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A former governor of Kaduna State, Mallam Nasiru El-rufai has querried the current leadership structure in Nigeria, noting that the country has been taken over by urban bandits.

El-rufai made the disclosure in Abuja on Saturday at the 60th birthday lecture of the former Governor Rotimi Amaechi of Rivers State, with the theme “Weaponization of Poverty in Nigeria.”

 
 

He said, “Nigeria is in its biggest trouble since 1914 and that is why we are together working and conspiring to build a coalition to take Nigeria back on track because it is off track.

“It has turned to this level because we have allowed bandits, not the ones in the bushes but the ones in the urban areas called the urban bandits to take over leadership.

“I believe that the problem that we have, which I think (former) Governor Babangida referred to, is that we just get incompetent people and we hand over leadership to them. Most of them don’t really know what to do. They just know how to grab power but don’t know what to do with it.”

He said Nigerians must stand up and vote leaders that have the competence, capability, capacity and commitment to move the country forward.

[DailyTrust]

Four days after the devastating flood that swept through Tiffin Maza and Anguwan Hausawa communities in Mokwa Local Government Area of Niger State, residents are still frantically searching for bodies of their loved ones to ensure they are given a proper burial.

DAILY POST reports that official figures have already put the death toll at 151, with more than 100 others still missing

The magnitude and suddenness of the disaster shocked the community to its core and left 50 houses destroyed, about 3,018 persons homeless, with many of those affected currently taking refuge at the Mokwa Central Primary School provided by the local government.

The disaster, according to the Niger State Emergency Management Agency (NSEMA) was triggered by a downpour that lasted several hours, causing homes to be submerged and buildings to collapse.

In an update on Saturday, Niger State Government disclosed that the death toll from the flood had risen from initial 21 on Thursday to 151.

According to the Niger State Emergency Management Agency (NSEMA), in a statement by its Director General, Abdullahi Baba Arah, the disaster has also resulted in 11 people sustaining various levels of injuries, 3,018 persons displaced, and 50 households destroyed.

NSEMA also said 265 houses were affected across three communities, two roads washed away, as well as two bridges destroyed

Earlier, Baba-Arah during a visit to the area said the Agency received a report of a deadly flood disaster that ravaged two communities, Tiffin Maza and Anguwan Hausawa, in Mokwa town, Mokwa LGA last Thursday.

According to him, “In response, the agency in collaboration with Mokwa local government saw that this flood is beyond our imagination.

“We have never witnessed anything like this before. The people affected are the poorest of the poor, many with large families.

“Even Islamic scholars reside in the affected areas. The corpses of the almajiri haven’t been counted yet because we still don’t have a record of their number.

“We are talking about a large number of people who died. This is not a small area where you can easily count the number of corpses,” he said.

He emphasized that so far, he had personally counted over 40 corpses buried on Friday.

“Even today alone, we discovered more than five. There are still corpses trapped under collapsed buildings,” he stated.

However, eyewitness accounts gave a painful scenario of the development, stating that more than 200 corpses were buried on Friday alone, while many more are still unaccounted for.

This position contradicts NSEMA’s account of recovering 151 bodies on Saturday.

However, they noted that while the road to recovery will be long, their immediate priority remains saving lives and ensuring the dead receive a proper burial.

One of the grieving residents, Alhaji Belle Ibrahim, who lost his entire family in the flood.said, “I am still searching for their remains to give them a proper burial”.

The victim narrated how the floodwaters surged into their home while they were sleeping.

He said in tears, “This is the worst tragedy I have seen in over 35 years of living in Unguwan Hausawa.”

Musa Adamu explained that families are desperately combing through debris and floodwaters with hope of finding their missing loved ones.

According to him, “The exact number of casualties remains uncertain as we are still searching for the bodies of our relatives.”

Hauwa Kudu, a journalist based in Minna, whose relatives live in Tiffin Maza community told our correspondent that, “my auntie’s four children are still not yet found. My auntie was found and buried last night (Friday). My family is still searching for them.”

She further explained that the auntie’s co-wife survived with two out of her four children, while the other two are still missing just as their husband survived because he did not sleep at home on the day of the disaster.

Abdul Ibrahim, said, “We woke up in the morning preparing to go to the farm, when suddenly our house was submerged by flood; we cannot say where it came from.

“The floodwater submerged our house, causing the structure to collapse. We lost our relatives, including children, women and men. It’s so heartbreaking for us.”

Some residents further revealed that the floodwater began rushing in around 6 am on Thursday and before long, overwhelmed Unguwan Hausawa, while most people were still asleep.

The flood was also said to had blocked Tatabu Bridge in Mokea area, which links the North to the South-West, leading to a major traffic gridlock.

The development left motorists heading to Lagos and other southern parts and those heading to the northern part of Nigeria stranded for several hours.

It took the intervention of local authorities in the area who deployed graders to clear the road and restore movement for travellers.

Also, in an interview with the leader of the Hausa community, Mal Tanko Bala, he told DAILY POST that they woke up on Thursday at 7:10 am to a strong floodwater that hit their communities.

“As it is now, we cannot ascertained the number of lives affected.

“We have so far buried over 100 and those we are still searching for are more than 100.

“We have cases where out of a family of 40 only two survived, we are still searching for 38. We had a family of 12- all gone, a family of 10 cannot be accounted for. These persons are still missing and we are still searching for them,” he lamented.

The community leader called on governments to come to the aid of the people who have lost their relatives and homes in the affected communities.

“We have lost lives, property and many more to this flood. We are disturbed and calling on the government at all levels to look into our plights,” he stated.

Niger State Deputy Governor, Comrade Yakubu Garba during an on-the-spot visit with his team on Friday confirmed that search and rescue operations were ongoing, and that the state government was working round the clock to provide relief materials to the victims.

He called on members of the community to be patient and remain strong in faith as they face the devastating loss.

The Director-General of the National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA), Mrs. Zubaida Umar, stated that officials were on ground coordinating the response efforts.

She explained that many families have been severely impacted, with some losing multiple members.

Also, leading a federal government delegation on a sympathy visit to the state, the Minister of Information and National Orientation, Alhaji Mohammed Idris said President Ahmed Bola Tinubu had been fully briefed on the disaster and was deeply concerned about the loss of lives.

Idris disclosed that the President had directed that all available resources of the Federal Government be deployed to address the situation and that efforts were being made to avert or mitigate the recurring flood disasters in the country.

The Minister also revealed that the National Orientation Agency has been directed to carry out sensitisation campaigns to ensure that people avoid living around river banks.

Malagi also commended the State and other relevant agencies that are assisting in the search operations, saying, “the Federal Government is collaborating to ensure a seamless operation.”

“The immediate priority of the Federal Government is to save lives and provide urgent relief to survivors through NEMA which is ongoing,” he stated.

The Minister for Humanitarian Affairs, Prof. Nentawe Goshwe Yilwatdo, who is also part of the delegation, pledged to review the situation on the needed areas of support to the IDPs and migrants in order to meet their needs.

Responding, the Deputy Governor, Comrade Yakubu Garba on behalf of Governor Mohammed Umar Bago stated that efforts were being intensified to ensure the construction of stem water drainage in Mokwa and Mashegu council areas.

The Governor pleaded with the federal government for intervention in the areas of temporary camp and taking assessments of the communities in order to proffer solutions to the menace.

Garba disclosed that the state government had approved for distribution 6,000 bags of rice and other essential materials to cushion the effects of the disaster on the victims.

The situation currently remains dire, with many corpses still trapped under collapsed buildings and especially a large number of almajiri (Quranic school pupils) unaccounted for, even as the government and emergency responders are working tirelessly.

[DailyPost]

 

The Lagos state Chairperson of the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), Comrade Mrs. Funmi Sessy has advocated a shift from aggressive unionism to strategic engagements.

She said this during the 2-day capacity-building workshop for executive members of the Parliamentary Staff Association of Nigeria (PASAN), Lagos Chapter.

Held at the Lagos State Assembly premises, the event themed: ‘The Role of Unionism in a Political Environment,’ had many dignitaries in attendance such as Mrs. Adenike Oshinowo, Deputy Clerk; Mrs. Kemi Quadri, Director of Finance; Princess Jumoke Sotonwa, Director of Training and Mrs Branco Adekoya Abisola , Director of Public Affairs.

While appreciating the Speaker of the House, RT. Hon. Mudashiru Obasa and the Clerk , Barr. Onafeko Olakekan for supporting the training, Sessy said; “Now it is about using strategy and knowledge. This kind of programme equips union members with practical understanding and operational skills.”

She urged continued training and capacity-building initiatives to keep PASAN members aligned with their counterparts across the state.

Chairman of the association, Mr. Babatunde Ogunlana, stressed the need for executive members to fully understand their responsibilities within a political setting. He pointed out the significance of revisiting the union’s involvement in the events of January 13 at the assembly, noting that it serves as a backdrop for the workshop.

[TheNation]

 

The Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project has filed a lawsuit against the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited over the failure to account for and explain the whereabouts of N500bn. It claimed that the NNPCL failed to remit the amount to the Federation Account between October 2024 and December 2024.

In a statement signed by SERAP Deputy Director, Kolawole Oluwadare, on Sunday, the suit followed the recent allegations by the World Bank that out of the N1.1 trillion revenue from crude sales and other income in 2024, maintaining that the NNPCL only remitted N600bn, leaving a deficit of N500bn unaccounted for.

“In response to SERAP’s Freedom of Information (FoI) request, the NNPCL had claimed through its lawyers Afe Babalola and Co that the FoI Act does not apply to it.

But in the suit number FHC/L/MSC/553/2025 filed last Friday at the Federal High Court in Lagos, SERAP is seeking: “an order of mandamus to direct and compel the NNPCL to account for the alleged missing N500 billion, which it allegedly failed to remit to the Federation Account between October 2024 and December 2024,” the statement read.

 

SERAP said it is also seeking the court to “direct and compel the NNPCL to invite appropriate anticorruption agencies to investigate the spending and whereabouts of the said N500 billion and to ensure the prompt recovery and remittance of the money to the Federation Account.

“SERAP is also asking the court to ‘direct and compel the NNPCL to identify those suspected to be responsible for the alleged missing oil funds, surcharge them for the full amount involved, and hand them over to appropriate anticorruption agencies for investigation and prosecution.”

In the suit, SERAP is arguing that: “The NNPCL has a responsibility to comply with the Nigerian Constitution 1999 [as amended], the Freedom of Information Act, and the country’s international human rights and anticorruption obligations in the exercise of its statutory functions.

“SERAP is also arguing that, “The missing oil revenues have further damaged the already precarious economy in the country and contributed to high levels of deficit spending by the government and the country’s crippling debt crisis.”

According to SERAP,  the missing oil revenue reflects a failure of NNPCL’s accountability more generally and is directly linked to the institution’s continuing failure to uphold the principles of transparency and accountability.

“SERAP is also arguing that, “the Supreme Court in a groundbreaking judgment recently declared that the Freedom of Information Act is applicable and applies to the public records in the Federation, including those kept by the NNPCL.”

“The suit filed on behalf of SERAP by its lawyers, Kolawole Oluwadare, Ms Oluwakemi Oni, and Ms Valentina Adegoke, read in part: “Nigerians continue to bear the brunt of these missing public funds from the NNPCL meant for the economic development of the country.

“There is a legitimate public interest in providing the details sought. The NNPC has a legal responsibility to account for and explain the whereabouts of the missing oil money.”

SERAP pointed out that the country’s oil wealth ought to be used solely for the benefit of the Nigerian people, and the sake of the present and future generations, saying that without the full recovery and remittance of the missing N500 billion oil revenues, the dire economic situation may worsen and Nigerians will continue to be denied access to basic public goods and services.

“Nigerians have the right to know why the NNPCL failed to remit the subsidy removal savings to the Federation Account, and why the NNPCL is deliberately denying states and local governments their allocations from the Account, contrary to the provisions of the Nigerian Constitution.

 

“The failure by the NNPCL to remit the money to the Federation Account is a grave violation of the public trust and the provisions of the Nigerian Constitution, national anticorruption laws, and the country’s anticorruption obligations.

“Despite the country’s enormous oil wealth, ordinary Nigerians have derived very little benefit from oil money primarily because of widespread grand corruption, and the entrenched culture of impunity of perpetrators.

“Combating the corruption epidemic in the oil sector would alleviate poverty, improve access of Nigerians to basic public goods and services, and enhance the ability of the government to meet its human rights and anti-corruption obligations.”

The statement noted that the Nigerian Constitution, Freedom of Information Act, and the country’s anti-corruption and human rights obligations rest on the principle that citizens should have access to information regarding the spending of their commonwealth.

“The Auditor-General of the Federation and Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative have for many years documented reports of the disappearance of oil money from the NNPCL.

“The World Bank recently disclosed that out of the N1.1tn revenue from crude sales and other income in 2024, the NNPC only remitted N600bn, leaving a deficit of N500bn unaccounted for.

“The revenue and other income were expected to be paid into the Federation Account and shared by all levels of government, but the NNPCL reportedly failed to do so.

“SERAP notes that Section 15(5) of the Nigerian Constitution requires public institutions to abolish all corrupt practices and abuse of power. Section 13 of the Nigerian Constitution imposes clear responsibility on the NNPCL to conform to, observe,  and apply the provisions of Chapter 2 of the Constitution.”

SERAP added that Nigeria has made legally binding commitments under the UN Convention against Corruption to ensure accountability in the management of public resources, stressing that articles 5 and 9 of the UN Convention against Corruption also impose legal obligations on the NNPCL to ensure proper management of public affairs and public funds.

“These commitments ought to be fully upheld and respected.

“The missing oil revenue has also impeded Nigerians’ ability to enjoy their economic and social rights, and denied them access to essential public goods and services, especially at the time of the cost of living crisis in the country.

“Had the NNPCL accounted for and remitted the alleged missing N500 billion to the Federation Account, it is likely that more funds would have been allocated to the fulfillment of economic and social rights, such as increased spending on public goods and services.

“The Freedom of Information Act, Section 39 of the Nigerian Constitution, article 9 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, and article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights guarantee to everyone the right to information on the whereabouts of the missing N500 billion of oil revenue. No date has been fixed for the hearing of the suit.”

Exactly three (3) weeks ago, that is, Sunday May 11, 2025, this column predicted that “Nigeria’s judiciary was set to rescue itself.” The article made several fundamental points. First, that Chief Justice Kudirat Kekere Ekun had chosen to depart from the course of timidity to which her predecessors had put themselves. Oh yes; rather than following the subsisting strategy of circumlocution, Kekere-Ekun led the National Judicial Council to sanction judges that had been engaged in judicial misconduct. Second, that certain Kano cases which had recently turned the spotlight on the judiciary needed to be urgently concluded. It was as if the Court of Appeal in Abuja had us in mind when some 48 hours ago, it did the needful by throwing judicial rascality under the bus in Kano – a development that has reverberated nationwide!

According to media reports, the Court of Appeal reversed the October 22, 2024 judgment given by a Federal High Court in Kano voiding the composition of the Kano State Independent Electoral Commission (KASIEC) and the local government election it conducted on October 26, 2024. In three unanimous judgments, a three-member panel, presided over by Justice Biobele Abraham Georgewill, held that the Federal High Court lacked the jurisdiction to entertain cases bordering on the composition of states’ electoral bodies and the qualification of members of such bodies.The Appeal Court Justices were convinced that the primary claims of the plaintiffs at the Federal High Court, were outside the jurisdictional competence of the said Court. Indeed, it was held that the same Federal High Court lacked the jurisdiction to interpret Section 4 of the KANSIEC Law 2001 as it did.

A major gain from the ruling of the Appeal Court is its capacity to put an end to political lawlessness in Nigeria. To start with, our political class has been behaving as if the federal high courts were established to help federal politicians destabilize state politicians especially in states where the ruling party is different from the ruling party at the federal level. Before now, state governors were perceived to be manipulating the state high courts as most cases there were usually resolved in the favour of state governments. Perhaps that explains why their federal counterparts quickly took control of the federal high courts and started to divert cases there. This played out quite well last year in Kano state where the state and federal high courts gave conflicting rulings on the same case; thus, creating two Emirs for the historic city to the embarrassment of the nation.

One can only hope that a quick resolution of any such conflict is immediately followed by a prompt sanctioning of the offending courtso as to prevent a continuation of the embarrassment. The old idea that it is in order for cases in court to be allowed to drag on through unnecessary adjournments has only institutionalized the bad stance. If that approach is halted quickly, many litigants especially politicians would be stopped from congesting our courts with mundane issues. The judiciary needs to be consistent with its rulings in order to help the nation get proper political parties. As at today, many administrative functions of political parties are performed on their behalf by some judges. Why will a political party that has been unable to perform the functions provided for by its own constitution be allowed to bring issues arising from such negligence before the judiciary?

The Nigerian experience has been one in which politicians that have held no party congresses or conventions for years are seen fighting over party offices with claims and counter claims filed in different courts. The way forward is to shut down such political party cases which are purely on management issues that are internal to the parties concerned.It is heartwarming that the Supreme Court recently placed a hammer on cases which concern purely internal matters that political party organs are mandated to handle. Therefore, no court should continue to entertain cases by persons such as the case of the Labour Party where those fighting for offices are relying on tenures that have long expired.The judiciary should similarly bar all courts from directing electoral commissions to accept or reject factions of political parties.

One of the greatest problems facing Nigeria today is political impunity in which certain well-placed individuals are allowed to do and undo. The judiciary is the arm of government that is best positioned to resolve the problem from which it should no longer abdicate. The moment a political party or its organ or indeed any organ of government takes the law into its hands, the judiciary should promptly halt it. We cannot justify our system which prioritizes political matters such as election petitions while at the same time treating other political matters differently. It is the fact that other political matters are allowed to drag for so long that all our courts are brazenly congested. As soon as it becomes obvious that political matters are expeditiously handled, those who use courts to sustain their illegal positions will lose their hitherto lucrative market.

The judiciary can also save itself from further embarrassments if it puts its house in order. A major advantage to that arm of government from the latest Appeal Court ruling is that the bad eggs in the system are now being unveiled and are getting quite visible. The NJC must not allow them in the system through the process of looking for soft landing. Many Nigerians fondly remember Justices Mohammed Bello, Kayode Eso, Lawal Uwais, Otutu Obaseki, Chukwudifu Oputa, Adolphus Karibi Whyte etc for their courage and meritorious performances. Many more judges will sooner or later become as famous if we do not return to the lethargy of the immediate past. Accordingly, Nigerians may soon begin to get familiarized with erudite Justices such as Biobele Abraham Georgewill, Abubakar Mahmud Talba and Oyejoju Oyebiola Oyewumi of the Court of Appeal who stood firm last week. 

If the judiciary remains upright, irritating episodes such as the executive and legislative arms colluding to remove state chief judges they are unable to manipulate will not only stop, judges will suddenly return to their well-respected positions. But if the bad eggs remain protected, many more wrong hands will be brought in to supersede the righteous. Once such misfits are allowed to lead, the story of the Nigerian judiciary will remain that of an arm of government whose allocations are being used by others to build houses and procure vehicles for the “orphan-judges.” There is therefore no better time than now for the judiciary to maintain a positive shine on judges with integrity especially those that are overworked using analogue facilities. At the same time, there should be no hiding place for the bad eggs in the system who are not only few but who have for long sustained a bad reputation for the entire judiciary.  

This article must also necessarily draw attention to the numerous issues that are still being swept under the carpet in Nigeria. The Kano local election matters like all other political issues have their other sides. Whether at state or federal levels, we are all aware that we run a system which pretends to be unaware of several partisan electoral referees that are wrongly embedded in our so called independent electoral commissions. Such unacceptable compositions ought to be rejected by the courts but such courts must not be those with defective jurisdictions that are designed to be fault-finding. The best way the judiciary can be of help hereis to part ways with its friends and relations in the political parties that are used to throw mud on the judiciary.

We honestly look forward to when our courts will courageously stop electoral malpractices and assist the nation to always do what is right, fair and just in our leadership recruitment process.The judiciary must stop helping to assist politicians and INEC to cover up poorly conducted elections. In 2007, former President Umaru Yar’Adua who was declared winner of the presidential election of that year testified that the election was bad but some judges in our highest court still gave victory to Yar’Adua thereby crying more than the bereaved. If some such old cases have put on us an indelible negative tar, the Supreme Court which is allowed to reverse itself can clean the ‘Augean’ stable by reversing some of its decisions. Such a patriotic posture will get as much bravo as we extend today to the Court of Appeal that has chosen to hold the bull by its horn.

 

When Senator Orji Uzor Kalu sought out reporters last Tuesday to admire his new dress sprinkled with President Bola Tinubu’s second-term campaign insignia, it only reminded one of the fervour little children have for their Christmas or Sallah clothes.

For Orji Kalu, it was certainly not Christmas. The last genuine Christmas festivity for him was about 2021, before his Ahmad Lawan for president misadventure of 2022.

Indeed, just three years ago, at the peak of the jostling for the presidential ticket of the All Progressives Congress, APC, Senator Orji Uzor Kalu had termed Asiwaju Bola Tinubu’s presidential aspiration as dead on arrival.

He made the remarks in January 2022, just after Tinubu had declared his interest in the highest office in the land. That dismissal of Tinubu’s aspiration was despite a chummy visit by Tinubu to the Victoria Island home of Kalu three months earlier. During that visit, both men were pictured romancing over their joint collaborations against President Olusegun Obasanjo when they both served as governors.

Arguably, no two other governors troubled President Obasanjo between 1999 and 2007 as much as the pair of Tinubu and Kalu.

Following that November 2021 visit, Kalu also gave unusual insight into their close personal relationship that intertwined their families with joint holidays and such.

However, that visit was not enough for Kalu to commit himself to Tinubu.

Kalu, either for the love of his country or the Igbo race at that time, believed that Tinubu was not the best for Nigeria.

Following Tinubu’s declaration in January 2022, Kalu, in his renunciation of the same, said: “Obasanjo has been president for eight years. Osinbajo is doing eight years as vice-president, and no Igbo man since independence has been a democratically elected president. So it is always good to think of what is reasonable and what will be more sellable. That thing is almost like dead on arrival. It’s not going to work,” Kalu had said in an interview that was widely reported.

Kalu’s assertions were undoubtedly fired by perceptions of his inclination towards the valid projection of having an Igbo man as president of Nigeria.

There were other permutations at that time. With the Buhari Villa at that time widely believed to be against Tinubu becoming president, it was not difficult for many politicians, except strong believers of Tinubu to distance from the Asiwaju project.

Even more, at that time, there were also insinuations that Kalu was also quietly backing the aspiration of the then Senate President, Ahmad Lawan.

That chatter became fact in May 2022 when Orji Kalu dropped his presidential aspiration in support of Lawan. He did so despite the fact that Lawan was not known to be an Igbo man, and with it, destroying the very argument that initially framed his aspiration.

In endorsing Lawan over Tinubu, he said in a press statement, “ I congratulate my friend, former roommate, and boss, Senator Ahmad Lawan as he picks form to run for President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria under our great party, All Progressives Congress. I am most glad because he is from the North East, the only zone alongside the South East that is yet to produce the President of Nigeria.” Whatever, Kalu eventually became Lawan’s campaign manager. Their dream was, however, overwhelmed by the Tinubu campaign in the APC primaries.
His support for his former roommate at the expense of his Southeast region was one reason some have come to question the rationality of Orji Kalu’s political assertions.

What is known is that since President Bola Tinubu crushed the opposition in the APC presidential primaries and went on to victory in the general election, Kalu and his former principal, Lawan, have been put on ice in the presidency. Lawan’s decision to contest against Tinubu, the very man who took bullets and stones for him, was particularly ironic.

Tinubu did not hide his feelings the night he won the primaries as he asked his former mentee turned challenger to go lick his wound. Remarkably, Lawan and his 2022/ 23 enablers have been licking their wounds since then.

Since the installation of President Tinubu in May 2023, Kalu has been in overdrive to ingratiate himself with the presidency. He has repeatedly, without being beckoned made excuses for the foibles of the presidency.

It may well appear that his assertions were not noticed, and hence, his decision to don a special dress to project Tinubu’s second term aspiration. If Tinubu was deaf to his utterances, he could well see him wearing his banner on his body!

Kalu has formally buried his support for an Igbo president of Nigeria in the nearest future. While his volte face goes a long way to underline the bedrock of his unsteady political philosophy and principles, it also exposes him to some troubling questions.

He has not as much convinced any reasonable person on what Tinubu has done as much to deserve a second term. Whether in the area of economy, security or otherwise, Kalu has not come out with convincing proof of how Tinubu has prioritised holiday in Abia or any part of Nigeria above Paris or how the present administration has projected the economy into better steads.

What is sufficient from Orji Kalu’s new dress is that he will put on any dress that fits the occasion and it is no surprise that social media has been livid with him with one of his prominent constituents, the musician, Charly Boy leading the charge.

 

In 2023, I cast my vote for Tinubu, eyes wide open, heart half-hoping. Yet now, I confess— he has let me down. I knew it wasn’t the Yoruba’s turn. I saw the arrogance in Emilokan — a brazen affront to equity’s call. Still, I backed him. I backed him after rooting for Amaechi in the APC primaries. Peter Obi was good but his vehicle, I thought, lacked the wheels to roll up the northern hills.

I chose Tinubu, believing he’d seen it all— bored of petty political squabbles, weary of conquests that consume time and soul, development and country — and could only seek true heroism. I imagined his twilight years, devoted to chasing posterity’s nod, not power’s fleeting thrill, not indulging the likes of Akpabio, Wike and Orji Kalu, not ego tripping.

I chose Tinubu though his warts were many. Because I saw in him a gravitas to make earth- shaking and course rectifying choices. Nigeria craved transformative leadership, a steely will to tame the winds of entrenched interests and embrace merit stubbornly. His NADECO battles, his years of defying the PDP’s titan grip—these, I thought, would count. I thought they would forge a true master strategist.

I pinned my hopes on Tinubu, the talent- hunter, envisioning a cabinet aglow with Nigeria’s brightest stars. Because the task was arduous and hope had dimmed. I remembered the other cabinet in Lagos , one that had Fashola, Osinbajo, Akabueze, Wale Edun—minds that gleamed with promise. The occasion demanded competence, capacity and character. The political agberos, those peddlers of grime, I believed, would be left to scavenge in the motor parks of recompense, not ushered into power’s sacred halls to defile hope’s altar. But I was wrong.

Tinubuhadtasted oppression and endured a lifeinforced exile. His distant past might be nebulous but he was one of the few that spoke the tongue of tomorrow at the onset of the fourth republic. True federalism. Devolution of power. Constitutional democracy. Freedom. His politics might be authoritarian, but how else could a fragile opposition have survived the tide of the rapaciousPDP.IadmitthatI overlookedhis excesses. He fought Obasanjo, wove a national party from threads of ambition and myth. Surely, he carried the acumen to lead. Critics would say they warned. I accept the burden of my choice.

He wasn’t Buhari, cloaked in ascetic restraint, and protected by a default Bakwomi disposition. Tinubu was a wheeling and dealing politician who wouldn’t have the luxury of any sanctimonious robes. But at the edge of 80, I prayed Tinubu had tired of personal aggrandizement, of piling wealth, of fending for cronies. I knew his anti- corruption stance was shaky, rumors swirling like dust. Yet I hoped he would lead by example, shedding old skins for a new legacy. Sometimes this optimism, this sort of gambling is better than cynical retreat into an ideological bubble, into unrealistic puritanism.

So, I voted with eyes open, a flicker of trepidation in my chest. I whispered to friends: if Tinubu wins and relapses into Babasopecracy in Abuja, we’d have a Mobutu. Still, I gambled he’d exhausted his fantasies, his gaze fixed on history, not power’s fleeting mask. I never dreamed he’d chase Mandela’s shadow by running like Adedibu. But I was wrong. I had credited him with a keener sense of time’s judgment.

Tinubu let me down from the start.

I had stood by my polling booth, waiting for the votes to be tallied. I had given him mine , he had promised me hope. I waited. He lost my booth. Then the presiding officer started to fumble. He couldn’t upload the results. That was how INEC’s glitch snatched the election’s integrity. When Tinubu was declared winner, I waited for a balm— a fervent promise of electoral reforms to soothe the nation’s wounds. Instead, “Go to court” became the hymn, pompous and deaf to unity ’s cry. Victorious but not magnanimous, his followers fanned the flame of division in Lagos, wielding Oro and other diabolical ploys.

By March 18, 2023, Lagos
had unraveled. Igbo voters were chased from polling units, anti-Igbo venom spread by voices like MC Oluomo and Bayo Onanuga, a wildfire unchecked. I stood at the polls that second day, refusing to vote Sanwo-Olu, defying those who sought to silence others. Tinubu saw it all and said nothing. Leadership demands a moral compass, an aversion to bigotry, a rejection of knavish, self-serving spite. Egocentric Tinubu missed the early opportunities.

After the bitter elections, Tinubu chose self-adulation over healing. He could have stretched a hand to his rivals, despite their loud rejection of the results. At the time of his swearing-in, national unity was his greatest task, yet he stood too triumphant to stoop.

I backed the removal of petrol and dollar subsidies, but the CBN’s incoherent, timid and haphazard approach—ignoring our dollar debts’ backlog—betrayed a lack of foresight.

As the cart galloped before the horse, and I prayed this wouldn’t define my president’s reign. Policy somersaults, shadow chasing and lazy scapegoating unfortunately grew rife.

When Tinubu unveiled his flabby cabinet, stacking critical posts with Yoruba loyalists, my heart sank. His rabid tribalism which spread to key agencies wasn’t just a betrayal—it was proof he lacked the vision for transformative leadership Nigeria begged for. The master strategist was playing monkey post politics on a Maracana stage. Many Yoruba voices whispered their disgust. Tinubu’s primitive tribalism was tailored not to serve true Yoruba interest but to build a personal political cult.

A cabinet bloated with questionable characters, a vision too feeble to rally the nation, and an aloofness that mocked the people’s pain—this was Tinubu’s truth. Removing subsidies unleashed inflation and economic hardship, but the real tragedy lies deeper: leaders untouched by the suffering they sow, unwilling to live the reforms they preach. These reforms—ambivalent, often shallow, yet torturous—bleed the people dry.

President Tinubu has not conquered himself.

The Lagos-Calabar road contract cleared all doubts. The nation’s largest road project ever. A multi-trillion-naira contract awarded without transparency, handed brazenly to a crony. A glaring signpost of the regime’s moral fatigue. Buhari had been conscious of his past: a dictator. Tinubu, perhaps isn’t interested in burnishing his image. But if corruption was the only bane of this administration, then it could be forgiven. Now Dr Usman Bugaje and Professor Pat Utomi think Tinubu is another Fujimori.

Governor Fubara has congratulated Tinubu for suspending him from office. Poor Fubara. He has looked up to the hills seen that the courts, legislature and masses have been cowed, bought and subdued. He is now singing and twerking for his oppressors. The president abuses his power by dismantling democracy in a state, usurping the people’s mandate and handing it to an illegal sole administrator. Everybody claps. The state isn’t just captured; it’s been privatized. The national chorus endorsing this unconstitutionality affirms the political class’s servility before a sly presidency.

I now pray the Mobutu I had dreaded isn’t upon us. Politicians from all sides now flock to Tinubu’s bandwagon vowing to secure his second term and beyond. While this unfolds, the youth flee. Interest rates choke at prohibitive heights, inflation’s blaze consumes lives, livelihoods, and savings. Banditry and kidnapping ravage Benue, Plateau, Niger, Kwara, Borno, Katsina, Kaduna and other states. Yet the president, when it suits him, decamps to France for weeks, ruling from afar.

Tinubu may harbor noble intentions. Perhaps he’s laid bricks for distant gains: subsidy cuts, student loans, credit schemes (though their interest rates sting like scorpions), and tax reforms to swell the nation’s coffers. These are seeds of promise, marred by clumsy hands and scheming hearts. Yet Tinubu’s real albatross is a failure to weave a vision that kindles the nation’s soul. Tinubu wants the youth to bet on Nigeria, but they bet on Japa and Bet Naija, fleeing in droves across borders and gambling their futures into penury and despair. The brain drain doesn’t touch Tinubu’s heart. He crowns conquest over leadership, clings to hocus-pocus propaganda, revels in dubious data and sycophantic hymns, and shuns the duty of personal example.

I voted for Tinubu. The people hunger, stomachs churn and cry for the promised agbado revolution. Yet Tinubu offers only imported grains, no plan to open the forests and farm the land. Insecurity ravages the land. A relentless and free blooming scourge. Tinubu pledged 50 million youths for the army , yet delivers only echoes of failed strategies and a Forest Guard decree that lacks fire. The nation’s industries languish without steady power, and Tinubu leans on Buhari’s slow Siemens pact, no bold strategy of his own. The criminal justice system festers, a sham untouched by police or judicial reform. Healthcare? Let’s leave that jor. Tinubu seeks French doctors while Nigeria’s clinics crumble. Tinubu, my president, you can do far better, Olorun. Baba you don fall my hand. My hope is now a fading ember.

 

“A precedent embalms a principle” – William Scott, 1745-1836, VANGUARD BOOK OF QUOTATIONS, VBQ, p 198

“Politicians are their own grave diggers” – Will Rogers, 1897-1935, VBQ p 191.

I clocked 81 last month; and, if asked to list ten things which provide me with the most satisfaction, watching the gradual death of the People Democratic Party, PDP, would rank among them.

Not because I like what is going on with regard to defections, but, precisely, because the PDP established the precedent which nurtured the defection of politicians elected on a party’s mandate to another party – without qualms. 

The first defection in the Fourth Republic occurred in 2001 by the late Senator Wahab Dosumu, who was elected, in 1999, on the ticket of the Alliance for Democracy, AD, to represent Lagos Central. I was a witness to the betrayal.

However, before going forward, there is a need to reveal how close Wahab Dosumu and I were; and why what he did in 2001 was a serious blow to my belief that Nigeria’s democracy would endure for long.

WAHAB DOSUMU BEFORE POLITICS

Dosumu, a Muslim, attended Baptist Academy, a Christian secondary school, situated, at the time, at Broad Street, Lagos Island; and almost directly opposite Methodist Boys High School and a real stone throw from the CMS Grammar School – just down the road.

He was a junior to three of my elder brothers; one attended Baptist Academy; two Methodist Boys High School.

The youngest of my brothers was just a year older than Wahab and somehow they became friends; visiting each other at home.

Thus, I knew Brother Wahab from the time I was in primary school.

He later influenced my life in a positive way till today.

Most Nigerians in the 1950s and 1960s believed that Lagos boys were not serious with their education – “Eko for show” was the insult hauled at us.

It was probably not totally undeserved.

Then Brother Wahab surprised everybody by grabbing the then prestigious American government scholarship – ASPAU – to study in the United States.

Suddenly a role model emerged for us.

I followed Dosumu in 1964 and Oluyomi Adeyemi-Wilson, who spent years as the External Affairs Manager of Mobil Unlimited, arrived the US in 1965 to study Engineering. Dosumu was the only Nigerian known to me when I arrived on August 4, 1964.

I had obtained his address from an uncle at Epetedo area of Lagos before flying out.

I quickly got in touch and clung to him as if my life depended on it – which in fact it did. He was there for me till he left me there.

DOSUMU IN POLITICS

The Dosumu family have always been associated with the NCNC led by Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe during the First Republic and were anti-Awolowo and the Action Group for reasons too long to explain now; and which need not delay us here.

It was therefore not surprising to me when Wahab ended up in the NPN, led by Alhaji Shehu Shagari – instead of the UPN led by Awolowo.

He became the Federal Minister for Housing from 1979 to 1983; and went down with the government when the military struck.

The real surprise came when, in 1998, in the months leading to the 1999 elections, Dosumu joined the Awoist Alliance for Democracy instead of the PDP.

Perhaps, it was because he realised that the PDP had no chance of getting a candidate elected in Lagos in 1999.

Afenifere, the Yoruba socio-political group, had such a vice grip on Lagos, political realism and that dictated his initial choice of party.

He won the election; spent two years in AD and “went home” to the PDP –his traditional home.

ESTABLIBLISHING A PRECEDENT HAUNTING PDP NOW

“Men make history; but, not just as they please” – Karl Marx,1818-1883, VBQ p 93.

In 2001, several Editors and columnists of leading newspapers, as well as television and radio stations, received an invitation to meet with Senator Wahab Dosumu at the Golden Gate Chinese Restaurant, situated then at Ikorodu Road.

I jokingly told my Secretary, who brought my own IV: “I served Egbon Wahab food in our house several times when in primary school; and even washed the plates after the meal.

It’s his turn to serve me lunch; and he doesn’t even have to wash the plates after I am finished.”

Four Vanguard staff members, including the late Alhaji Kola Animasaun, were among those invited.

I have my reasons for being so specific about the number and people present; as will become clear shortly.

A short welcome address was followed by lunch and, finally, the reason for the invitation was revealed.

Dosumu, reading from a prepared text, announced that he was decamping from the AD to the PDP with immediate effect.

His reason was astonishing and ludicrous.

Governor Tinubu had captured Lagos State AD and there was no hope for his own political ambition to become Governor in the scheme of things; or words to that effect.

I was stunned.

I turned to Alhaji, sitting next to me, to ask if we heard the same thing or I was dreaming.

Alhaji patted me on the shoulder and said: “Dele, that is Nigerian politics.” Nigerian politics?

I thought the Fourth Republic was going to take us away from “Politics without principles”?

And, here was my own senior brother, who had the benefit of American education, who passed through US democracy, but, the US and democracy did not pass through him.

Everybody filed out after the event; but I remain glued to my seat; until Dosumu drew close to me to ask: “Dele, what do you think of the address? I am counting on you to help me get people to understand my position.”

“Egbon, I am sorry the food (I ate) can’t be returned without creating a mess.” He was shocked. In the package that had been distributed to those who attended the event, there was also a hand-written note telling me that he wanted me to head his campaign to clinch the PDP ticket for Governor in 2003.

He even hinted that a top level appointment awaited me if all went according to plan.

I would have none of it.

This was mandate robbery and no patriotic media person should support it.

I went with seven adults in my household to vote for him; and our votes were being sold.

The honourable thing to do was to resign; create a vacancy requiring another election; then go and contest on PDP platform – instead of trading our votes without our permission.

For me, there was no compromise.

There is still no compromise with mandate robbers.

Those were pre-GSM days; and getting in touch with him was not easy.

I went to meet him in Abuja.

My last words to him remain indelible in my mind: “I know that Obasanjo and George will be very happy to welcome you into PDP, but, you would have established a precedent which will, sooner or later, haunt the PDP. I hope we are all alive to see the boomerang effect of your action now.”

Dosumu was quickly followed by Musiliu Obanikoro and Sewa Ogunlewe, who were also elected on progressive party platform in Lagos State. 

Dosumu is not alive to witness what is happening to the PDP now. Nothing gives me more joy than knowing that Obasanjo and Bode George, who sowed the ill-wind of unconstitutional defection, are alive to see the PDP harvesting the whirlwind of the precedent they established – just as I predicted 24 years ago; when parting with my senior brother, Senator Dosumu.

SOUTHERN YOUTHS AND MILITARY SERVICE

“Power flows from the barrels of guns” – The late Sir Ahmadu Bello, Premier of Northern Region

The story has been told several times by prominent Northern military leaders.

General Babangida, in particular, recalled how the late Sardauna of Sokoto came to Bida Government College, in the early 1960s, to urge the boys to consider military service as a career.

He told them, quite bluntly, before the first coup which swept him off, that the military will always hold the power – perhaps not in the way it turned out.

Meanwhile, Southern youths are refusing to serve; while every Northern State exceeds its quota.

I am apprehensive about the consequences of this development in the future.

If the past is a guide to the future, the South is already positioning itself for subordinate role again.

A word is sufficient for the wise. At 81, it is too late for me to enlist. 

 

Ask the AI about how important the rule of law is in a democracy and one of the answers that you get is that the rule of law is absolutely crucial for the proper functioning and legitimacy of a democracy.

It tells you that rule of law acts as a foundation for a stable and just society, ensuring that everyone, including those in power, is accountable to the law.

AI goes on to say that without the rule of law, a democracy can easily descend into tyranny, with leaders acting arbitrarily and without regard for the rights of citizens.

This suggests that the rule of law is an essential ingredient of democracy, and that without it, democracy is nothing; it is useless.

This presupposes that when there is rule of law, government will be accountable to the people.

There will be no imperial president and everyone will be equal before the law.

The judiciary will not be encumbered in the discharge of its responsibilities while the executive will not emasculate the legislature.

In other words, the principle of separation of powers will be strictly enforced.

Election will count because operators of the system will know the consequences for conducting a flawed election.
Public utilities will be in place because the regulators are watching.

Corrupt public officials will know what awaits them as law enforcement is not selective.

All the sectors of the country will work because this is rule of law at work and not the rule of man.

No arbitrariness. No impunity. No clampdown on dissent. No rigging into public office at elections.

When President Bola Tinubu assumed office on May 29, 2023, expectations were high that rule of law is one of the areas his administration would give due attention.

The expectations were not misplaced given his antecedents as a former pro-democracy activist under the despotic Abacha regime and his fight for democratic ideals as governor of Lagos State under the ‘repressive’ Obasanjo administration.
So what has happened two years down the line to the rule of law under the Tinubu administration?

Opinions are divided but many people, especially Civil Society Organizations (CSOs), believe that rule of law is lagging under the Tinubu administration, citing instances.

In their mid-term assessment of the government, some CSOs, among others, spoke to Sunday Vanguard.

They pointed out areas, including alleged non-adherence to human rights, alleged repression of protests, worsening insecurity, perceived manipulation of the judiciary to achieve selfish ends, sacking of an elected governor, choosing which court order to obey, lawmakers acting as law breakers and alleged selective fight against corruption, to back their positions.

‘Unfulfilled promises’

One of the opposition parties, Because Of Our Tomorrow, BOOT, declared that Tinubu has failed to fulfill his promises to Nigerians during the 2023 campaigns.

The National Chairman of BOOT party, Sonny Adenuga, reeled out scores on some of the promises Tinubu made to Nigerians.
He said: “Regrettably, the administration’s performance falls far short of the ‘Renewed Hope’ Agenda (RHA) it once promised.

20% score on human rights and justice

“On rule of law and equal access to justice. Reality: Under Tinubu’s rule, the protection of human rights has suffered gravely. Citizens find themselves navigating a legal system that favours those with deep pockets—those who can ‘buy’ justice—while grassroots protests are met with unnecessarily heavy-handed measures. “This deliberate constriction of judicial independence undermines our democratic fabric, leaving Nigerians with little recourse when their rights are trampled. It is high time that justice and fairness be restored—not as abstract ideals but as tangible realities.

Policies on insecurity — 20%

“He promised every Nigerian must feel safe—through enhanced capabilities and intelligence-led operations. Reality: Despite persistent calls for robust security reforms, there has been no tangible shift in combating terrorism, banditry, and kidnappings.

“The state security apparatus has been reduced to a display of uniforms and firearms, lacking the intelligence-led operations needed to neutralize threats effectively. This strategic void leaves our communities exposed and underscores a broader failure to secure the nation against incessant violence.

Fight against corruption — 10%

“He promised to overhaul anti-graft agencies to ensure impartial enforcement. Reality: The administration’s anti-corruption drive remains dishearteningly superficial. Institutions like the EFCC now function more as political instruments than as impartial watchdogs.

“Instead of eradicating corruption, the regime appears to have normalized selective accountability while protecting its own interests. Genuine reform demands transforming these bodies into transparent, efficient entities committed to rooting out graft at every level.

Agricultural policies for food security — 20%

“He promised modernized farming, expand credit access, and secure abundant harvests. Reality: Promises in the agricultural sector have largely gone unfulfilled.

“Northern farmers continue shouldering largely the responsibility of feeding the nation under challenging conditions, while their southern counterparts wait in vain for announced subsidies.

“This uneven support deepens regional disparities and jeopardizes national food security. An effective policy must distribute resources equitably and empower all Nigerian farmers to thrive.

Appointments — 15%

“He promised to enhance governance structures to ensure efficient and transparent service delivery. Reality: Recent appointments have done little to inspire confidence in the government’s commitment to merit and inclusivity. “Selections appear driven by patronage, political expediency, and loyalty rather than competence and integrity. Such decisions erode public trust and highlight a troubling trend of consolidating power at the expense of accountability.

Employment generation — 15%

“He promised so much under economic reform and social investment. Reduce unemployment and cut poverty rates. Reality: Employment strategies under this regime have proven inadequate and short-sighted.

“Instead of creating sustainable job opportunities, Nigeria is witnessing the ‘Japa Syndrome,’ as citizens seek greener pastures abroad. Poverty-alleviation initiatives remain superficial, failing to address systemic drivers of unemployment. “The government must invest in dynamic vocational training and local enterprise development to break the cycle of deprivation.

Improvements in education, healthcare, and infrastructure — 10%

“He promised to revamp schools and hospitals; expand social-welfare schemes to build human capital. Reality: Much-touted improvements in education, healthcare, power, and infrastructure remain unfulfilled. “Bureaucratic bottlenecks continue to impede progress and frustrate young Nigerians; for example, JAMB reforms that once held promise now bog applicants down with glitches. Overburdened healthcare services force our healthcare heroes to operate under extreme pressure. Additionally, stalled infrastructure and power projects have left communities underserved.

“The federal government must urgently redirect priorities to rebuild these essential sectors and genuinely uplift Nigerians’ quality of life.

Opposition parties’ functioning — 10%

“He also promised to strengthen institutions to safeguard democratic participation and free association. Reality: In an environment where dissent is often met with state hostility, opposition parties—including the BOOT Party—have shown commendable resilience. Despite operating with limited resources and facing significant challenges, we have steadfastly advocated for transparency, accountability, and inclusive governance.

“Our efforts to mobilise the citizenry and present viable alternatives underscore our unwavering commitment to the core values of democracy, even amidst adversity. “Moreover, the ruling APC continues to pose a significant threat by incessantly attempting to co-opt opposition members and stifle dissent.

Democracy under threat — 10%

“He promised under federalism and decentralization to amend the national governance structure to afford states greater autonomy. Reality: The imposition of an unelected ex-military ‘state administrator’ in Rivers State exemplifies an administration drifting toward authoritarian shortcuts rather than democratic solutions—what we at the BOOT Party have described as ‘an echo of dictatorship’.

“This undemocratic measure is a stark symbol of government failure; it directly undermines state and local governments’ autonomy and bypasses the crucial checks provided by our judicial system.

“As highlighted following Attorney General Prince Lateef Fagbemi’s press briefing, such unilateral decisions subvert the rule of law and erode public trust in our democratic institutions. This approach is unsustainable and must be reversed if we are to restore true democratic governance.

Local government autonomy — 30%

“He promised to enhance governance structures to ensure efficient and transparent service delivery. Reality: While greater local autonomy could improve service delivery, some governors have threatened to resist.
“The federal government’s recent imposition of an unconstitutional ‘state administrator’ in Rivers State sends the wrong message about genuine devolution.

Fuel subsidy removal impact — 45%

“He promised a diversified, resilient economy that spurs investment, reduces unemployment, and spreads wealth equitably. Reality: Though this policy holds promise, its execution has increased deprivation and work-poverty, especially among the poorest Nigerians.

“The federal government has not ensured that additional funds, available to state and local governments as a result of this policy, are ring-fenced for poverty alleviation to mitigate the policy’s impact”.

There has been a sustained effort to quash dissent — Global Rights

The Executive Director, Global Rights Nigeria, Abiodun Bayeiwu, for its part, asserted that under the Tinubu administration, the state of human rights, protests, and access to justice has deteriorated significantly.

“There has been a deliberate and sustained effort to quash dissent and shrink civic space, targeting freedoms of expression, peaceful assembly, and the press”, he said. “Rather than respond to public grievances with accountability, the government has embraced repression. Peaceful protesters have faced excessive force, unlawful arrests, and, in some cases, baseless charges like treason.

“One of the most shameful episodes in a democratic journey occurred in 2024, when malnourished minors fainted at the Federal High Court in Abuja while being arraigned for treason in connection with the #EndBadGovernance demonstrations, a stark indictment of the current administration.

“Press freedom has also been under siege. According to the Centre for Journalism Innovation and Development, CJID, over 50 journalists were attacked in 2024, including arrests, physical violence, and surveillance, evidence of deepening hostility toward the media. Nigeria’s classification as ‘repressed’ on the 2024 CIVICUS Monitor underscores this worsening climate for civic actors.

“Meanwhile, the justice system inspires little confidence. Many Nigerians view the judiciary as compromised, often siding with the executive rather than upholding citizens’ rights.

“Law enforcement routinely responds to protests with intimidation, brutality, and arbitrary detention.
“These violent responses expose another layer of failure: a government unwilling to tolerate criticism and dismissive of the civic freedoms guaranteed under the Constitution.

Fight against corruption

“The administration’s fight against corruption leaves a lot to be desired. While the rhetoric around anti-corruption remains strong, the reality on the ground suggests that efforts are often selective and politically motivated. Anti-graft agencies like the EFCC appear to focus more on individuals perceived as political enemies of the administration, while those aligned with the ruling party often enjoy protection or leniency.

“A clear example is the case of former Kogi State Governor Yahaya Bello, a member of the ruling party, who evaded arrest for a long time despite being declared wanted. “The optics of that incident, and the EFCC’s struggle to bring him to custody, have only reinforced public perception that the fight against corruption is partisan and inconsistent.

“This selective approach has contributed to the troubling trend of politicians carpet-crossing to avoid prosecution, undermining the credibility of anti-corruption institutions. Moreover, the government’s failure to prioritize and pass critical legislative reforms—particularly the Whistleblower Protection Bill—further weakens the structural framework needed to fight corruption effectively.

“Without strong legal protections for whistleblowers, potential insiders are discouraged from coming forward, and institutional accountability remains out of reach.

“For a genuine anti-corruption war, the administration must move beyond slogans and empower systems that ensure transparency, fairness, and the rule of law, regardless of political affiliation.

‘CSOs treated with suspicion and hostility’

“Under the Tinubu administration, civil society has continued to operate in a hostile and unnecessarily restrictive regulatory environment. Rather than being regarded as partners in development and democracy, CSOs are too often treated with suspicion and hostility.

“A key example of this is the introduction of the Not-for-Profit Governance Code by the Financial Reporting Council (FRC)—an extra compliance burden that many organizations view as a veiled attempt to exert control over the sector.

“While accountability frameworks are important, the Code introduces vague and duplicative standards that risk stifling grassroots organizing and increasing operational uncertainty for civil society actors already operating in difficult conditions.

“Compounding this is the administration’s pattern of making unfounded accusations against CSOs, particularly in the North-East, where they have been repeatedly accused of supporting terrorism, without a shred of credible evidence. This narrative escalated dangerously after the closure of USAID, when the agency was falsely accused of funding terrorist activity, prompting the House of Representatives to launch an investigation into CSO operations in Nigeria. These attacks, coming at a time of shrinking donor support, threaten to cripple the sector at a moment when its work is most needed.

“The vibrancy of civil society is essential in any democracy, and even more so now, when transparency, service delivery, and human rights protections are faltering. Rather than clamp down on CSOs, this administration should be creating an enabling environment for them to thrive and do the work”.

Section 39 serially violated – Adeyanju

A human rights lawyer and activist, Deji Adeyanju, took a position, faulting the Tinubu administration on adherence to rule of law.

“Nigeria’s 1999 Constitution guarantees freedom of expression under Section 39, yet reports from human rights organizations indicate persistent restrictions under the current administration”, Adeyanju said. “Journalists, activists, and critics have faced arrests, detentions, and harassment, often under vague or broadly interpreted laws.
“For instance, in May 2024, Daniel Ojukwu, a journalist with the Foundation for Investigative Journalism, was detained for 10 days under allegations of violating the Cybercrimes Act after publishing a report implicating a former presidential aide in corruption.

“Similarly, Chioma Okoli, a private citizen, faced charges under the same law for posting a critical review of a commercial product, sparking public outrage over the misuse of legal frameworks to silence dissent. These cases highlight a pattern where the Cybercrimes Act, originally intended to combat online fraud and cyber-terrorism, is increasingly used to target critics, raising concerns about executive overreach and judicial complicity.

“The administration’s response to dissent has also extended to civil society and opposition figures.

“The United States Department of State’s 2024 human rights report further noted instances where critics faced threats, intimidation, and arbitrary arrests, with ‘cyber-stalking’ charges used to detain individuals for derogatory online statements.

“These actions suggest a governance approach that, at times, prioritizes control over open dialogue, undermining democratic principles.

“The right to peaceful assembly, enshrined in Section 40 of Nigeria’s Constitution, has been a flashpoint under Tinubu’s administration, particularly during the #EndBadGovernance protests from August 1–10, 2024.

“Triggered by soaring inflation (reaching 34.19% by June 2024) and food insecurity following economic reforms like fuel subsidy removal and naira devaluation, these protests saw citizens across multiple states demand accountability and relief from economic hardship.

“However, the government’s response was marked by significant violence and repression.

“Amnesty International documented that Nigerian police used excessive force, resulting in at least 24 deaths across states including Borno, Kaduna, Kano, Katsina, Jigawa, and Niger. Over 1,000 protesters were detained, with reports of tear gas, live ammunition, and physical assaults deployed against largely peaceful demonstrations.

“In September 2024, 10 protesters were charged with treason, a capital offense, and in November, 76 others, including 30 minors, faced similar charges, prompting widespread condemnation for disproportionate legal escalation.

“The government’s preemptive rhetoric, with officials labeling the protests as politically motivated and warning of ‘regime change’ plots, further heightened tensions, recalling the violent suppression of the 2020 #EndSARS protests, where security forces killed at least 12 at Lekki Toll Gate.

“The lack of accountability for these violations remains a critical issue.
“No security personnel have been prosecuted for the deaths or injuries during the #EndBadGovernance protests, perpetuating a culture of impunity.

“The shrinking civic space is a call for concern and I hope that the civil society organizations and the media will rise to the occasion and challenge the disturbing trend of the administration’s highhandedness against dissenting voices.

Civic space shrinking —ActionAid

The Country Director, ActionAid Nigeria, AAN, Andrew Mamedu, lamented that there are growing concerns over shrinking civic space.

Peaceful protests, according to Mamedu, are often met with force as we saw with the arrest and detention of protesters in Abuja and Lagos during the #EndBadGovernance and #HungerDey protests in 2024.

“Media freedom is also under pressure, with journalists from facing harassment, intimidation, or summons from security agencies for critical reporting”, he said.

“Justice is painfully slow especially for victims of police brutality from during the #EndSARS movement. While judicial panels were set up in various states, many have either gone silent or failed to implement their recommendations.

“In Lagos State, for instance, the white paper on the judicial panel’s findings dismissed several key recommendations, including the acknowledgment of deaths at the Lekki Toll Gate.

“Compounding this is the increasing to peaceful assembly violates Section 40 of the Nigerian Constitution and Nigeria’s obligations under international human rights treaties, such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, ICCPR, and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights.

“The government must understand that peaceful protest is not a threat to national security — it is a sign of democratic vibrancy.

“Using state institutions to silence dissent sets a dangerous precedent and signals a regression to authoritarianism. Instead of criminalising protesters, the government should listen and reform.

“The essence of democracy lies not in crushing opposing voices but in responding to them with empathy and justice”.

Policies, human rights need improvement —Faro

Meanwhile, a lawyer and an advocate for Justice and Economic Development, Idris Faro, also contributing, scored the Tinubu administration high on rule of law.

“Respect for and guarantee of human rights is commendable, under the administration”, Faro said.

“Though the police still have to improve with regard to the right to protest and peaceful assembly, it is not proper for the police to disrupt peaceful protests simply because the protesters did not seek police permit. “This right is constitutional and inalienable. The Police should stop provoking peaceful protesters by firing tear gas at them.

“The government has to adhere fully to the rule of law. Court orders must be obeyed always. The independence of the Judiciary must be respected by the executive

“The Constitution is supreme and must be respected at all times. Powers exercised by the executive must be in accordance with the clear provisions of the Constitution”.

[Vanguard]

A week before the second anniversary of President Bola Tinubu in office, leaders of his political party, the All Progressives Congress (APC) were in a frenzy, dishing out gales of endorsements for his undeclared re-election bid for the 2027 presidency. The President was endorsed by the Progressives Governors’ Forum (PGF), an umbrella of 22 governors of the party, the leadership of the party in the North-West geopolitical zone, the National Assembly and state caucuses of the party across the zones. Ordinarily one would wonder what was at stake and what prompted the rush to show solidarity with the president whose party is the only one “making the difference,” in our polity.  At least, in the last few months, the APC has made the difference by not only capturing states, but it has also been capturing big fishes from the opposition and their legislators. None of the major opposition parties that battled it for the presidency in 2023 is standing with two legs. One is on its knees, while the other is busy rolling on the floor. The APC is coasting home even before the referee blew the whistle to commence the 2027 race.

So, what’s the push behind the rush by the national chairman of the APC, Abdullahi Ganduje and his members to endorse President Tinubu two clear years ahead of the election?  Segun Sowunmi, a member of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), spoke on Arise television last week and declared that with his knowledge of President Tinubu, the former Lagos governor was not swayed by the accolades being showered on him by his party men. He said that Tinubu, being streetwise, knows that politicians would always sing songs that would swell the head of the leader and that if Tinubu were a fickle-minded politician, he won’t be able to build the massive structure that took on the Nigerian system and delivered him the presidency in 2023. Having seen the rise and rise of the Tinubu political stratagem, I am somewhat convinced by Sowunmi’s postulation.

But if we may ask Ganduje and co, why the rush? The answer cannot be far-fetched. It is found in the claim that politicians and sycophancy are like a twin in the mold of a Siamese. In fact, a commentator once said that sycophancy is the politician’s raison d’être. A friend also once confessed that politicians enjoy praise singing and that due or undue adulations serve as tonic that oil their fancy. “We enjoy those things,” a friend said his boss once told him. And the hailers also usually know the mumu buttons of the subject matter and press them at will.

At the Banquet Hall of the Presidential Villa, Abuja, where APC stalwarts named President Tinubu as the party’s sole presidential candidate for the 2027 general elections, Ganduje had declared that: “As the Chairman of the party and as the only recognized platform to field a candidate in any election, I hereby affirm the endorsement of the President.” That was after Hope Uzodinma, governor of Imo State and Chairman of PGF had on behalf of his colleague governors moved a motion for Tinubu’s endorsement. Senate President Godswill Akpabio and Speaker Tajudeen Abbas had also roped in the 109 Senators and 360 members of the House of Representatives, plus all Speakers of the 36 state assemblies in a massive motion that endorsed Tinubu for 2027 presidency.

Though there was not a ministers’ forum to raise similar motion, it is all taken for granted that the ministers are all primed for the endorsement going by the high volume of the Renewed Hope singsong oozing out of their camp in recent weeks. In the last one month or thereabout, the song on the lips of the ministers is on the sweetness of the Renewed Hope Agenda, which they all claimed has been delivering the goods. Even as the APC leaders revel in the orgy of endorsements for the president, which is hardly anything the president needed at that point, I want to say that Ganduje and Co missed the point. As the leader of the party in power, his business should be to galvanise government operatives to deliver democracy dividends. He should be at the forefront of leading the charge to showcase how the government is truly making the difference in the lives of Nigerians.  Maybe he needs a lesson from Afenifere’s book of governance under Pa Abraham Adesanya. The Pan-Yoruba Socio-political Organisation was the vehicle through which the Alliance for Democracy (AD) took charge of the South-West in 1999, and with Afenifere in control, the organisation usually called its governors to scorecard sessions in Ijebu-Igbo, apart from sending teams to ascertain development objectives in the different states. That the APC under Ganduje was merely seeking to massage the president’s ego and regale him with a second term ticket that is already in his inner pocket is missing the point badly. The APC chairman should know that in the tradition of presidential democracy, sitting presidents have the right of first refusal for second term tickets and whoever attempts to struggle the ticket with the incumbent will be easily dealt with by the party structure. So, how can anyone think that a second term ticket within the APC would be Tinubu’s headache? Even if Ganduje would not check the history of the United States presidency, as a former governor, he is well equipped to recall the nature of things within Nigeria since 1999. President Olusegun Obasanjo got the re-election tickets of his party, notwithstanding the hubris raised by some stakeholders, Dr. Goodluck Jonathan also got the re-election ticket for the 2015 election, even though he lost to the opposition led by President Muhamadu Buhari, who effortlessly secured a re-election ticket of his party in 2019.

Perhaps Ganduje as party chairman does not know his role as the leader of the party. Rather than galvanise his party men to a dance on the altar of sycophancy, he should be seen helping the president to sell the offerings of the Renewed Hope Agenda. Why is he not taking the ministers to task, calling them to scorecard sessions in the party headquarters? He should be calling the governors to do the same. Governance should not just be about the niceties, the ceremonies and the glamour you see on television. Some actors like the party chairman, ministers and others should be doing the seen and unseen jobs like the midfielders in a football field to ensure that the people enjoy the dividends of the hard-earned democracy. By merely dancing around the president and offering him a ticket that is not lost is of not value to democratic growth. 

As I was about concluding this, I saw the effort of the Minister of Education, Dr. Tunji Alausa in launching the revitalized Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET). I must confess to being impressed by the offerings of the programme as enunciated by the minister. According to him, the idea is to retool technical and vocational education in the country to the extent that Nigerians would no longer rely on foreigners to handle most of the technical work. According to the minister, the Federal Government would train at least five million youths in industry-relevant, entrepreneurial, and income-generating skills in the coming years.

“This is not a projection; it is a mission backed by strategic investments, implementation frameworks, and multiple partnerships,” Alausa said on Friday, adding that 25 trade categories had been developed across sectors such as ICT, renewable energy, construction, agriculture, the creative industry, and the automotive industry. He also said that the ministry had engaged state governors, commissioners of education, sector skills councils, regulatory agencies, employers, and development partners to build ownership at every level of the programme. Just as he stated that while the artisans would be paid stipends during their training, the mentors would equally receive stipends per student. Alausa said: “This is not a reinvention. We’re doing what the world’s most successful economies have already done. Technical skills built Germany’s economy 500 years ago, and they remain the industrial powerhouse of Europe today.”

Initiatives like this, if properly harnessed, should propel Nigeria to a level of self-sufficiency in skills development in the nearest future. Because it is also measurable, stakeholders can easily take on Alausa and his men if the policy starts faltering. I would, however, wish that this is backed by law and inculcated into the educational system rather than being an adhoc initiative. It is a pity that only a few ministers have produced such landmark offerings in the last two years. My take is that designing initiatives that address the challenges of the Nigerian society is the best way the political actors can earn their names, help the president and the country at the same time. Someone remarked recently that Chief Obafemi Awolowo ruled the Western Region more than 50 years ago, yet his name remained on the lips of his compatriots years after he had departed this shores. It should not shock you to note that many Nigerians are already forgetting the names of some governors who left office less than a decade ago. History and the people cannot be deceived by ephemerals.

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