The age-old adage, “The pen is mightier than the sword,” encapsulates a profound truth about the influence of ideas and communication in shaping societies. While the sword represents brute force and violence, the pen symbolizes intellect, creativity, and the power of words. It is against the foregoing backdrop that this writer is in this context exploring how the written word has historically triumphed over physical might, influencing change, inspiring movements, and fostering understanding.

Throughout history, humanity has witnessed numerous instances where the written word has led to significant societal transformations. Consider the impact of influential texts such as Thomas Paine’s “Common Sense”, which galvanized the American colonies towards independence. Paine’s persuasive arguments and eloquent prose inspired a revolution, demonstrating that ideas can mobilize people far more effectively than weapons.

Similarly, the abolitionist writings of Frederick Douglass and Harriet Beecher Stowe played crucial roles in the fight against slavery. Their words not only raised awareness but also humanized the plight of enslaved individuals, swaying public opinion and ultimately contributing to the abolition movement. These examples illustrate that while swords can conquer territories, it is the pen that can conquer hearts and minds.

Literature and journalism have long served as powerful tools for social change. Novels like George Orwell’s “Nineteen Eighty-Four” and Harper Lee’s “To Kill a Mockingbird” have sparked critical conversations about governance, justice, and morality. These works challenge readers to reflect on their values and the world around them, often leading to a greater awareness of social injustices.

In the realm of journalism, investigative reporting has exposed corruption and abuse of power, holding leaders accountable. The Watergate scandal, uncovered by journalists Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein, is a prime example of how the pen can dismantle political tyranny. Their relentless pursuit of truth through writing ultimately led to the resignation of President Nixon, showcasing the pen’s ability to effect change where force fails.

In today’s world, where freedom of speech is increasingly threatened and governance often fails to serve the people, opinion articles have emerged as a powerful tool for holding those in power accountable. These pieces are more than just personal expressions; they act as intellectual protests against bad governance, exposing leadership failures, challenging unjust policies, and giving a voice to the silenced.

One of the key roles of opinion articles is fostering accountability in governance. In countries where institutions are weak and corruption is rampant, governments often operate with impunity. Opinion writers step in to fill this void by shedding light on failures that would otherwise go unnoticed. Whether it’s economic mismanagement, poor infrastructure, or widespread corruption, these articles serve as the public’s eyes and ears, calling out inefficiencies and demanding corrective action.

Politicians often try to shape narratives through public relations and spin, but opinion articles counter this with reasoned analysis and evidence. When governance fails, whether in economic policy, handling insecurity, or providing basic services, opinion writers expose these gaps, offering an alternative discourse that challenges official propaganda. By cutting through political spin, these pieces become a form of protest, providing a clearer picture of reality.

The phrase “speaking truth to power” finds its purest expression in opinion writing. Unlike objective news reporting, which must remain neutral, opinion articles allow writers to take a stance, critique leadership, and challenge the status quo. This freedom is essential in environments where bad governance thrives on public silence or institutional complicity. Through carefully crafted arguments, opinion writers hold leaders accountable for their actions and decisions, putting them under public scrutiny.

Tough questions, such as why public funds are mismanaged or why citizens lack basic services like healthcare and education, are posed by opinion writers. By asking these questions, they place pressure on those in power. Without these inquiries, governance would go unchecked, allowing corruption and inefficiency to flourish. Opinion articles become a thorn in the side of complacent leaders, forcing them to confront uncomfortable truths.

In places where political protest is banned or restricted, opinion writing becomes a form of silent civil disobedience. The pen becomes a powerful weapon against bad governance, allowing writers to express dissatisfaction without the risks associated with public demonstrations. Many journalists and opinion writers have faced persecution for their work because their words can influence public opinion and destabilize oppressive regimes. The silent protest embedded in these articles can be as effective as large-scale demonstrations, often sparking larger conversations about human rights abuses or financial scandals.

One of the most potent aspects of opinion articles is their ability to amplify the voices of the marginalized and disenfranchised, those most affected by bad governance. Opinion writers give these individuals a platform, highlighting their struggles and exposing the inequalities that stem from poor leadership. When government policies fail to address citizens’ basic needs, such as access to clean water, affordable housing, or functional healthcare, opinion articles act as advocacy pieces. They bring the plight of ordinary citizens into public view and pressurize governments to act.

In some cases, these articles have the power to shape public opinion and even influence policy. By providing well-researched, thoughtful analysis, opinion writers spark debates that go beyond the newspaper pages. Public opinion is a powerful force in any democracy, and well-informed citizens can demand better leadership. Historically, opinion pieces have driven policy changes by exposing governmental neglect or advocating for reforms. When written by respected voices, they carry authority, compelling policymakers to respond and often triggering reforms.

As new forms of communication, like social media, the role of opinion writing remains critical in protesting bad governance. While social media may ignite conversations, opinion articles provide the depth, structure, and insight needed for lasting change. In an increasingly complex world grappling with issues like economic inequality, climate change, and pandemics, incisive criticism through opinion writing is more urgent than ever. These articles remind those in power that their actions are being closely watched and judged by a critical public.

In today’s digital age, the power of the pen has evolved but remains just as potent. Social media platforms allow individuals to share their thoughts and mobilize support for various causes. Movements like #BlackLivesMatter,#MeToo, #EndBadGovernance and #EndSARS gained momentum through the written word, demonstrating how online discourse can challenge systemic injustices and promote social change.

However, this new landscape also presents challenges. Misinformation can spread rapidly, and the written word can be weaponized to incite division and hatred. Therefore, it is crucial for individuals to wield their pens responsibly, ensuring that their words contribute to constructive dialogue rather than conflict.

In fact, the phrase “The pen is mightier than the sword” serves as a reminder of the enduring power of words. While swords may achieve temporary victories, it is the ideas and narratives shaped by the pen that leave a lasting impact on humanity. As we navigate an increasingly complex world, let us remember to harness the power of our words to inspire, educate, and unite rather than divide. In doing so, we can continue to illustrate the profound truth that the pen, indeed, holds greater power than the sword.

Tinubu’s coldblooded statement on his reforms is not dissimilar from the image provoked by the award-winning photographer, Kevin Carter. Aged 33, Carter’s highly-rated photo appeared in the New York Times of March 26, 1993. It was the photo of a famine-stricken Sudanese boy. Initially thought to be a girl, his name was later found out to be Kong Nyong. The boy had collapsed of intense hunger and lay on his face in the hot desert sun of Sudan. He had an empty food bowl hidden beside his face like an Almajiri. A beaded necklace of his Sudanese nationality jutted out of his feeble neck. He was said to be on his way to Ayod, the United Nations ration centre in Sudan, which was about a half-kilometre away. As he walked languidly down the coarse road of the desert, all of a sudden, Kong’s hungry strength failed him.

Less than a meter from the collapsed boy was the unnerving figure of a vulture eyeing the gaunt boy and awaiting his eventual death, so that it could commence his devouring. Carter, on a United Nations photography assignment, according to him, took diverse photographs of the “interesting scene” of the collapsed boy and hurriedly left the scene. The photo went mega viral. Although, entitled ‘The Struggling Girl’, it won the Pulitzer Prize for Feature Photography in 1994, Carter committed suicide four months after, on July 27, 1994. He poisoned himself with carbon monoxide. Carter had been reportedly taunted by the world and haunted by what people perceived as his inhuman treatment of the dying boy. A caller on a radio programme, who asked what Carter did to help Kong after taking the “interesting” picture of the young boy, was shocked at his curt reply of, “I had a plane to catch.” Carter had earlier confessed to his friend that, “I see all this, and all I can think of is Megan,” his young daughter. The radio caller’s stinging retort was the clincher. It led to an emotional turmoil that eventually led to Carter’s breakdown and suicide. The radio caller had told him pointedly: “On that field were two vultures – you and the cadaver-eating bird!”

Nigeria is at the juncture where three footpaths meet. It is a critical intersection that troubles the stranger newly come to town. Speaking directly to the dilemma of a stranger at a loss on which of the three intersections to follow, Yoruba aptly named the juncture Ìkóríta méta tíí dààmú àlejò. There seems to be no need for pretext any longer. Efunsetan is Prof Akinwumi Ishola’s dramatization of the exploits of Efunsetan Aniwura, the powerful matriarch and pre-eminent slave merchant of Ibadan in the 19^th century. At that intersection when she finds out that her slave had been impregnated by a fellow slave, Efunsetan burst out into a scornful laughter. I paraphrase her hysterics: “The wild wind has blown and the naked rump of the hen is free to be beheld by all!”

It is same for Nigerians. The duo of those who aided and abetted the current runners of Nigeria into office, and those who didn’t, have come to same intersection. Bishop Mathew Hassan-Kukah drew the grim picture succinctly, in a recent beautifully arresting imagery. “A girl was asked, ‘which party are you, APC, LP or PDP?,’ she said: ‘I am hungry’”.

In literature, at the final part of a play, film, or narrative, when a natural resolution and the final strands of a plot are tied together, with knotty matters straightened, a denouement is said to have been achieved. Here, Yoruba conjure the allegory of the dead (Ení kú) and the lost (pèlú eni t’ó sonù) who have finally met each other. Today in Nigeria, hunger and pain have united us all. Our brains seem to have reset. If you watch viral videos of regrets and recounts about the Tinubu misadventure that litter the social media today, you will agree that the dead and the lost have indeed found their mutual level. At this critical stage, ownership of the clothing regalia found on the Egungun masquerade can no longer be denied. It belongs to the Egungun. No one can deny that the last fifteen fatal months of the Nigerian life have been an experience in weeping, wailing and gnashing of teeth. Moving forward is as challenging as back-pedalling. Nigeria is in dire straits. The Nigerian birds have refused to chirp as is their wont. Our rats now mutter foreign tongues. The government in power will seem to have exhausted all the talismanic magic wands in its pouch. Lies (iró) have failed liars and falsehood (èké) has broken the spines of its spinners.

In 1925 Abeokuta, the Alake, paramount ruler of Egbaland, Oba Sir Ladapo Ademola, was trapped inside a puddle of falsehood… until a denouement came. The Oba arrived his own Ìkóríta Méta without bargaining for it, trapped in a puddle of lies and mischief. Writer, radio broadcaster and educationist, Isaac Oluwole Delano, collated the king’s dilemma in a 1955-published book he entitled Aiye D’aiye Oyinbo (This world has morphed into the Whiteman’s). The story gained such huge traction in the Abeokuta area that it was nicknamed the Faripo Incident.

Faripo was a notorious convicted criminal. One morning, as warders conducted their rounds, findings revealed that Faripo had escaped from the Egba Native Administration Prison. There was pandemonium. Blame game began. The story whooshed from one home to the other with baffling speed of lightning, until it encircled the land. In no long a time, grapevine fingered Oba Ademola as one behind Faripo’s disappearance. Permutations were based on alleged past financial malfeasances of Oba Ademola as a prince in Lagos. In 1890, very hardworking Prince Ademola was head printer of Horatius Jackson’s Weekly Record newspaper and played a leading role between Lagos and his hometown Abeokuta in negotiating the passage of railway through Egbaland. The year 1920 was specifically fingered as the year Prince Ademola engaged in the less-than-straight financial transactions. Thus, the disappearance of Faripo was put to the pre-monarchy association between the convicted criminal and the king. According to the rumour, while in prison, Faripo had threatened to spill the beans. The above was a perfect foundation for the allegation that Oba Ademola secured the services of fellow prisoners to murder Faripo in prison and carefully put away his corpse.

Faripo’s disappearance caused immense tension in Abeokuta and environ. Even the Resident and District Officer were not immune from the spinning lie. The two officers then ordered police investigation. In the process, a corpse, assumed to be Faripo’s, was exhumed. Even Faripo’s mother identified the remains as her son’s. At this time, the lie had taken a full weight of truth. Oba Ademola, the major suspect, was about to be investigated. Then, all of a sudden, Faripo was reported found in Oyo town. A few days later, Faripo himself appeared in Abeokuta. Then the police cornered all who made false statements regarding the alleged murder. Oba Adedapo survived his traducers, made up of liars and merchants of falsehood.

A lot of talks have been generated over the sincerity or otherwise of this government in the last fifteen months. Without making a mountain out of a molehill of the issue, the truth is, governments, all over the world, tell lies. If you listen to the narratives from former President Donald Trump, he accuses the Joe Biden administration of lying to the people. It is also vice versa from Biden. Governments have so many reasons to engage in falsehoods. These falsehoods can sometimes be helpful. They range from ones in defence of national security to national integrity. However, when falsehood becomes a defining governmental character, then something is awesomely wrong.

Since its establishment, the NNPC has been an opaque corporation. A 1995 Working paper with the title ‘NNPC and Nigeria’s Oil Patronage Ecosystem’ had this unflattering word about the corporation: “Any attempt to analyze NNPC… must first confront the question of what it really is. Despite its formal organization as a vertically-integrated oil company, NNPC is neither a real commercial entity nor a meaningful oil operator.  It lacks control over the revenue it generates and thus is unable to set its own strategy.  It relies on other firms to perform essentially all of the most complex functions that are hallmarks of operating oil companies.  Yet unlike some NOCs it also fails to fit the profile of a government agency: Its portfolio of activities is too diverse, incoherent, and beyond the reach of government control for it to function as a government policymaking instrument.”

Irregularities in financial operations and non-conformity with statutory laws have been the NNPC’s abiding operational philosophy. Governments upon governments have capitalized on the opacity of its operations to fleece the people. It begins with the fact that Nigerians don’t know the amount of crude oil their country processes in a day, nor the amount of fuel they consume. You could hide an elephant inside the purse of the NNPC and remove foreign currencies of similar size.  Perhaps, the most phenomenally distressing has been this regime of fuel subsidy. It has since made emergency billionaires of laggards and is continuous till today. Nigeria has been fleeced of trillions of Naira all in the name of regulating the prices of this precious commodity.

Those who invested hope in this government believed, upon being sworn in, that it would dissemble the ancient incubus of corruption that has festered untamed in the NNPC. Only God knows where they got that illogic. Can Beelzeebub fight Beelzeebub since a house divided against itself falleth? They didn’t have to wait too long for the quashing of their hope. Some have even said that the foundation upon which this government is built is falsehood. Take for instance the subsidy regime pronounced by the president on May 29, 2023. Mountainous lies were told to give that lie a life. Government had begun making huge savings from subsidy, we were told. Economists however told us that it was incongruous that government wouldn’t be paying subsidy when the Naira to a dollar’s incestuous relationship is this abiding. At a time, the exchange rate went as high as N1,900, with government purchasing processed petrol in dollar. Recently, that adulterous relationship went burst and, as Efunsetan cried, “The wild wind (then blew) and the naked rump of the hen is free to be beheld by all!”

As it is often said, tonnes of lies are needed to defend a single strand of falsehood. It is same here. NNPC has gone into a binge of falsehoods ever since. When Reuters alleged that the corporation owed its oil suppliers to the tune of $6.8b, NNPC promptly and vehemently denied the claim. To shore up that lie, in August, NNPC announced via what it claimed was its audited financial statements for the fiscal year ending December 31, 2023, that its revenue from crude oil sales in 2023 had jumped up to N14.07 trillion, an increase of 298.7 percent. This was against the N3.52 trillion earned in 2022. Shortly after, in admitting that it was indeed owing oil suppliers the sum of $6b, NNPC painted a scenario of national insolvency.

In its relationship with the Dangote Refinery, NNPC has extended its serial falsehoods. This it does in its communication with Nigerians on what actually is the subsisting deal between the two. The most laughable scenario we are left to grapple with is that of a private refinery and national oil giant, the NNPC, exchanging liability of responsibility to fix fuel price as cavalierly as beer mugs are exchanged in shebeens. Trillions of Naira have been spent to make the four Nigerian refinery corpses walk, to no avail. It is either the Tinubu presidency infected NNPC with its lie virus or NNPC cleverly learnt the lying body language of Aso Rock. Or, both. The buck of this falsehood regime however stops at the table of the president. He is perceived as either abetting the lies or doesn’t see anything wrong with it.

The trust deficit between Nigerians and their president is as a thick fog. The people believe he has exported the “Eko for show opacity” to the federal. A government that wanted to disconnect from the rank corruption in NNPC won’t have the president as minister of petroleum. Its first hammer, according to projections, would land heavily on Mele Kyari and his oil-sucking bug directors. There was no hammer and no head for it to land on. The president compounded the equation by appointing his old warhorse ally as chair of board, a man whose recency of knowledge of the oil industry is as fossilized as prehistoric remains. Rumour also circulates that every liter of petrol bought in Nigeria is a goat tethered for sacrifice by the grove of Bourdilllon. The corruption broth is finally cooked.

Now, Nigeria is on her knees, totally castrated by a binge of falsehoods and Nigerian rulers’ illicit thirst to make money at the expense of Nigeria and Nigerians. Roiling angers are the mask worn by Nigerians as they walk long hours on the street to their destinations. Nigerians are dying in droves and fat cats are still talking about policies. You could feel the thickness of hopelessness hanging in the Nigerian sky. Yet, the president talks unfeelingly like a compassionless surgeon who just had a job to do – yank some goddamn flesh off the navel. I have analyzed President Tinubu’s China speech severally in less than 24 hours. He talked about a reform that is painful but which would yield results. Results to who, and for whom? To skeletons or cadavers in the mortuary? The president seems to have snatched the trophy of heartlessness from Ibrahim Babangida and his MAMSER, SAP excruciating policies. We should have known that Tinubu learnt the art from the Prince of Niger.

Deploying the image of Kevin Carter and his award-winning photography, dying Nigerians are Kong Nyong, battered by hunger and long hours at fuel stations. Hungry vultures are biding their time to feast on our carcasses. Our president has a reform to carry out. And, like Kevin, has “a flight to catch”.

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s visit to China has been portrayed as a significant move towards shaping the future of Nigeria's economy. One of the key takeaways from the trip is that the hard decisions his government has so far taken since May 29, 2023, such as subsidy removal which he literarily announced on the day of his inauguration as president by saying “Subsidy is gone”, and currency devaluation on assumption of office, are intended for the greater good of the country. These measures are positioned as critical steps toward revamping Nigeria’s financial stability, creating long-term benefits, and promoting sustainable development.

To buttress the foregoing viewpoint, it is explanatory to recall that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu in Beijing said he was ready to take the hard decisions to move the nation forward, adding that it is not always easy for a leader to have a national consensus on issues.

However, while these tough choices are being enforced, it is essential that the leadership also takes on the responsibility of tightening their own belts. Nigerian citizens are being asked to make sacrifices, even as they face the brunt of the current economic hardship, with inflation skyrocketing and daily essentials becoming increasingly unaffordable. If the Tinubu government is serious about reviving the country’s economy, it must ensure that those at the top lead by example.

The reason for urging Nigerian political leaders to lead by example cannot be farfetched as it is unarguable that in times of national austerity that nothing could be more counterproductive than government officials maintaining an extravagant lifestyle, while the masses are called to endure economic hardship. For Nigerians to buy into the narrative that these tough measures are truly for their benefit, they need to see evidence of leaders walking the talk.

In fact, austerity should not only be reserved for the common man. The Nigerian populace deserves to see their leaders experience some of the same sacrifices they are being asked to make. This could mean cutting down on lavish government spending, reducing the perks enjoyed by public officials, and reining in the ostentatious lifestyle often flaunted by those in power.

During Tinubu's China visit, he would have observed how that country’s leadership, particularly during critical periods of reform, embraced austerity measures themselves. Chinese leaders exhibited a sense of shared sacrifice with their citizens, which helped strengthen public trust in the government’s vision. Nigeria’s leaders should take a page from this playbook.

In fact, the need for public officials to show solidarity in times of hardship cannot be overstated. Nigerians are keen observers, and they recognize when their leaders are out of touch with the realities on the ground. A government that is seen as disconnected from the people’s struggles is more likely to face public backlash and skepticism.

If Tinubu and his administration are genuine in their quest to revamp the economy, they must commit to belt-tightening across all levels of leadership. Therefore, government can demonstrate few practical steps in that direction by reducing its convoy. The sight of long, luxury convoys accompanying politicians has become synonymous with excess and privilege. A reduction in such displays would signal that the government is serious about cutting waste.

Trimming the salaries and benefits of politicians and public officeholders in Nigeria is no doubt a step towards cutting cost of governance. A significant reduction in these perks, along with transparent disclosure of earnings, would show a willingness to share in the sacrifices being demanded of ordinary Nigerians.

Also, there is the need for the limitation of foreign trips and luxury spending. Given the foregoing backdrop, it is not a misnomer to suggest that frequent foreign travels, especially for non-essential reasons, must be curbed. While international relations are important, unnecessary trips at taxpayers’ expense in times of economic hardship send the wrong message.

In fact, Nigerian political leaders must lead by example. This can be done by demonstrating an austere lifestyle in times of economic turmoil, just as presently being experienced.  In the face of Nigeria's ongoing economic challenges, one fundamental question remains unanswered: Are our political leaders truly in touch with the reality of the hardship facing the masses? While millions of ordinary Nigerians grapple with skyrocketing inflation, unemployment, and the ever-increasing cost of living, it seems as though the nation’s leadership class is insulated from the economic turmoil gripping the country. This disconnection raises an urgent need for political leaders to lead by example through the demonstration of an austere lifestyle.

Without any scintilla of hyperbole, Nigeria is facing one of its toughest economic periods in recent history. According to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), inflation reached an all-time high in 2023, with prices of food, fuel, and essential services becoming unaffordable for many. The removal of fuel subsidies has worsened the situation, leaving citizens with the daunting task of navigating these harsh economic realities with little relief in sight. Yet, despite these difficult conditions, political leaders continue to live lives of opulence, funded by taxpayers who are barely surviving.

From fleets of luxury cars to extravagant overseas trips and ostentatious personal expenses, Nigeria’s political elite has shown little sign of embracing an austere lifestyle that reflects the harsh times. The public sees these extravagant expenditures and wonders how leaders can convincingly address the economic crisis while being so far removed from the struggles of the average citizen.

Extravagant spending by the presidency under Tinubu's administration has sparked widespread criticism in a country already grappling with economic hardships. Amid rising inflation and poverty, reports of lavish expenditures by the presidential office have fueled public discontent. Critics argue that the president’s office, along with other government bodies, has indulged in excessive spending on non-essential projects and luxuries, diverting funds from critical areas like education, healthcare, and infrastructure. This comes at a time when most Nigerians are struggling to afford basic necessities, leading to heightened frustration.

One glaring example of this extravagance is the budget allocated for the presidential fleet, security, and renovation of government buildings. Despite promises of austerity and responsible governance, the administration has continued to allocate significant funds to maintain the lifestyles of top officials. This includes multi-billion naira contracts for refurbishing presidential residences and excessive travel expenses for international trips, which have raised questions about priorities and the tone it sets for public office holders. Such practices contrast sharply with the administration's narrative of economic recovery and fiscal discipline.

The impact of these extravagant expenses extends beyond mere optics. It undermines public trust in the government’s ability to manage resources prudently and to empathize with the plight of ordinary citizens. While the presidency has defended these expenditures as necessary for governance, many Nigerians view them as out of touch with the economic reality on the ground. With increasing calls for transparency and accountability, the administration faces pressure to reconsider its spending habits to avoid further alienating an already disillusioned populace.

In times of economic downturn, a true leader should not only acknowledge the crisis but also take visible and meaningful steps to share in the sacrifices of the people. To restore public trust, Nigerian political leaders must demonstrate that they are willing to tighten their belts just like the citizens they serve. This can be done in several practical ways. 

The reason for the foregoing cannot be farfetched when political leaders visibly adopt an austere lifestyle; it sends a powerful message to citizens: we are in this together. It shows that leadership is not about privilege but about service, and that even the highest offices in the land are not exempted from the sacrifices required to rebuild the economy. This could lead to increased public confidence and a renewed sense of unity in overcoming the nation’s economic challenges.

Moreover, demonstrating austerity at the top can inspire better management of resources across all sectors of society. If leaders embrace frugality and accountability, it could encourage public institutions and private businesses to follow suit, leading to a more responsible and efficient use of national resources.

Nigeria’s economic crisis demands much more than rhetoric and promises. It requires real leadership that is empathetic and connected to the struggles of the masses. Political leaders can no longer afford to live in luxury while millions of Nigerians suffer. Leading by example through an austere lifestyle is not only a symbolic gesture but a necessary step towards bridging the growing gap between the leaders and the led. The time has come for our leaders to show that they are ready to make the same sacrifices they expect from the people, and in doing so, they will be better equipped to steer the nation towards economic recovery.

The attention of the NNPC Ltd has been drawn to a press release by the Muslim Rights Concern, MURIC, which claims that the Dangote Refinery Limited (DRL) is being undermined by actions of the Nigerian

National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPC Ltd). Specifically, MURIC asserts that recent changes to the pump price of Premium Motor Spirit (PMS) will prevent the Dangote Refinery from offering lower

prices and that NNPC Ltd has become the sole offtaker of all products from the refinery.

To set the records straight, NNPC Ltd wishes to further state as follows:

1. The pricing of petroleum products from any refinery, including the Dangote Refinery Ltd (DRL), is determined by global market forces.

          The recent changes in PMS prices have no impact on the DRL or any other domestic refinery's access to the Nigerian market. In fact, if current prices are perceived as high, it presents an ideal                      opportunity

           for the refinery to sell its products at lower prices in the Nigerian market.

2. Furthermore, we emphasize that there is no guarantee of lower prices associated with domestic refining compared to any global parity pricing framework, as confirmed by the DRL. The NNPC Ltd will only fully offtake PMS from the DRL if the market prices of PMS are higher than the pump prices in Nigeria. The DRL and any other domestic refinery are free to sell directly to any marketer on a willing buyer, willing seller basis, which is the current practice for all fully deregulated products. NNPC Ltd has no desire or intention to become the distributor for any entity in a free market environment, and therefore, the notion of becoming a sole offtaker does not arise.

3. The NNPC Ltd cannot undermine a business in which it holds a billion dollar stake. 4. As an advocacy group for fair and just treatment, MURIC should have verified the facts before making statements that are entirely flawed and has the potential to incite ordinary Nigerians against the NNPC Ltd.

Olufemi Soneye

Chief Corporate Communications Officer

NNPC Ltd

The Edo State Government has announced an indefinite postponement of resumption of all schools in the state over the hike in fuel price.

The government announced this in a memo by the Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Education, Ojo Akin-Longe, in Benin on Saturday.

“An official statement from the government has directed that schools remain closed due to the tension arising from the recent increase in fuel prices and the challenges faced by parents and guardians.

“The government urges parents, guardians, and caregivers to monitor the activities of their children and wards closely, given the current situation and the rising tension caused by the fuel price hike,” Akin-Longe said.

(NAN) 

In politics, propaganda is a powerful weapon. False information is readily pushed down the throats of the gullible masses and presented as fact. This occurs more frequently when parties to a case give conflicting interpretations of court orders or judgements on political issues after the courts render even unambiguous decisions.

This is evident in the current macabre dance within the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), where Chief Edozie Njoku claims to have convened a convention in Owerri, in 2019, to elect himself as the party’s national chairman. Despite not being a member of the party’s executives or NEC—the formal body of the party with the authority to call an APGA election convention, he and his allies nevertheless claim they organised a party convention.

Edozie Njoku has been trying to establish his legitimacy as the national chairman of the APGA as well as the convention he held in Owerri in 2019. However, he is yet to be recognised by a Nigerian court. In any case, the party constitution, which caps the tenure of the party executives at four years, would have caused his tenure to expire by effluence even if he had been lawfully elected. Either way, Edozie Njoku shouldn’t be in the equation were it not for the strange politics in the party.

Njoku has persisted and somewhat succeeded in swaying the sympathy of some by claiming that Barr Sly Ezeokenwa, the newly elected national chairman of the APGA, is not the real APGA chairman, clinging on to the mention of his name in a completely different matter by the Supreme Court. What’s more, no court in Nigeria has affirmed Njoku’s status as the national chairman of the APGA.

Again, the supreme court could not have upheld Njoku as national chairman since that decision was never at question before the apex court in the first place. Courts are not Father Christmas. Further adding to the confusion was the electoral body, which inexplicably listed Edozie Njoku on the INEC website as national chairman of APGA. However, it gave the reason for doing so as “court order.” The question then is: which court ruling directed INEC to do so since fact checks show none exist?

The lack of a requisite court order or judgement requiring Njoku’s recognition by INEC compelled Sly Ezeokenwa, the national chairman of the APGA, and the party to sue INEC so as to produce the court order that Njoku’s recognition as APGA national chairman by it was based on. As it stands, INEC was also misled.

This is aside from the three appeals (CA/ABJ/PRE/ROA/723MI/2024, 2. CA/ABJ/PRE/ROA/CV/728MI/2024, and 3. CA/ABJ/PRE/ROA/CV/870MI/2024) resulting from multiple cases on the APGA crisis heard together in Abuja on 5th September, which gave Sly Ezeokenwa, the national chairman, and the party the leave to appeal to the Supreme Court to resolve any doubts about whether the highest court had ever upheld Edozie Njoku’s position as APGA national chairman. The response is either yes or no. All is now ready for the Supreme Court to provide clarification on its ruling from October 14, 2021, where the error in name was committed, and the implication of the subsequent correction made by the same Supreme Court on March 24, 2023.

Also crucial is that the party suffers and bleeds while this APGA crisis lingers. The blackmailing even extends to Professor Chukwuma Soludo, the party’s national leader and governor of Anambra State. Despite the fact that the matter is in court and that Edozie Njoku’s legitimacy has not been confirmed by any Nigerian court, Chief Chekwas Okorie, the former national chairman of the APGA who left the party to run for president of Nigeria in a different party, is requesting that Governor Soludo be disciplined for failing to uphold Njoku as APGA national chairman.

Chekwas, in the press conference, reaffirmed himself to be the founder of the APGA and accused Soludo of aiming to destroy the party. Nigerian politics is really murky. Why Chekwas didn’t make peace and bring together the factions is curious and partisan. One watched Chekwas’ news conference with bated breath, hoping to see what attempts he had made to resolve the crisis, but nothing. Good leaders are recognised for their ability to unite aides rather than picking sides like Chekwas did.

In the meantime, APGA faces two critical elections in November (LG elections) and 2025 (gubernatorial election), while men such as Edozie Njoku and Chekwas Okorie are sowing further seeds of division and instability within its ranks. Instead of putting up a united front with Sly Ezeokenwa and the party to face these elections, the Njoku group is putting a lot of effort into undermining the process as if working to guarantee the party’s defeat. Their way or the highway, it seems to be.

Their actions resemble those of the biblical woman who requested that King Solomon divide the contentious child. But which normal or honest mother would call for her own child’s death in order to get even with the other woman who is the child’s true mother, knowing that the child would die if that step were to be taken?

The APGA’s current state of affairs and the potential consequences for the party’s existence as a 3rd force—a position that the Labour Party has since supplanted—are quite depressing. While certain alternatives are conceivable, none are favourable to the party, if truth be told.

Even though Soludo doesn’t back down from a fight, as the incumbent governor, he has the right to leave APGA. The All Progressives Congress (APC) or his former party, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), will gladly accept him back, and this will put any of them in a firmer stead to win the upcoming Anambra governorship election.

If Soludo were to choose such a drastic course of action, where else would that leave Edozie Njoku, Chekwas, or APGA, if not in an empty shell? Party stakeholders ought to encourage them to regain perspective, lest the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), which was once the third force, suffer irreversible damage. If this happens, but God forbid, it’s Edozie Njoku’s fault. He brought forth a faction when none should have been by holding a convention in violation of the APGA constitution and proclaiming himself national chairman and wouldn’t even wait for the courts to affirm him. People like Chekwas are also fomenting this conflict and need to retrace their steps if indeed they mean well.

Dr Law Mefor, an Abuja-based forensic and social psychologist, is a member of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA). He can be reached via This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it. and on Twitter: @Drlawsonmefor.

Very few business organisations are as lucky as NNPCL, Nigeria’s state-owned oil company founded over 50 years ago. Since its founding, the corporation has consistently failed to perform its basic functions and meet its organisational objectives; and rather than being liquidated or put up for sale for these failures, NNPC routinely undergoes some form of moulting, shedding its skin and assuming a new look. The façade might look brilliant, but it’s only skin-deep.

NNPC was founded about the same time, or earlier than successful global state-owned oil companies like Saudi Aramco, owned by Saudi government; Petronas (Malaysian government; Equinor ASA (formerly Statoil, owned by Norway) and Petrobras, owned by Brazil.

While these other ones have grown into transnational giants with oil fields and refineries across the globe, NNPC has become a cesspool of corruption, incompetence and decadence. But the corporation is very adept at playing games and worming itself into the heart of politicians, just to stay alive. This month, the government changed its status as a monopolist, responsible for sole importation of petroleum products, to a monopsonist, the sole buyer of Dangote Refinery’s petrol. NNPC is the ultimate amoeba of Corporate Nigeria, and the implications are worrisome.

It was Aliko Dangote himself that announced that the federal government had mandated the NNPC to be the sole off-taker for petrol from his refinery. It has many implications for availability and pricing of the product. After many years of operating as an inefficient, corruption-ridden monopolist, exclusively importing fuel for years, the corporation has just turned into a monopsonist – a single buyer of Dangote’s petrol. In many economies, monopolies enjoy high profits and sometimes efficiency due to lack of competition, but in the case of NNPC, Nigerians were served with persistent fuel scarcity; inefficient business models and opacity in operations.

If the corporation could not deliver imported fuel to Nigerians, what’s the guarantee that it will manage the distribution of Dangote petrol without hiccups? How did NNPC incur a $6 billion indebtedness to its offshore petrol suppliers when its local customers were even paying in advance for the products? This indebtedness has cut off petrol supplies into the country and led to the acute scarcity we have today. What is the guarantee that NNPC will not owe Dangote and mess up fuel distribution in the country?

The inefficiencies inherent in its operations would greatly impede NNPC’s capacity to purchase and distribute products to other retailers. How would the transactions be funded? Credit sales? Bank credit? IOUs? Is the corporation credit worthy? Note that the Dangote Group is still indebted to the tune of about $3 billion to some Nigerian banks, being part of the loans secured to fund the construction of the complex.

Can the Group therefore afford to be further weighed down with an indeterminable exposure to a dysfunctional state enterprise? In its 2023 audited annual report, the corporation announced that it spent a whopping N7 billion on unspecified items lumped as ‘’others’’, while N10 billion was spent on NNPC Foundation. What constitutes the ‘’others’’? Such opacity is not permitted in modern business practices driven by good corporate governance.

As a sole off-taker, NNPC has become a major determiner of petrol price at fuel stations across the country. This is why Dangote could not announce the price at which his product would be sold at the pumps. ‘’That depends on NNPC’’, he told reporters last Monday when asked the retail pump price, adding, ‘’the federal executive council has asked the NNPC to determine the price’’. In other words, the country is still in a situation in which the government, instead of the market, remains the fixer of petrol price. That puts the Tinubu administration in a bind, with the immediate consequence being that the government will continue to face the wrath of labour unions whenever prices move up.

Petrol subsidy was expected to die a natural death as full deregulation kicks in once the Dangote Refinery commences production. The government was expected to completely hand off price-fixing duties; and allow the regulators to oversight the business, the way the CBN manages the banking industry. But since NNPC is still involved as a buyer’s monopoly (another name for monopsony), the refinery might be ‘squeezed’ to settle at a controlled price. Alternatively, the government may continue to subsidize the product – buy high from the refinery and sell lower to Nigerians.

Either way, a pricing dispute between the refinery and NNPC is inevitable, and that would be bad for Dangote. In trying to fend off pressures from labour and motorists, the government may shift the blame on Dangote for being excessive in its pricing, instigating the regulators in the mid-stream and low-stream segments of the market (who had never been particularly fond of Aliko Dangote and his refinery) to clamp down on the business mogul. I pity Aliko Dangote. His patriotism has become his albatross. He can’t say ‘’No’’ to this government; and the President, being the Minister of Petroleum, doesn’t brook disagreement. Interesting days are ahead!

My take is that NNPC should no longer enjoy any monopolistic or monopsonist status because it is incapable of managing its own affairs. Its bloated, inept, crooked and opaque. Dangote Refinery should be allowed the freedom to appoint as many off-takers or distributors as possible. In fact, there’s no reason why the refinery cannot even own its own filling stations either solely or in partnership with existing outlets, and sell directly to Nigerians, as it happens in other countries. Nigerians have expected that the new refinery will end perennial fuel scarcity and long queues. My hope has been that petrol would hover between N500 and N700 per litre at the pumps. But with this new arrangement of inserting NNPC into the mix, the prospects are daunting.

Chief Ajuri Ngelale, the Special Adviser to President Bola Tinubu on Media and Publicity, has commenced an indefinite leave of absence attributed to pressing family medical challenges.

In a statement on Saturday, Ngelale revealed that he had submitted a memo to the Chief of Staff to the President, Femi Gbajabiamila, informing him of the development.

The leave will affect his roles not only as the President Tinubu’s spokesperson but also as the Special Presidential Envoy on Climate Action and Chairman of the Presidential Steering Committee on Project Evergreen.

Ngelale described the decision as “agonizing,” saying it was made after extensive consultations with his family over the past several days.

He cited a “vexatious medical situation” that has worsened at home as the primary reason for his leave.

“While I fully appreciate that the ship of state waits for no man, this agonizing decision — entailing a pause of my functions as the Special Adviser to the President on Media & Publicity and Official Spokesperson of the President; Special Presidential Envoy on Climate Action, and Chairman, Presidential Steering Committee on Project Evergreen — was taken after significant consultations with my family over the past several days as a vexatious medical situation has worsened at home,” he wrote.

The president’s spokesman expressed his intention to return to work when circumstances permit, saying, “I look forward to returning to full-time national service when time, healing, and fate permit.”

Ngelale requested privacy for himself and his family during the challenging period.

The leave comes amid President Tinubu’s ongoing state visit to China where the Nigerian leader has held discussions with President Xi Jinping and participated at the 2024 Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) Summit.

[thewhistler]

Flora Ugwunwa won silver for Nigeria in the women’s javelin F54 final at the ongoing Paris 2024 Paralympics on Saturday.

This marks Ugwunwa’s third consecutive Paralympics medal, following gold medals in Rio 2016 and Tokyo 2021.

The Nigerian athlete threw 19.26 meters to claim the second position on the podium and secure silver medal ahead of Salehi Elham of Iran.

She made her silver winning throw after the second attempt but could not improve on it despite four more attempts.

The medal is Nigeria’s first in Para-Athletics, and the country’s fourth medal overall at the ongoing Paralympic Games.

Nurkhon Kurbanova of Uzbekistan, Ugwunwa’s fierce rival, won gold medal with a 21.12 meters.

Kurbanova’s throw broke Ugwunwa’s former world record of 20.25 meters she had set at Rio 2016.

The Uzbek had lost the gold medal to Ugwunwa four years ago and had to settle for silver.

Kurbanova had dominated the six-athlete final, throwing beyond 20 meters on each attempt.

The 30-year-old broke Ugwunwa’s record on her third throw, registering 20.27 meters before breaking her own record in her fifth attempt.

Onyinyechi Mark won Nigeria’s first gold medal after outlifting her opponents in the powerlifting finals in Friday.

Her victory earned Team Nigeria their third medal at the Paris Paralympics.

On Wednesday, Esther Nworgu won the silver medal in the women’s up to 41kg para-powerlifting event.

Eniola Bolaji also won a bronze medal in the women’s singles SL3 badminton event a few days ago.

[TheCable]

Programme: CITY TALKS WITH REUBEN ABATI

Time: 12:00pm

Guest: Majeed Dahiru
(Newspaper Columnist and Energy Security Advocate)

Topic: Fuel Price Hike: The People's Agony

Date: 7th September, 2024

Join Zoom Meeting
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Meeting ID: 928 7714 1732
Passcode: 600206