The National Working Committee (NWC) of the Young Progressives Party (YPP), at its 26th meeting held on Tuesday, June 17, 2025, at the National Secretariat in Abuja, deliberated extensively on key internal and national matters. At the conclusion of the meeting, the following resolutions were adopted:

1. The immediate dissolution of the Akwa Ibom State Executive Committee of the party due to persistent and unresolved internal crises that have continually brought the party’s image into disrepute. However, all other structures of the party in the state, aside from the dissolved State Executive Committee, remain intact and are to continue with party activities uninterrupted.

2. ⁠Members of the dissolved State Executive Committee are henceforth barred from representing or acting in the name of the party, as such actions will be deemed impersonation and treated as a criminal offense. Any individual found culpable will face prosecution. Additionally, all official documents, assets, and property of the party are to be surrendered to the National Secretariat through the Zonal Chairman, Prof. Tosan Blessing Harriman, who has been assigned the responsibility of overseeing the party’s activities in Akwa Ibom State pending the constitution of a caretaker committee.

3. ⁠The NWC mandates the Imo State Chairman, Barr. Greg Okemili, to convene all relevant stakeholders and submit a harmonized list of the State Executive Committee comprising individuals elected through congress and those appointed through nomination for immediate ratification by the national leadership.

4. ⁠The NWC directs the Anambra State Executive Committee (SEC) to provide full and unwavering support to the party’s gubernatorial candidate, Sir Paul Chukwuma, in the upcoming election. Any act perceived as anti-party activity will be met with firm disciplinary measures, in accordance with the provisions of the party’s constitution.

5. ⁠The NWC ratified the establishment of an 18-member Electoral Committee for the conduct of party primaries across the Area Councils in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT).

6. ⁠The NWC approved the appointment of Baba Nyako Hyellagiziya as the Interim Chairman of the Young Progressives Party in Adamawa State, pending the conduct of the state congress.

7. ⁠The NWC strongly condemns the ongoing senseless killings in Benue and Plateau States, describing the violence as genocide. The party calls on President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to prioritize the safety and security of Nigerians above political ambitions for 2027, which currently appear to overshadow governance. The federal government must move beyond issuing condolences and take urgent and decisive action to apprehend and prosecute the perpetrators. Peace will remain elusive until justice is served.

8. ⁠The NWC expresses heartfelt condolences to the people of Mokwa in Niger State over the loss of lives and property following recent flooding. The party calls on all tiers of government, especially the state government to act with urgency, compassion, and responsibility by implementing proactive measures to prevent or mitigate such disasters, especially with early warnings already issued by NIMET.

Signed:

Comrade Egbeola Wale Martins

National Publicity Secretary

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Those who are still in doubt about the fate of the PDP and why some of its elected officials are decamping to other parties should read a letter written by INEC last week to the party’s National Chairman. Dated June 13, the letter is a response to an earlier one written by the party to the electoral body in which the party had notified INEC of its intention to hold its 100th NEC meeting. In its response, INEC stated that the notice to hold the NEC meeting was not in compliance with the requirements of part 2(12)3 of the Regulations and Guidelines for Political Parties, 2022 which provides that ‘’the National Chairman and National Secretary of the Party shall jointly sign the notice of convention, congress, conference or meeting and submit same to the commission’’. The PDP’s letter dated May 30 and signed solely by the party’s Acting National Chairman, Umar Damagun, did not meet INEC’s guidelines, and so the party could not hold its NEC meeting which was to lay the groundwork for important activities like organizing a national convention.

 PDP has been embroiled in a series of intractable crisis that has weakened the party and left many members confused. After the ouster of Iyorchia Ayu as National Chairman in 2023, two persons, Umar Damagun and Yayari Ahmed Mohammed emerged as Acting Chairman. Damagun was appointed on March 28, 2023, while Yayari Mohammed was thrown up by a different faction of the party as Acting National Chairman on October 11, 2024, following Damagun’s suspension by another group within the party.

The National Secretary position is no less unstable. Crisis began when Samuel Anyanwu was selected as the PDP governorship candidate for Imo State in 2023. The party's South-East zone nominated the National Youth Leader, Sunday Ude-Okoye to replace him, citing a constitutional provision. Anyanwu, however, claimed that he did not resign as National Secretary when he went for the governorship election, insisting that his tenure was valid until November 2025. Litigation ensued. A Federal High Court judgment supported his argument,only to be sacked by from his position by the Court of Appeal in Enugu, which affirmed Udeh-Okoye as National Secretary. The Supreme Court later overturned this decision, and reinstated Anyanwu as the National Secretary.

But the matter remains quite contentious, with some leaders supporting Anyanwu and others recognizing Ude-Okoye. Despite the Supreme Court's verdict reinstating Anyanwu, some organs within the PDP still haven't recognized him as the valid secretary, leaving the matter unsettled. The controversy has sparked intense debate and power struggles within the PDP, affecting the party's unity and stability ahead of the 2027 general elections.

There is also the Nyesom Wike factor. Anyanwu is a close ally of the FCT Minister who, in turn, is a close associate of President Tinubu’s. Anyanwu’s refusal to sign the notice of NEC meeting to INEC is a plot to prevent the PDP from functioning, with APC as the ultimate beneficiary of the chaos. By the end of this year, political parties will commence activities leading to the holding of congresses and primaries mid next year. If the PDP does not resolve its leadership crisis (this is unlikely), it has no chance of fielding candidates for the 2027 elections. This explains why elected officials who would be seeking a second term in 2027 are bailing out of the party.

Looking back, the PDP should learn from its mistakes. In the first instance, it committed a fantastic blunder by not kicking Wike out of the party since early last year when it was clear that he would be a clog in the wheel of progress. Wike is working for the advancement of APC and disintegration of PDP. He’s now holding the party to ransom, fueled by his personal grievances against Atiku Abubakar. Does anybody expect Gov. Eno to watch idly as power play and intrigues consumed the party?

But many like Kenneth Okonkwo, the former Nollywood actor, who recently criticized Gov. Umo Eno of Akwa Ibom State for leaving the party, probably do not have a keen understanding of the plots and deceptions designed to frustrate the party. I refer them to President Tinubu’s speech at the National Assembly on June 12 in which he stated that he is excited to see the PDP disintegrate. That’s telling enough. Politics is all about advancing self and group interests. Gov. Eno has made a judgment call to leave the PDP. His choice should be respected.

Kenneth Okonkwo himself has also moved around quite a bit. Originally in APC, he defected to Labour Party in 2022 where he worked for Peter Obi as his spokesperson. After the 2023 elections, he parted with Obi (some say he was not satisfied with his remuneration) and went on to dish insults to the Labour Party Presidential candidate. Just this week, there are reports that Okonkwo been hired by Atiku Abubarkar as a new spokesman. He will take the place of Daniel Bwala who was with the former Vice President during the elections, but has since early this year ported to President Tinubu as one of the numerous presidential spokespersons.

In the evolving political landscape of Akwa Ibom State, recent developments have reignited debates about party loyalty, political identity, and the future of governance in the region. For decades, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) has held sway, not only as the ruling party but as a political institution deeply woven into the fabric of the state’s history and leadership structure. To some, PDP is more than a party, it is an article of faith, a symbol of continuity, and a guarantor of stability. As such, any perceived departure from its fold is viewed by loyalists as political heresy or outright betrayal.

However, the narrative is beginning to shift. His Excellency Governor Umo Eno is leading an unprecedented number of political actors and stakeholders to declare allegiance to the All Progressives Congress (APC), challenging the longstanding dominance of the PDP. While the media space is flooded with emotionally charged rhetoric, ranging from warnings of doom to accusations of disloyalty, even by people who have no interest in the affairs of the State, it is crucial to locate the perspective of the relationship between the Party (PDP) and the State in substance rather than sentiment.

In Akwa Ibom, PDP’s uninterrupted control since the return to democracy in 1999 has created a perception of invincibility. Generations of leaders, appointments, and political legacies have been built within its fold. This long history has contributed to the party’s identity becoming interwoven with the political psyche of the people. As a result, for many, political relevance and legitimacy seem to stem almost exclusively from PDP affiliation - any body who has held a political appointment or won an election has done so under the PDP – there lies the perception!

The emotional reaction to defections, therefore, seeks to becloud the substance of this collective decision. It is not just politics—it is about identity, belonging, and a collective history. The use of words like “betrayal” reflects a deeply personal connection to the party, a feeling that those of us who leave are turning their backs not just on a party, but on a shared legacy.

Whatever our views, it is moot that democracy must remain dynamic, and political realignments are part of its natural progression. Governor Umo Bassey Eno cited his fundamental right to associate. He clearly stated that his defection to APC was not self-serving but was driven by the need to connect with the Government at the centre in view, particularly, of frustration with internal party dynamics of the PDP’s lack of transparency, and resistance to reform.

The fixation on loyalty to PDP as a measure of political value risks overlooking the real questions: Is the party supportive of the people delivering on their mandates? Are they accountable? Are they serving the interests of the people of Akwa Ibom State?

Akwa Ibom’s political evolution need not be seen as a threat. Instead, it should be embraced as evidence of a maturing democracy. Change is rarely comfortable, especially in environments where tradition has long defined political behavior. But the true test of a democracy is not in how tightly parties hold onto power, but in how well they adapt to changing realities, accommodate dissent, and prioritize the will of the people. I make bold to say that, from my own perspective, the Peoples Democratic Party has always given Akwa Ibom the short end of the stick. Governor Umo Eno has been bold about ending the charade.

Six months before he formally resigned from the Peoples Democratic Party, Governor Umo Eno used all his public speeches to show his discontent with the leadership style of the Party. He regularly questioned the rationale of leaving the resolution of the internal problems of the party to attack and insult President Tinubu while the party clearly abandoned its role as the leading opposition party. His discontent was palpable. Even the blind saw it. He was completely ignored. For those of us in the state, we wondered why the NEC or NWC of the PDP could not invite our Governor for a discussion on why he would decide to dump the PDP midway into his four-year term. They learnt no lesson from the Parable of the missing sheep. It was for this same attitude and reason that we lost the Presidential elections of 2015 and 2023 and allowed Governor Amaechi and Governor Wike to lead people who would have supported us to victory, out of the party. They could not be bothered, and this has been the trade mark of the Party.

From May 1999, President Olusegun Obasanjo took office under the platform of the Peoples Democratic Party , the PDP. For eight long years, he held the reins of power. But for the people of Akwa Ibom State, those years were marked not by progress, but by painful neglect. Despite being a state that voted overwhelmingly for the PDP, Akwa Ibom was treated as an afterthought — a political orphan in a house it helped build. Our only reward for loyalty? Hostility. Instead of partnership, what Governor Obong Victor Attah met in Aso Rock was resistance.

Rather than support, he was given silence. And when he dared to speak — when he banged the table to demand fairness for his people , the response from the President was chilling: “He had to be caged.” Caged — for wanting what was right. For asking for the rights of his people. For requesting approvals for an airport , not for himself, but for the state. Obasanjo, both President and PDP National Leader, denied those approvals. He denied our people their fair share of the oil wealth drawn from their land. Not one kilometer of federal road. Not one federal project. Not one gesture of gratitude for our votes, loyalty and support.

Yet through it all, Governor Victor Attah persevered. He borrowed when he had to , just to keep the lights on and salaries paid. He found a way, where there was none. And against all odds, that same airport Obasanjo refused to approve now stands proudly, bearing Governor Attah’s name — a monument to resilience, not federal support. -Officially Commissioned by CHIEF OLUSEGUN OBASANJO, former President, Commander in Chief of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

And what did the PDP do to help Akwa Ibom in all this? Nothing. Not a word. Not a hand of support. Not even the pretense of concern.

But perhaps the most shocking part of this narrative is what came next.

In 2007, after eight years of marginalization, the people of Akwa Ibom State still voted overwhelmingly for the PDP. We gave the party a second chance. Another opportunity to prove that loyalty means something. What did we get in return? More of the same.

Another PDP Government returned to power in 2007. It came with fresh hopes, renewed expectations. But before President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua could fully chart a course, fate struck. He passed on — leaving behind dreams half-drawn, a vision unfulfilled.

The mantle of leadership fell to Dr. Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, a brother from the oil-rich, long-neglected minority South. For many in Akwa Ibom State, it felt like a homecoming. Perhaps, finally, we would be seen. Perhaps, finally, justice would flow from the center to our corner of the nation.

But six years came and went. And what did we receive from that brother in Aso Rock? Nothing. No roads. No refineries. No projects. No recognition. No redemption for all the years of our loyalty.

Then came February 2015 — barely two weeks to the general election.

President Jonathan stood on the podium of the brand-new Godswill Akpabio International Stadium — a magnificent edifice built not by the federal government, but by the sweat and vision of our own.

Before the people of Akwa Ibom, the President spoke words that stunned: He apologized. He acknowledged in public that he had done nothing for our state. And then, in the next breath, he pleaded. He reminded us that we were brothers. He appealed to us to stand by him. And we did.

Again, Akwa Ibom voted overwhelmingly for the Peoples Democratic Party. Again, we stood firm while others walked away. But that plea — that final cry for support — fell on deaf ears elsewhere. Dr. Jonathan lost. And with that loss, so too ended yet another chapter of abandonment.

Let’s count it clearly:

✅ Eight years of President Obasanjo — zero federal projects in Akwa Ibom.

✅ Nearly seven years of President Jonathan — only regrets.

✅ Total: Sixteen years of PDP rule at the center, and Akwa Ibom had nothing to show for its steadfast loyalty. Nothing but a nickname: The Heartbeat of the Party. They laughed as they said it. Because to them, we were not partners — we were pawns.

We bore the neglect with equanimity. We waited. We hoped. But other states watched us and mocked: Look at the people who swear by the PDP, who clap when they’re ignored, who cheer when they’re left behind.

And then in 2015 — came a turning point. President Muhammadu Buhari of the All Progressives Congress won the election. We did not vote for him. We did not campaign for him. Yet — he gave.

? Federal University of Technology, Ikot Abasi.

? Three sons of Akwa Ibom appointed to critical Federal ministerial positions.

? Dignity, not pity — recognition, not apologies.

Under President Tinubu, that commitment continues. Not only has he stood with our Senator, Godswill Akpabio, to support his emergence as Senate President -the third highest office in the land, he has also fostered a quality, respectful relationship with our state and cited the second Police Academy for the Training of Officer Cadets in Akwa Ibom State and paid all our outstanding Ecological funds, withheld from Obasanjo’s time. He has the Calabar – Lagos Highway running through our state. The single most expensive project South of the Niger since this democratic dispensation.

He has offered something we’ve never had from the PDP: A seat at the table. A voice in the room. A stake in the future.

So, we must now ask ourselves a question — not with emotion, but with clarity: Which party should we support? Is it the one that made promises but delivered nothing for 16 years? The one that took our votes and returned silence? Or is it the one that, without our votes, still honored us with projects, appointments, and presence?

This is no longer a partisan debate. This is common sense. It is clear now. The PDP does not want Akwa Ibom State as a partner in its political structure. They want subjects, not stakeholders. Slaves, not equals. But let this be known — we are not slaves. We are a proud people. Industrious. Resilient. Dignified. And we will no longer accept crumbs from the table we helped build.

We demand justice. We demand respect. We demand leadership that sees Akwa Ibom not as a pawn, but as a partner. This is not just a story of Governor Umo Eno’s struggle. It is the story of a state that has been loyal, but unloved. Committed, but cast aside. Hopeful, but heartbroken.The State, Elders, men, women, youths, student even children have given Governor Umo Eno their commitment to go with him and to support him. He has not just left the party, he has led the State out of the Peoples Democratic Party. This is survival. This is strategic politics. This is maturity. Akwa Ibom has paid its dues And this time — we will not be silent. If a house you built refuses you entry, and the one you didn’t build opens the door and gives you a seat — which house should be called home?

It is NOTEWORTHY THAT ALL WE HAVE ACCOMPLISHED AS A STATE HAS BEEN DUE TO THE POWER OF CONVICTION AND THE VISION OF OUR SONS WHO HAVE LED THE STATE: OBONG (ARC) VICTOR ATTAH, SENATOR GODSWILL OBOT AKPABIO, GCON, DEACON UDOM GABRIEL EMMANUEL, CON, PASTOR UMO BASSEY ENO, Ph.D is taking the State to another level with THE ARISE AGENDA.  

Now is the time to collect — with our heads high, not hands out. Now is the time to align with a party that sees our potential, not just our numbers. Now is the time to move with wisdom, not habit. And so we ask, calmly, boldly, and with conviction: Is moving to the APC not a common sense issue? The answer is clear. The moment is now.

This is not a shift. It is a return to reason, to self-respect, and to the politics of progress. Governor Umo Eno deserves our complete and inalienable support.

Chief Assam E. Assam, SAN, Eket, Akwa Ibom State

Whenever the national discourse borders on policies, polity and politics, Anambra State Governor, Professor Chukwuma Charles Soludo, CFR, is in his most perceptive, dispassionate, blunt elements. 

In his most provocative intervention yet, in his Democracy Day speech, Governor Soludo diagnoses what may be Nigeria’s most fundamental political ailment: the absence of ideological foundation in its party system. 

His frank assessment that contemporary Nigerian politics consists of “one party, 'Nigerian Elite Plc' (NEP), with the sole goal of grabbing power and governing 'as the spirit directs'” represents perhaps the most dispassionate review of the country’s democratic adventure.

Governor Soludo’s prescription is equally bold: “...We must give our politics a soul by intentionally orchestrating ideologically driven political parties.” This clearly goes beyond just prescribing political reform to advocating the very survival of Nigerian democracy.

To understand the depth of Nigeria’s current politics, Governor Soludo invites us to examine what we have lost. His nostalgic reflection on the Second Republic (1979-1983) reveals a period when political parties actually meant something distinct. The six parties, GNPP, NPN, NPP, PRP, UPN, and NAP, were not just electoral vehicles but represented genuinely different visions for Nigeria’s future.

“I can still remember their ideologies and cardinal programmes,” Governor Soludo reminisces, “and I miss the rigorous ideological debates among parties of those days.” This is a resonant nostalgia for a time when politics had substance. 

Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s UPN states uniformly implemented “free education and free medical services,” while NPN states pursued “mass housing and green revolution” programmes. Citizens could then predict policy outcomes based on which party governed their state. Even the Third Republic’s brief experiment with ideologically defined parties, NRC as right of centre and SDP as left of centre, represented a more sophisticated approach to democratic organisation than today’s ideological vacuum.

Indeed, Governor Soludo’s concept of “Nigerian Elite Plc” brilliantly captures the reality of contemporary Nigerian politics. Rather than competing ideologies, what we have are “different factions of the NEP, largely split by quarrels over exclusion or inclusion in the ‘dining table’.” This analysis exposes the transactional nature of modern Nigerian politics, where principles matter less than proximity to power.

The governor’s observation that individuals who “can’t get a sit at the table suddenly realise that ‘nothing is working’” and either form new parties or join opposition movements “to fight for a better Nigeria”, which he correctly identifies as “a euphemism for 'bring me closer'”, reveals the cynical foundation of much political opposition in Nigeria.

This dynamic explains why Nigerian politics feels so predictable yet chaotic. Predictable because regardless of which faction wins, the fundamental approach to governance remains unchanged. Chaotic because without ideological anchors, policy directions shift with personnel changes and political calculations.

Then, Governor Soludo poses a poignant question about Nigeria’s two dominant parties: “Can you tell an APC or PDP state if you see one? What is the difference?” The inability to answer this question definitively exposes the bankruptcy of contemporary party politics. In healthy democracies, party control typically produces visible differences in policy priorities, governance approaches, and developmental outcomes.

The “speed with which people switch parties,” as Governor Soludo notes, testifies to the reality that “political parties are mere platforms of convenient opportunism, no principles, no public purpose, only personal convenience!” This political nomadism would be impossible if parties represented genuinely different worldviews. Even the APC, which began as a merger designed to challenge PDP dominance, represents what the governor describes as “a marriage of convenience” rather than ideological coherence. After “10 years of governing at the centre and controlling most states of Nigeria,” the party still lacks clear ideological foundations.

Perhaps, Governor Soludo’s most candid assessment concerns the registration process for political parties. His review reveals that party manifestos are “largely ‘copy and paste’, to scale through registration by INEC, with little or no substantive differences.” This bureaucratic approach to party formation ensures that new parties emerge not from genuine ideological movements but from administrative requirements.

The result is what Prof. Soludo identifies as an ideological paradox: “In substance, almost all the political parties subscribe to the social democratic ideals (left of centre). Ideologically speaking, there are no opposition political parties in Nigeria.” In other words, when everyone claims the same ideological space, ideology becomes meaningless. This explains why “the executive would still have to 'lobby' members of its own party in the legislature to support its agenda.” Without ideological discipline, party membership provides no guarantee of policy alignment.

So, what is the redemptive path forward? Governor Soludo’s solution is as radical as his diagnosis. He argues that “organising Nigerians around ideological divides is the sustainable way to mobilise citizens across ethnic and religious divides.” This represents a fundamental reimagining of Nigerian politics, moving from ethnic and regional calculations to ideological alignments. If done, the potential transformation would be profound. Instead of politics organised around “turn by turn” ethnic rotation or what he calls “Chop I Chop politics,” ideologically driven parties could create “transformational politics of development” that transcends parochial interests.

Yet, the governor also acknowledges uncertainty about implementation, as he says “I don’t know how the authentic parties will emerge”, but advocates for intentional intervention through “legislation or regulation.” This suggests that ideological party formation may require state intervention via constitutional guidance rather than organic development.

The timing of Governor Soludo’s intervention is really significant. Speaking on Democracy Day, he essentially argues that Nigerian democracy lacks its most essential component: meaningful ideological choice. Citizens can change governments but not governance approaches because all parties represent variations of the same elite consensus. His assertion that “the time for both was yesterday but today is still on time. Tomorrow may be too late” creates urgency around political reform. The warning also suggests that without ideological grounding, Nigerian democracy may continue to struggle with its current challenges.

On a more profound praxis, the Anambra State Governor’s vision extends beyond party politics to fundamental questions about Nigerian nationhood itself. Ideological parties could serve as vehicles for the “new Nigerian” he advocates, citizens organised around shared values rather than ethnic identities. Even the connection to his earlier theme of creating rather than rebuilding Nigeria becomes clear: ideological politics could provide the organising principle for national unity that ethnic federalism has failed to deliver.

Thus, Governor Soludo’s exposition forces uncomfortable questions about Nigeria’s democratic trajectory. If political parties are merely factions of the same elite club, can elections produce meaningful change? If all parties advocate similar policies, what does political choice really mean? This discussion implies that Nigeria’s political crisis runs deeper than corruption or bad leadership; it is about the absence of competing visions for the country’s future. Without ideological competition, politics becomes purely transactional, and democracy loses its transformative potential.

Compatriots, I don’t mean to scare you. I just thought we should do some cross-fertilisation of ideas and intellectual cobwebbing. What do you think can solve this rising cost of living crisis? Can you rely on the government for your daily survival? Do you believe things will get better with time? Are you hopeful of improved service delivery by government ministries, departments and agencies? Don’t you think it’s time to take responsibility? I mean, shouldn’t you and I take our destinies in our hands?

Last Thursday was June 12, our Democracy Day, and we commemorated 26 unbroken years of civil rule in this Fourth Republic, which started in 1999. The President addressed the nation at the joint session of the National Assembly. He gave an update on his achievements in two years in office, particularly in the economy and used the occasion to recognise the heroes and heroines of democracy, dead and alive, as he gave them national honours. In about three months from now, it will be October 1 and we will again roll out the drums in celebration of 65 years of our independence. However, amid this fanfare, how has the average Nigerian fared? Better or worse?

One of my hobbies, apart from writing, is listening to music. I like the oldies. The classic and timeless songs are across different genres. On reflection, I recall Fela Anikulapo’s timeless song “Shuffering and Shmiling” released in 1978; Dr Victor Olaiya, highlife maestro’s song titled “Ilu Le o”, which was released in 1983; I remember reggae star, Ras Kimono’s song “Under Pressure” and “What’s Gwan?” released in 1989 and 1990, respectively; “Formula 0-1-0” song by Chief Commander Ebenezer Obey released in 1989; African China’s song “Mr President” released in 2006; all of them decrying the rising cost of living. I asked myself, when will Nigeria become an El Dorado that our leaders, both civilian and military, have been promising us?   When shall we get to the Promised Land (of milk and honey)?

Patriots, don’t let anyone deceive you any longer; you’re O-Y-O (On Your Own) if you don’t know that by now, you’re living in denial. A friend shared three newspaper banner headlines with me last week, which I posted on my Facebook wall. The first one is titled “2015: Be patient with me, I will not let you down, Jonathan tells Nigerians” (Daily Post, August 18, 2014); the second one is titled “Be patient with me, Buhari begs Nigerians” (Vanguard, July 17, 2015); the third one says “Be patient with me, Tinubu begs Nigerians” (The PUNCH, June 1, 2025). Three presidents pleaded with their country’s people to be patient and bear with them. Will any future president have a different plea to make? Your guess is as good as mine.

What’s to be done? You and I have to develop coping mechanisms with the sustained rising cost of living. One such measure is to embrace family planning and child spacing. This is not the era of having a “battalion” of children. It’s a warped philosophy to continue to believe that the God who gives a child will miraculously provide what to eat for them. If it were to be so, nobody would be living in hunger and starvation. There should be no poor person who should not be able to feed. But today’s reality is that people are scavenging for food from refuse bins and trash cans. So, it is advisable to limit the number of children to between one and two maximum. China at a time came up with a one-child policy but that may not work in Nigeria because of our bigotry.  The current reality is that those with fewer children are able to better afford the basic necessities of lives and live decently than those with multitudes.

In times past, farmers had many children because they were of the view that these children would be able to assist them in farm work. That is no longer fashionable. The number of farmers has reduced considerably, while those who are farming in contemporary times no longer need manual labourers, as science and technology have made farming easy and less labour-intensive. Recall that it was the Industrial Revolution that facilitated the abolition of the slave trade. Thus, many farmers now want their children to go to school and train to be professionals like medical doctors, lawyers, architects, engineers, etc.

Another coping mechanism is for us to cut our coats, not according to our size, but according to our clothes. Yorubas will say, “Se bi o ti mo, elewa Sapon,” which denotatively means learn to live within your means. Borrow less, earn more. Leave out what you can’t afford. If you don’t earn like the Joneses, don’t live like them. If you can’t afford to live in a three-bedroom flat, go for the less expensive ones. If you can’t afford to send your child to a private school, you have the choice to send him or her to a public school. If the private hospitals are unaffordable to you, go to public hospitals. If you can’t afford imported goods, patronise the made-in-Nigeria ones. You don’t have to eat exotic cuisines; local foods are even more nutritious. It’s a manner of cooking! You can’t afford carbonated drinks, beverages, spirits, and wines? No problem, go for local versions like zobo, kunu, palm wine, burukutu, fura de nunu, kain-kain (local gin), etc. They are healthier and affordable.

It’s high time we started to discourage our children from going to tertiary institutions to read just any course. They have to be very choosy and survey the job environment or ecosystem for what employers need. How many employers need graduates of social sciences like political science, psychology, sociology and even economics? How many business owners need graduates of the humanities, such as history, philosophy, religious studies or languages?

It’s better to have vocational skills in contemporary times than to have useless degrees that cannot guarantee employment. Information communication technology has opened vistas of job opportunities that can make those who are skilled in it self-reliant. Look at the skit makers who are smiling at the banks now. They have a multitude of followers on social media and rake in millions of naira from advertisements, endorsements and sponsorships.

The Holy Book says a man’s talent will make a way for him. (Proverbs 18:16). Are you a talented writer, drummer, singer, actor, fashion designer, sculptor, web designer, or repairer?  You can prosper with your gift. Remember the Holy Book said, God will bless the work of your hands (Deuteronomy 28:12). It’s important to have two skills, no matter what you study in school. One is digital literacy, and the other is financial literacy. These are essentials, a sine qua non to daily living. All said and done, I am not here saying we should not demand good governance or dividends of democracy from our governments at all levels. However, what can they offer? At best, tokenism. Ask government employees if they are earning a living wage. The answer is capital NO! This is a time and season to have multiple streams of income to keep one’s head above water. Enough said!

This is the season of coalitions, alignments, and realignments of political forces ahead of the “magical” 2027, which may make or mar both the political and economic fortunes of politicians, their supporters, hangers-on, and their regions.

Coalitions, or crossing of political carpets, are not exactly new to Nigeria. In January 1952, some politicians, presumed to be members of the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons, joined forces with those of the Ibadan People’s Party and other independents to form the Action Group, led by Obafemi Awolowo, as Western Nigeria’s Leader of Government Business.

Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe, leader of the NCNC, left for Eastern Nigeria in 1953 and got someone to step down for him to contest a by-election to the Eastern Nigeria House of Assembly. Expectedly, he won and found a way to get Eyo Ita to yield the office of leader of government business to him.

Ahead of the 1965 general elections, the Northern Peoples’ Congress and the Nigerian National Democratic Party formed the Nigerian National Alliance against the United Progressives Grand Alliance of the AG and the NCNC. In 2012, David Cameron led the coalition government of the Conservative Party and the Liberal Democrats.

Within a mere two years, politicians of Northern Nigeria, who claimed to have ceded the presidency to the South in 2023, began clamouring for the power to return to their region. And some mercenary southern politicians, who profit by playing all games on all sides, are joining forces with them to oust their fellow southerner, President Bola Tinubu.

However, many Southern Nigerian politicians, gung-ho about retaining the presidency in 2027, are massing up to send signals about their intention to the northern political establishment that started the coalition idea, which is reminiscent of the watershed formation of the All Progressive Congress in 2013.

Nyesom Wike, a member of the People’s Democratic Party, who is now Minister of the Federal Capital Territory under the APC government, in his capacity as a core protagonist of the lobby to retain the presidency in Southern Nigeria, mocks what he describes as “coalitions that were born and died the same day”.

Also, President Tinubu cruelly taunted members of the opposition political parties who complained that his ruling APC was enticing their members with a most caustic jibe, “It is, indeed, a pleasure to witness you in such disarray.”

But the jibe cut both ways: Firstly, it may be a celebration of the APC’s winning streak. Secondly, it may also serve as a motivation for the opposition to regroup and get together to vigorously contest the political space with the APC ahead of 2027.

The President’s argument that “We cannot blame anybody seeking to bail out of a sinking ship”, is helped by Section 40 of the Constitution, which provides that “Every person shall be entitled to assemble freely and associate with other persons, and in particular… may form or belong to any political party”.

But he took pains to assure the opposition, and Nigerian citizens in general, that because “A greater power did not want Nigeria to become a one-party state… Nigeria will not become such a state now… A one-party state is not in the offing”.

The opposition may argue that action speaks louder than words by pointing to opposition party governors and legislators who moved to the APC. The President rubbed it when he made a point of welcoming the “newest members” of APC, led by Delta Governor Sheriff Oborevwori, Akwa Ibom State Governor Umo Eno and some members of the National Assembly and state legislatures.

Critics of the defectors accuse them of making a desperate beeline to the APC ahead of 2027 to gain access to Nigeria’s commonwealth or find refuge from the long arms of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission.

You may not be able to blame any politician who “ports” to a ruling party because of self-preservation. Section 40 of the Constitution allows every Nigerian to “form or belong to any political party… for the protection of his interest”, though it may sound unethical to purists.

Even Karl Marx and several other political thinkers have argued that political parties often serve the interests of the ruling class or the elite, which may include the personal interests of a small group of politicians, who find a clever way to make it look as if they are serving the interest of the citizens.

Those in the APC ruling party who fault opposition party members who are forming a coalition with the hope of wresting political power from President Tinubu in 2027 may not know that Section 84(1) of the Electoral Act allows “any two or more registered political parties (to) merge…”

So, neither the ruling party nor the opposition parties can fault each other as either pursues its interest in the political subterfuge that comes with the game of winning more numbers. Neither can question the motive of the other, as long as neither takes the path of insurrection or violence of any kind.

The APC that is “harvesting” members from other political parties has not broken any laws, nor are those forming coalitions to wrest power from it ahead of the “magical” 2027. The fault is in the Constitution and the Electoral Act, which do not insist that politicians and their political parties must have ideology or even manifestos.

The best attempt at recommending an ideology for Nigerian politicians is Section 224, which provides that “The programme as well as the aims and objectives of a political party shall conform with the provisions of Chapter II of (the 1999) Constitution.”

Unfortunately, Section (9)(6)(c) of the Constitution provides that “The judicial powers vested in (this Constitution) shall not… extend to any issue or question as to whether any act… is in conformity with the Fundamental Objectives and Directive Principles of State Policy set out in Chapter II of (the) Constitution.” In other words, citizens cannot compel the government to abide by the provisions of Chapter II.

Sections 65(2)(b), 106(d), 131(c) and 177(c) do not help much either. They merely require anyone who aspires to run for election into any of the legislative houses at the federal or sub-national level, the offices of president, governors and their deputies, to “be a member of a political party and is sponsored by that political party”.

So, those politicians who throw accusations and counteraccusations of playing bad politics against each other are merely playing the political game of brinkmanship in a political atmosphere that does not operate with ethics or stated ideology.

Those who leave the ruling APC may have been excluded from the share of sinecures or “stomach infrastructure” gains, while those who are joining APC from opposition parties may be doing so because of promises of some gains, a zero-sum game of what some lose is what others gain.

Any citizen who gets carried away by either side is showing his or her level of ignorance or gullibility. The rule of Nigerian democracy is that there are no rules of the game. For now, each player runs according to his perceived options.

A wise man admonishes that citizens in a democratic realm must never fall in love with politicians, whose sole concern is all about winning the next election to gain political power at all costs, even if it is to the detriment of the electorate.

It is hard to find any cheering news these days with the killings and wars being fought all over the world. And the needless controversy over a single flight of AirPeace when hundreds of other Airpeace flights are ferrying thousands of Nigerians safely to different parts of the world daily without any social media commendation. 

Meanwhile, the Creator of the Universe also takes great delight in the little things and small moments in people’s lives, largely unacknowledged and unappreciated. 

Earlier today, I took up Tito’s challenge. By the way, my son is now a big ‘man’ of 11. 

I put on my Green and White kit, dusted by soccer trainers, and returned to the football field for our second one-on-one football challenge in 3 days. 

For three decades I had left football alone. I don’t play the game anymore. I play tennis. 

My last serious football match was at the finals of the 1984 African Club Championship in Lagos. My team, Shooting Stars FC, lost that match, and I never played football at that level again. 

 Of late, Tito’s friends in school have been asking him questions about his Dad. They are all big boys now, and his father’s name rings a bell amongst them. They watch videos of him on the internet, disturb Tito about it, and arouse his own interest not only in football but in his famous father. 

To fill Tito’s appetite for information beyond the videos on the internet, he dares me to face him in a physical one-on-one game of football. I take him up on it. 

Three days ago, we had our first challenge. 

I struggled and tried to bridge the years of my inaction. I gave a fair account of myself, losing narrowly but gallantly by 11 goals to 8. Tito ‘flew’ all over the place, celebrating. 

Earlier today, we had the return-leg. 

This time, I was more prepared, determined to give him a dose of his own medicine.

For the 30 minutes that the game lasted I was not ashamed to put on display the full array of my forgotten skills and leg-overs. ‘Thunder’ Balogun and ‘Jay Jay’ Okocha would have been proud of me. The only things missing were the dazzling runs and deadly headers. 

Ok, the quick reaction also no longer exists, and the knees are now weak and wobbly. The ‘banana’ shots in my right foot have also disappeared. Only my knack for goal-scoring remains intact, and I capitalized. 

I leaned often on Tito’s smaller but growing frame, shielded the ball from him, ‘kicked’ him around the ankle a few times to show him who was boss, shoved him to the ground once, and scored 7 ‘great’ goals. 

At the end of the game, I raised my fist high, and gave Tito a ‘knuckle bump’ for putting up a good fight. I was happy that, once again, I ‘showed him pepper’. 

Unfortunately, the ‘bad’ news again today is that despite my gallantry and hard work, he scored 10 times against me. I lost by 10-7. 

Anyway, my consolation is that my football is on the way back, slowly but surely. 

I can’t wait for the next time to show Tito again who is ‘Oga’. I shall deal with that ‘Yeye Boy’ 

Dr. Olusegun Odegbami, MON, OLY, AFNIIA, FNIS, GS Ambassador.

The North-East chapter of the All Progressives Congress (APC) on Sunday officially endorsed the continuation of the Tinubu/Shettima presidential ticket ahead of the 2027 general elections, citing major achievements made under the current administration.

The endorsement came during the North-East APC Consultative Meeting held in Gombe, the state capital, where leading political figures, party stakeholders, and a wide array of supporters convened to reaffirm their loyalty and chart a course for the region’s political future.

Prominent among those present were Governors Babagana Umara Zulum (Borno), Mai Mala Buni (Yobe), and Inuwa Yahaya (Gombe), alongside the APC National Chairman, Dr. Abdullahi Umar Ganduje; Deputy National Chairman (North), Alhaji Ali Bukar Dalori; and other senior party officials.

Delivering a keynote address, Governor Zulum praised the Tinubu-led administration’s performance since assuming office in 2023, pointing to achievements in health, education, women and youth empowerment, fiscal reforms, and national cohesion.

“This administration has shown that it is possible to lead with purpose, reform with courage, and unite with compassion. The North-East is solidly behind President Tinubu and Vice President Shettima because the results are visible,” Zulum declared.

He stressed that a renewed mandate in 2027 would consolidate the progress made under the “Renewed Hope” agenda, describing it as the most ambitious and inclusive national development plan in recent years.

Also speaking, Governor Buni said that the Tinubu/Shettima leadership has rekindled national confidence, especially in the North-East, where security, infrastructure, and youth engagement have markedly improved.

The party leaders called on Nigerians across regions to rally behind the APC, stating that continuity in governance is essential to building on current reforms and delivering a stable and prosperous Nigeria.

Reddit has launched two artificial intelligence-powered features to enhance advertising performance on its platform by tapping into user conversations on the platform.

The first feature, Reddit Insights powered by Community Intelligence, offers advertisers access to real-time trends and conversations across Reddit communities.

The tool allows marketers to test ad ideas, identify conversations, and shape messaging based on emerging topics.

According to Reddit, the tool offers real-time insights to marketers for planning campaigns by identifying trends on the platform and testing campaign ideas.

The second feature, called Conversation Summary Add-ons, enables brands to highlight positive user feedback underneath their ads. This addition will allow brands to showcase the favorable reception of their products or campaigns within the Reddit community.

Tech giants race to automate ads with AI 

Reddit is not alone in embracing artificial intelligence to reshape digital advertising. Meta has announced plans to fully automate ad creation and targeting on Facebook and Instagram by the end of 2026. The system will be capable of generating entire campaigns using product images and budgets, then optimizing them in real time based on user data.

TikTok is also scaling its Symphony AI ad suite, which enables brands to produce influencer-style videos using realistic AI avatars. This approach allows marketers to replicate creator-driven content at scale, making high-volume, personalized ad production more feasible.

Snapchat is also pushing forward with its own AI ad innovations. The app is currently piloting features like personalized ad templates, automated budget optimization, AR commerce tools, and dynamic ads tailored to user behavior.

What you should know 

Reddit’s ad tech investments appear to be paying off, with first-quarter revenue rising 61% to $392.4 million and profit per share beating expectations at 13 cents.

According to Reuters, the platform saw a 31% increase in daily active unique visitors, reaching 108.1 million, while its active advertiser base grew by over 50% year-on-year.

• The company filed a lawsuit against artificial intelligence company Anthropic in California in June, accusing it of illegally scraping user comments to train its Claude chatbot. Reddit claims that Anthropic used automated bots to access the platform’s data without permission and trained its AI models using personal user information.
• Chief Legal Officer Ben Lee emphasized that, unlike Anthropic, Reddit has signed licensing agreements with companies like Google and OpenAI. These deals not only help fund Reddit’s business but also enable the platform to enforce important user protections—such as the right to delete content and safeguards against spam.

Lee stated that AI companies should not be allowed to scrape information and content from people without clear limitations on how they can use that data. Anthropic has denied the claims and says it will defend itself vigorously.

[Nairametrics]

Since President Bola Ahmed Tinubu took office on May 29, 2023, the Nigerian economy has been placed under what looks like economic life support. His team has spoken of “bold reforms” and a long-overdue rescue mission. But as it stands today, there is a lingering, unavoidable question: “Is the economy slowly recuperating or still gasping for breath in the Intensive Care Unit (ICU)?”

From Tinubu’s corner, the narrative is one of strategic surgery, cutting off the fuel subsidy tumor, realigning the foreign exchange market, expanding the tax base, and opening up to foreign investment. Supporters brand these reforms as painful but necessary for long-term economic healing. They argue that the government is setting up a new foundation and that stability, albeit slow, is on the horizon.

You will often hear members of the ruling APC tout recent naira appreciation, increased oil production, and foreign engagements as signs that Nigeria is “getting better.” According to them, these are early signs of economic stabilization. “This is the beginning of confidence returning to the market,” one APC stalwart claimed on national television.

But go beyond the podiums and press releases, into the marketplaces of Lagos, the roads of Warri, the schools of Aba, and the homes of pensioners in Kano, and a harsher truth emerges. For millions of Nigerians, the economy does not feel like it is recuperating. It feels like it is on life support, if not already flat lined.

Prices of food have continued to soar beyond reason. Transportation costs have doubled in many cities. Electricity is still epileptic. Job losses are mounting. The average Nigerian can no longer feed, fuel, or find footing. Talk to small business owners, civil servants, artisans, or retirees, and you will hear the same refrain: “Stabilization for who?”

As one trader in Ogba in Lagos bluntly puts it, “They say the economy is recovering. Maybe in Abuja. But for us here, we cannot even eat twice a day.” That is not recovery, it is survival.

What we are seeing is not just economic hardship, it is what economists have termed a “vibecession”, a situation where official data says things are getting better, but the people feel worse. According to global trends, vibecessions occur when the macroeconomic indicators (like GDP growth or forex stability) are disconnected from the public’s lived reality, rising prices, job insecurity, and general hopelessness.

Yes, inflation is a global concern. Yes, exchange rates needed fixing. Yes, subsidies were unsustainable. But reforms without cushioning measures are like sending patients into surgery without anesthesia. The pain is unbearable, and in Nigeria’s case, dangerously destabilizing.

Take Egypt and India as examples. Both countries removed fuel subsidies but coupled the move with well-structured cash transfers and targeted support programs. India reached over 160 million households with direct payments. Egypt expanded its Karama and Takaful programs to cover millions. The result? Protests were limited, and the public gradually bought into the reform.

In contrast, Nigeria’s approach has been lopsided. While implementing hard-hitting reforms, the government rolled out palliatives that were poorly designed, inconsistently distributed, and grossly inadequate. The so-called relief packages, bags of rice, token transfers, came late, missed the poorest, and in some cases, became political tools. Meanwhile, government spending on direct social protection remains below 2% of the 2024 budget. Compare that with over 45% spent on debt servicing, and you begin to see why the economy feels like it’s in the ICU, not recovery mode.

The latest data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) paints a grim picture: 133 million Nigerians are considered multidimensionally poor. With rising food costs, declining job opportunities, and no clear safety nets, that number is likely climbing. Even the World Bank and IMF, both cautiously optimistic, have warned that without strong social investment, the so-called economic rebirth may collapse under public frustration.

To his credit, Tinubu’s Central Bank under Yemi Cardoso has taken steps to stabilize the naira, rebuild reserves, and rein in inflation. But the effects are yet to be felt on the streets. For now, stabilization remains a theory in conference rooms, not a reality in Nigerian homes.

Let’s call a spade a spade. The economy is not yet out of the ICU. Yes, some vital signs are improving, exchange rate stabilization, policy reforms, and external support, but without real social cushioning, the patient (Nigeria) is still bleeding.

In fact, it is fair to say that the country is now floating in a limbo, not yet healed, not yet dead, just drifting between economic coma and fragile stabilization. It is the kind of uncertainty that fuels distrust, disillusionment, and despair.

Public confidence is low, and history has made Nigerians wary. So even when Tinubu’s team means well, skepticism runs high. Nigerians have seen this script before, grand economic reforms that do not reach the masses. For many, the big question remains: “When will this economic turnaround become more than talk?” “When will Nigerians feel the change in their pockets, not just in press briefings?”

For now, the answer is not clear. What is clear is that time is running out. Patience is thinning. And the average Nigerian is tired of being told to “endure” while leaders promise a tomorrow that never seems to arrive.

So, is Tinubu’s economy still in ICU or just recuperating? In answering the foregoing question, it is not wrong to opine that it is both, as it is showing faint signs of recovery on paper, but still critically unstable across homes and markets. Until the reforms are matched with real, robust, and consistent social protection, jobs, food access, business support, and healthcare, the economy will remain suspended between the promise of reform and the pain of reality. In the meantime, Nigerians are waiting, some with hope, others with hunger.