor Lucky Orimisan Aiyedatiwa has formally inaugurated the Ondo State Task Force on Anti-Land Grabbing, in line with the newly enacted Ondo State Property Protection Law of 2024.

Speaking during the inauguration ceremony held at the Governor’s Office, Alagbaka, Akure, Governor Aiyedatiwa described land as more than a commercial or residential asset, it is a heritage and a vital source of identity for individuals and communities. He condemned the alarming rise in land grabbing, violent displacements, and exploitative real estate practices that have disrupted peace and deterred genuine investment across the state.

To counter these threats, the Governor reaffirmed his administration’s determination to enforce the law with the full weight of governmental authority. He highlighted key provisions of the law, including penalties of up to 21 years imprisonment for unlawful resale of property, 10 years for forceful land occupation, and strict sanctions against illegal levies often imposed under the guise of “omo-onile” charges.

“This Task Force,” the Governor stated, “is a beacon of justice for the oppressed and a firm deterrent to those who violate our land laws. We will not allow lawlessness to thrive under our watch.” He urged members of the Task Force to act with integrity, courage, and fairness, pledging continued government support to ensure the law is enforced without bias.

The Attorney-General and Commissioner for Justice, Dr. Olukayode Ajulo, SAN, OON, who chairs the Task Force, underscored the importance of the committee’s mandate. In his remarks, he praised Governor Aiyedatiwa’s visionary leadership, stating, “Your Excellency, what you have done today has given hope to landowners and addressed the menace of land disputes in Ondo State.”

He emphasized that the Task Force marks a turning point in land governance, promoting lawful ownership, peaceful coexistence, and institutional reform. He reiterated that the committee would operate with transparency, uphold due process, and serve as a responsive channel for victims of land-related offences. He affirmed that there will be no sacred cows, emphasising that every violator, regardless of status, will be treated equally under the law.

Dr. Ajulo noted that the law empowers the Task Force to investigate, enforce, and prosecute offenders under clear statutory provisions. Sections 3, 4, 12, and 14 of the Property Protection Law prohibit forceful entry, threats, illegal occupation, and unauthorized levies on landowners while authorising the State to constitute this Task Force for effective enforcement.

In a goodwill message, Hon. Moyinoluwa Ogunwumiju, Member representing Ondo West Constituency 1 in the Ondo State House of Assembly, expressed gratitude to Governor Aiyedatiwa for his consistent support of the bill. “Your Excellency, I thank you for granting the House of Assembly the independence it needed to work on this bill and make it a reality. You backed it from the beginning and even issued an executive order against land grabbing to demonstrate your unwavering commitment." He said.

Hon. Ogunwumiju also commended the Attorney-General for assembling the necessary legal framework and team that ensured the bill was signed into law on December 30, 2024. He noted that the bill, which he personally sponsored, reflects the collective resolve to tackle land-related crimes across the state.

The composition of the Task Force reflects a multi-sectoral approach, featuring representatives from the Ministry of Justice, Nigeria Police Force, Amotekun Corps, Office of the Surveyor General, Ministries of Physical Planning and Urban Development, Local Government authorities, Civil Society Organisations, and community leaders from all three senatorial districts.

The inauguration ceremony was attended by top government officials, including the Deputy Governor of Ondo State, Dr. Olayide Adelami, Secretary to the State Government, Dr. Taiwo Fasoranti, Chief of Staff, Prince Olusegun Omojuwa, Commissioner for Finance, Mrs Olawunmi Isaac, Head of Service, Mr Bayo Philip, Special Adviser on Infrastructure, Engr. Abiola Olawoye and Permanent Secretaries. 

Task Force members are appointed to serve for a term of four years and are expected to meet regularly, submit periodic reports to the Governor’s Office, and offer policy advice aimed at improving land governance in the state.

Punishments for violators include: 21 years imprisonment for unlawful sale or resale of land/property; 10 years imprisonment for forceful entry and illegal occupation of land; 7 years imprisonment for demanding illegal levies (e.g., "omo-onile" charges); 5 years imprisonment for use of threats or violence in land matters; 5 years imprisonment for trespassing with intent to take possession; and 7 years imprisonment for aiding and abetting land-related crimes.

Governor Aiyedatiwa concluded by reaffirming his administration’s unwavering commitment to justice, lawful property ownership, and sustainable peace across all parts of Ondo State.

The Federal Government’s N300 billion Series VII Sovereign Sukuk that was offered earlier this month has recorded an overwhelming subscription of N2.205 trillion, representing an excess of 735 percent, according to a statement issued by the Debt Management Office (DMO) on Wednesday.

DMO said the massive interest shown in the Sukuk issuance is clear evidence of the growing investor appetite for the non-interest, ethical investment instrument, which was first introduced in 2017.

The borrowing instrument was introduced as an innovative financing tool to broaden the nation’s investor base and encourage wider public participation in the capital market.

“This is clear evidence of the huge investor-appetite for the ethical instrument introduced by the DMO in 2017 as an innovative strategy to expand the nation’s investor-base and provide opportunities for all Nigerians to participate in the activities of the capital market,” the DMO said in a statement.

According to the debt office, an analysis of the subscriptions revealed strong interest from a broad spectrum of investors, including retail buyers, non-interest banks, conventional banks, pension fund administrators, fund and asset managers, and other financial institutions.

As with previous issuances, proceeds from the Sukuk will be deployed by the Federal Government to finance infrastructure projects across the country.

Specifically, the funds will go into the construction of new roads, rehabilitation of existing ones, and the building of bridges across all six geo-political zones and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT).

“Like the previous series, funds realised from the issuance will be used by the FGN to construct new roads and rehabilitate existing ones, as well as build bridges in the six (6) geo-political zones of the country and the Federal Capital Territory,” the debt office stated.

The DMO said the successful outing aligned with President Bola Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda, under which infrastructure development is a key priority for driving economic growth and national development.

Reiterating its commitment to offering safe and liquid investment options to Nigerians, the DMO pledged continued support for the Federal Government’s development objectives through sustainable and inclusive financing mechanisms like Sukuk.

Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Minister, Nyesom Wike, has contradicted the National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA) on the cause of the explosion that occurred in front of the Mogadishu military barracks in Abuja, on Monday.

The agency had said the explosion was caused by a suicide bomber.

But responding to questions from journalists during the inspection of some road projects lined up for commissioning to mark President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s second year in office, Wike said the briefings he got on the issue shows that NEMA position is incorrect.

The minister said, ”The security never said it was a suicide bomber. So don’t go and create an impression and put fear in people. NEMA is not the head of security. Security agencies are there.

”What happened was that there was somebody that went to where we have these quarries, where they blast all these rocks. The person took the explosive and put it in his pocket. Of course, some of them may not even understand the implication of that and so, it exploded on him.

”So that does not mean that it is a suicide bomber. We should be careful in the story we are planting; let’s not send the wrong message to the residents.”

Daily Trust had reported an explosion near a checkpoint opposite the Mogadishu barracks in Abuja.

A man was reportedly killed during the incident.

While NEMA revealed the outcome of its findings, but both the military and the police are yet to disclose the cause of the incident, saying investigation is ongoing.

[DailyTrust]

The Nigerian Senate, Wednesday passed the Rivers State 2025 budget for second reading.

The budget which stood at N1,480,662592,442 trillion was passed for second reading after it was read by the Senate Leader, Senator Michael Bamidele Opeyemi.

Opeyemi said the Senate has since assumed the powers of legislating for Rivers State having been under the State of Emergency.

In his contribution, Senator Solomon Adeola Olamilekan said, there was a need for the budget to be legislated immediately so that the people of Rivers could feel the presence of government.

He said, “Mr President, I don’t know under what topic this document is christened but I could see it is about a budget of the state of emergency.

I hereby support that the budget be passed for second reading so that the people of Rivers can feel the presence of government.

In absence of opposition to the bill, Senate President, Godswill Akpabio passed the budget through voice vote and referred it to the Ad-hoc Committee on overseeing Rivers State of Emergency.

[DailyPost]

The Senate on Wednesday adopted the harmonised conference committee report on the four tax reform bills.

The resolution of the Senate followed its consideration and approval of the recommendations of the conference committee of both chambers set up to harmonize the Bills.

The Chairman of the Senate Committee on Finance and leader of the Senate delegation in the conference committee, Senator Mohammed Sani Musa, presented the report.

The four tax reforms Bills which were transmitted to the National Assembly in November last year by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu include: The Joint Revenue Board (Establishment) Bill, 2025 (SB. 583); Nigeria Revenue Service (Establishment) Bill, 2025 (SB. 584); Nigeria Tax Administration Bill, 2025 (SB. 585); and Nigeria Tax Bill, 2025 (SB. 586).

Details shortly…

[TheNation]

As Nigerians continue to battle inflation and rising cost of living, the political arena is heating up for the 2027 election.

President Bola Tinubu, who came into power in 2023, now faces growing opposition from influential political figures seeking to block his bid for a second term.

Amid widespread public dissatisfaction and perceived policy failures, a broad coalition of political stakeholders is already taking shape, united by a common goal: to unseat Tinubu.

Critics of the president accuse him of implementing policies they describe as anti-people, failing to alleviate economic hardship, and allegedly attempting to steer Nigeria toward a one-party state.

PUNCH Online has gathered a list of some of the prominent figures and groups positioning themselves against Tinubu’s re-election bid below:

Peter Obi

The Labour Party’s presidential candidate in the 2023 election, Peter Obi, has declared his intention to run again in 2027. Obi remains vocal about his commitment to changing Nigeria’s political landscape and has hinted at various coalition arrangements.

In March, Obi joined forces with other top politicians, including Atiku Abubakar and Nasir El-Rufai, to form a coalition aimed at mounting a formidable challenge against Tinubu in the upcoming election cycle.

Reports have also surfaced suggesting the possibility of Obi accepting a vice-presidential slot under Atiku in a one-term, power-sharing deal—although neither camp has confirmed this officially.

Atiku Abubakar

Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, who contested under the PDP in 2023, has shown no signs of stepping back from the political stage. Like Obi, he has thrown his weight behind the emerging coalition intended to displace Tinubu in 2027.

Atiku has reportedly proposed a one-term presidency with Obi as his running mate, fueling speculation about a strategic alliance to consolidate the opposition vote.

Their March announcement of the coalition, however, sparked debates about the effectiveness of such political unity.

Seyi Makinde

Oyo State Governor, Seyi Makinde, has not ruled out his own presidential ambition.

In April, he confidently stated that he possessed the competence to lead Nigeria, though he emphasised that any decision on contesting would align with the wishes of Nigerians and his party.

Makinde remarked, “I don’t have any doubt that I have the capacity to occupy the highest office in this land… but what I want to do right now, is it what Nigerians are asking for?”

His rising profile within the PDP has prompted a group, the Brave New Vision Support Group, to begin lobbying for his candidacy. Campaign posters bearing his image and the slogan “To Move Nigeria Forward 2027” have appeared in key locations across Kano State.

Nasir El-Rufai

A former governor of Kaduna State, Nasir El-Rufai, has been one of the most outspoken critics of Tinubu’s administration.

El-Rufai recently confirmed that discussions are ongoing to form a powerful opposition alliance to oust the President in 2027.

Speaking in May, El-Rufai boldly declared, “Anybody that thinks it is possible for President Bola Tinubu to get re-elected is living in another country, not Nigeria… I don’t see a pathway for him, no matter how disorganised the opposition is.”

According to El-Rufai, the economic and political situation has eroded Tinubu’s support base to the point of no return.

Babachir Lawal

Another prominent voice in the anti-Tinubu bloc is Babachir Lawal, the former Secretary to the Government of the Federation.

Lawal has been actively involved in coalition talks and is reportedly playing a key role in strategising for 2027.

Rotimi Amaechi and Liyel Imoke

Two former governors, Rotimi Amaechi (Rivers) and Liyel Imoke (Cross River), are also significant players in the anti-Tinubu movement.

They have been tasked with defining the platform for the coalition, whether it involves forming a new party or fusing with an existing one.

[Punch]