The chairman of the House of Representatives Committee on Public Accounts, Oluwole Oke, has resigned from the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP.

The lawmaker, who represents Obokun/Oriade Federal Constituency of Osun State, announced his resignation in a letter addressed to the Chairman of the PDP in Wurd 7, Obokun Local Government Area of the state.

Oke, a six-term legislator, announced his decision to quit the PDP on Wednesday.

“I wish to formally notify you that I am resigning my membership of the
Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, with immediate effect,” the lawmaker said.

He added that the decision was concluded after consultation and engagement with political associates, family and friends.

“It is my wish that you accept my resignation in good faith,” he added in the letter.

Oke also copied the National Chairman, State Chairman and the Local Government Chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party.

[DailyPost]

The Speaker, House of Representatives, Hon. Tajudeen Abbas, has presented a cheque of N18 million to the Enugu state government as support to the victims of the January 25 petrol tanker explosion at Ugwu Onyeama on the Enugu-Onitsha Expressway, which claimed several lives.

The speaker described the incident as a huge loss, not only to the government and the people of Enugu State, but also to the nation as a whole.

He noted that the support was in keeping with the tradition of the House of Representatives to ensure that governments and people of Nigeria do not stand alone in the face of such challenges.

Abbas, who was represented by the Hon. Nnolim Nnaji-led Enugu State Caucus in the Green Chamber, which also had Hon. Martins Oke, Hon. Dennis Agbo, Hon. Mark Obetta, Hon. Anayo Onwuegbu, and Hon. Chimaobi Atu on its delegation, commended Mbah for his sterling leadership of the state and the prompt effort to comfort the families who lost their loved ones and support the injured. 

“On behalf of the Speaker of the House of Representatives, we commiserate with the Government and people of Enugu State over the tanker incident at Ugwu Onyeama. We acknowledge that you have done a lot to support both the injured and those who lost their loved ones.

“So, this is a cheque for N18 million to assist the state to further ameliorate their losses and challenges occasioned by the incident. The Speaker sends his heartfelt condolences once again. And you can continue to count on the support of the Speaker and the House,” Hon. Nnaji stated. 

Governor Mbah thanked the speaker and the Enugu State Caucus of the House of Representatives for the show of concern, assuring that the donation would go straight to the purpose for which it was made.

“On behalf of the Government and people of Enugu State, I express profound gratitude and deep appreciation for this wonderful gesture. I recall that when the Ugwu Onyeama incident occurred, taking the lives of several of our loved ones, the Speaker called and assured us that he was with us in prayer.

“Today, he has also shown us that he is not only with us in prayers, but also materially. He has equally come to mourn with us. This cheque for N18 million will go a long way in cushioning the effect of the incident on those affected and their families.

“Rest assured that as a government, we will ensure that this gets to them in a transparent, accountable, and just manner,” he stated.

[Thenation]

The Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike, has summoned top officials of the FCT Administration as well as construction giant Julius Berger over revelations that a section of the International Conference Centre rehabilitation project was subcontracted without his approval.

Wike, who visited the ICC and the N16 road project in Gishiri on Wednesday, expressed dissatisfaction after learning that the furniture installation for the conference hall had been handed over to another contractor by the Abuja Investments Company Limited.

Describing the development as unacceptable, the minister stated that the entire project was awarded solely to Julius Berger and should not have been fragmented.

“I was surprised to hear that there is a different contractor for that, which is unacceptable to us.
The job was given to Julius Berger entirely. I cannot have different qualities. We cannot say that the floor upstairs is furnished by Julius Berger and the down is furnished by another company. It is not acceptable to me.” Wike said.

Wike also questioned who would bear the financial responsibility for the unauthorized furnishing contract, noting that he personally approved the project’s budget.

“I have invited Julius Berger, I have invited the Executive Secretary of the FCDA and the MD of the Abuja Investments Company Limited to know who did that, and if anybody is found culpable, of course, I must have to apply the big stick.

“Nobody should be a sacred cow. Nobody can do something that you know is not in terms with what we have agreed.

“I am not doubting the quality of work there. What I have said is that the quality of work is generally very fine. How they removed the furnishing of the conference hall from Julius Berger is what I do not know. And so, that is why I summoned the Acting ES, FCDA, and the GMD of Abuja Investments Company Limited and Julius Berger, to come and tell us who did that, and also on whose approval, because I approve and I know the amount of money.

“So, when they say Abuja Investments is the one who is going to pay for it? I am not going to accept that, and of course, you know, if anything shady went on, you will hear that I have applied the big stick. Nobody will be a sacred cow”

Despite the concern, the minister commended the quality of work done so far and expressed optimism that contractors would meet the set deadlines, citing security reports indicating that many have been working round the clock.

“I am impressed with the pace and quality of the work generally.

“But due process must be followed. Any shady deal will be dealt with decisively,” he said.

In a major political shake-up in Delta State, Governor Sheriff Oborevwori, his predecessor Senator Ifeanyi Okowa, and several key stakeholders of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) have officially defected to the All Progressives Congress (APC).

The announcement was made Wednesday after a high-level stakeholders meeting held at the Government House, Asaba.

Speaking to journalists after the meeting, Delta State Commissioner for Works (Rural Roads) and Public Information, Mr. Charles Aniagwu, explained that the decision to abandon the PDP was born out of the need to align with a political platform that would better serve the development goals of the state and the interests of Deltans.

“For some time now, the media has been speculating about the political direction of Delta State,” Aniagwu said. “Our Governor and leaders have been carrying out wide consultations, and after careful deliberations, we reached a unanimous decision. The political temperature has changed — the taste of the palm wine, so to speak, has changed — and we must adjust our drinking pattern accordingly.”

He continued: “This move is aimed at ensuring that Delta State continues on the path of development, security, and progress. Remaining in the PDP, given the current circumstances, would only truncate that journey.”

Echoing similar sentiments, former Senator for Delta South and pioneer PDP Chairman in the state, Senator James Manager, emphasized that the decision was not taken lightly, but was a necessary response to the internal issues plaguing the PDP.

“I have been with the PDP from the very beginning, so this is a very emotional moment for me,” Manager said. “But when a ship is sinking, you don’t stay onboard out of sentiment. We had extensive consultations, and today marks the climax of those discussions. What we have now is a collective and unanimous decision to chart a new course.”

Also present at the pivotal meeting were Delta State Deputy Governor Sir Monday Onyeme, former Governor Ifeanyi Okowa, Speaker of the State House of Assembly Rt. Hon. Emomotimi Guwor, members of the National and State Assemblies, commissioners, local government chairmen, and other party officials and stakeholders.

The defection represents a significant shift in Delta State’s political landscape, marking the first time since 1999 that a sitting governor and a former governor have collectively abandoned the PDP for another party.

With this move, Delta State politics enters a new era, as the former PDP stronghold braces for what many are calling a realignment of forces ahead of the 2027 general elections.

[Vanguard]

President Bola Tinubu says the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) must undergo bold and comprehensive reforms to address future challenges.

Tinubu, who is also the ECOWAS chairman, spoke on Tuesday as officials convened in Accra, Ghana to deliberate the implications of the exit of Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso.

Tinubu urged the bloc to rededicate itself to the spirit of pan-Africanism that inspired its founders.

“I reaffirm Nigeria’s unwavering commitment to the fundamental principles that bind us: democracy, the rule of law, good governance, and regional solidarity,” he said.

“These are not just ideals; they are the foundations for peace, development, and the dignity of our people.”

He urged ECOWAS to remain open and willing to engage in sustained, constructive dialogue with Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso in hopes of reconciliation and reintegration.

“At the same time, there is an urgent need to implement bold, comprehensive reforms that will enhance our institutions’ effectiveness, relevance, and credibility to meet the challenges of today and the future,” he added.

“By embracing these imperatives, the organisation can better respond to its people’s evolving needs and advance sustainable development, stability, and prosperity across the region.”

The president said youths across the region must be placed at the centre of the bloc’s agenda, and asked member states to prioritise investments in education.

He also called for the acceleration of the realisation of a single currency and strengthened infrastructure corridors to connect markets and minds.

[TheCable]

Since gaining independence from British colonial rule in 1960, Nigeria has struggled to translate its vast human and natural resources into sustainable socio-economic development. Despite its enormous potential, the country has been plagued by persistent challenges including pervasive corruption, ineffective leadership, weak institutions, and socio-political instability. The discovery of crude oil in Oloibiri in 1956, which promised prosperity, has instead contributed to what is widely described as the “Resource Curse.” This phenomenon has seen billions of dollars in oil revenue squandered or misappropriated, leaving Nigeria lagging behind countries like Singapore, Malaysia, Vietnam, South Korea, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE), which were at similar developmental stages in the late 1950s and early 1960s. In Africa, countries such as South Africa, Rwanda, Ghana, Mauritius, and Seychelles have made significant strides in good governance and development, outpacing Nigeria in key indicators like infrastructure, human development, and economic stability.
This report examines Nigeria’s governance challenges, contrasts its trajectory with that of selected African and global countries that have successfully enthroned good governance, and explores the role of Nigerian youths in driving transformative change. It also analyzes the systemic issues hindering Nigeria’s progress, including leadership failures, electoral malpractices, and the failure to implement critical reforms like the Steve Oronsaye Report. The report concludes with recommendations for Nigeria to reset its developmental trajectory through credible elections, accountable leadership, and youth-led activism.

Nigeria’s Governance and Development Challenges
Historical Context:
At independence in 1960, Nigeria adopted the Westminster parliamentary system, which showed early promise under the leadership of figures like Sir Tafawa Balewa, Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe, Dr Michael Okpara, Sir Ahmadu Bello, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Dr. Dennis Osadebe and Chief Ladoke Akintola.

The country inherited functional infrastructure, a vibrant civil service, and a relatively stable economy driven by agriculture (cocoa, groundnuts, and palm oil), in the four healthy competing regions of the federation. However, the military coups of 1966, followed by the Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970), and subsequent military interventions disrupted this trajectory, ushering in decades of instability.
The oil boom of the 1970s brought unprecedented wealth, but rather than catalyzing development, the oil boom went into consumption and importation of sundry luxury goods which fueled corruption, misplaced priorities, mismanagement, and a dependency on oil revenues. Nigeria’s adoption of the U.S.-style presidential system in 1979, coupled with the creation of 36 states and a bloated federal structure, increased governance costs and inefficiency.

Today, the Tinubu administration (2023–present) oversees a cabinet of about fifty ministers, some with overlapping roles between ministries and agencies, despite the long standing recommendations of the Steve Oronsaye Report (2012) to merge or scrap some redundant entities.

The Resource Curse:
The discovery of oil in 1956 transformed Nigeria into one of the world’s major oil producers, yet the wealth did not translate into broad-based development. According to the World Bank, Nigeria’s GDP per capita in 2023 was $1,596, compared to $11,379 for Malaysia and $33,121 for South Korea, both of which were at similar developmental levels in the 1960s. The Resource Curse manifests in several ways:
• Corruption: Billions of dollars in oil revenue have been siphoned off by political and military elites. Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) 2024 ranked Nigeria 140 out of 180 countries, with a score of 26/100.
• Economic Mismanagement: Over-reliance on oil has led to the neglect of agriculture and manufacturing, leaving the economy vulnerable to global oil price fluctuations.
• Inequality: Despite oil wealth, 38% of Nigerians (approximately 83 million people) lived below the poverty line in 2024, according to the National Bureau of Statistics.

Leadership Failures:
Chinua Achebe’s assertion in his book, The Trouble with Nigeria (1983) that “the trouble with Nigeria is simply and squarely a failure of leadership” remains relevant. Successive administrations have lacked the vision, discipline, and commitment to prioritize development. Key issues include:
• Electoral Malpractices: Nigeria’s elections are often marred by violence, voter intimidation, and rigging. The 2023 general elections, for instance, were criticized by some international observers for logistical failures and allegations of manipulation.
• Judicial Compromise: The judiciary, meant to uphold electoral integrity, has been accused of compromising justice, thereby undermining public trust.
• Policy Inconsistency: Frequent policy reversals and failure to implement reforms, such as the Oronsaye Report, have hindered progress.
Current Challenges
Nigeria faces multifaceted challenges that stifle development:
• Insecurity: Militant attacks in the Niger Delta, Boko Haram insurgency in the Northeast, and widespread kidnappings deter investment and disrupt economic activities.
• Infrastructure Deficits: Erratic electricity supply, with an average of 4,000 MW for a population of over 200 million, contrasts sharply with South Africa’s 50,000 MW for 60 million people.
• Unfriendly Business Environment: Nigeria ranks 131 out of 190 countries in the World Bank’s 2023 Doing Business Index, reflecting bureaucratic bottlenecks and corruption. It must be mentioned that the current Tinubu government took some bold and positive decisions to remove the corruption-laden fuel subsidy, which had corruptly enriched some oil marketers and deprived the country of savings for other sectors of the economy. The administration also harmonized the hitherto multiple foreign exchange rates at the Central Bank of Nigeria. Although this came with the usual pain of structural adjustment as a result of the devaluation of the local currency, however, if properly managed and the savings there from channeled to alleviate the sufferings of the populace to would be understandable. Based on a people-centric initiatives that the administration should embark upon, the long run effects would be positive for the country.
• Debt Burden: Nigeria’s external and domestic debt stock as at Q1 2024 stood at $91.46 billion, with debt servicing consuming a significant portion of revenue.

Countries with Good Governance and High Development
To understand Nigeria’s shortcomings, it is instructive to examine countries that have successfully enthroned good governance and achieved significant development. Following are examples from Africa (South Africa, Rwanda, Ghana, Mauritius, Seychelles) and globally (Singapore, Malaysia, South Korea, UAE, Vietnam), highlighting their governance models, policies, and outcomes.
African Countries
1. Rwanda
• Governance Model: Rwanda, under President Paul Kagame since 1994, has adopted a technocratic, centralized governance model emphasizing accountability, anti-corruption, and performance-based leadership.
• Key Policies:
• Vision 2020 and Vision 2050: Long-term development plans focusing on economic diversification, technology, and human capital development.
• Anti-Corruption Measures: Rwanda ranks 49 on the 2023 CPI with a score of 53/100, the highest in Africa. The Rwanda Governance Board enforces strict anti-corruption laws.
• Digital Transformation: Rwanda has invested heavily in ICT, with initiatives like the Kigali Innovation City and widespread broadband access.
• Outcomes:
• GDP per capita grew from $206 in 2000 to $1,071 in 2024.
• Rwanda ranks 38 in the 2023 Doing Business Index, reflecting a business-friendly environment.
• Universal healthcare coverage and a 98% primary school enrollment rate.
• Example: The transformation of Kigali into a clean, modern city with efficient public services contrasts with Nigeria’s urban decay in cities like Lagos.
2. Ghana
• Governance Model: Ghana has maintained a stable democracy since 1992, with peaceful transitions of power and a vibrant civil society.
• Key Policies:
• Economic Diversification: Investments in agriculture (cocoa, gold) and services have reduced reliance on single commodities.
• Electoral Integrity: The Electoral Commission of Ghana is widely respected, ensuring credible elections.
• Education Reform: Free senior secondary education introduced in 2017 has boosted literacy rates to 80%.
• Outcomes:
• GDP per capita of $2,363 in 2023, higher than Nigeria’s.
• Ghana ranks 70 on the 2023 CPI, with a score of 43/100.
• Stable electricity supply and growing tech hubs like Accra’s Silicon Valley.
• Example: Ghana’s handling of the 2016 and 2020 elections, with minimal violence and transparent results, contrasts with Nigeria’s contentious electoral processes.
3. Mauritius
• Governance Model: Mauritius operates a parliamentary democracy with strong institutions, rule of law, and a meritocratic civil service.
• Key Policies:
• Economic Diversification: Transition from sugar-based economy to financial services, tourism, and ICT.
• Ease of Doing Business: Mauritius ranks 13 in the 2023 Doing Business Index, the highest in Africa.
• Social Welfare: Free healthcare and education have reduced poverty to 10.6%.
• Outcomes:
• GDP per capita of $10,256 in 2023, among the highest in Africa.
• High Human Development Index (HDI) score of 0.802.
• Stable political environment with no history of military coups.
• Example: Mauritius’ Port Louis is a global financial hub, attracting foreign investment, unlike Nigeria’s struggling ports.
4. Seychelles
• Governance Model: Seychelles combines democratic governance with a focus on sustainability and tourism-driven growth.
• Key Policies:
• Environmental Sustainability: Policies to protect marine ecosystems and promote eco-tourism.
• Human Capital: High investment in education and healthcare, with a literacy rate of 96%.
• Anti-Corruption: Seychelles ranks 20 on the 2023 CPI, with a score of 70/100.
• Outcomes:
• GDP per capita of $17,879 in 2023, the highest in Africa.
• HDI score of 0.802, reflecting high living standards.
• Stable and secure environment, ideal for tourism.
• Example: Seychelles’ focus on sustainable tourism has created a resilient economy, unlike Nigeria’s oil-dependent model.
5. South Africa
• Governance Model: South Africa’s post-apartheid democracy is anchored by a robust constitution, independent judiciary, and active civil society.
• Key Policies:
• Industrialization: Investments in mining, manufacturing, and renewable energy.
• Social Programs: Extensive welfare programs, including child grants and housing subsidies.
• Anti-Corruption: The Public Protector and anti-corruption agencies, though challenged, provide oversight.
• Outcomes:
• GDP per capita of $6,766 in 2023.
• Advanced infrastructure, including Africa’s largest port (Durban) and reliable electricity grid.
• HDI score of 0.713, higher than Nigeria’s 0.548.
• Example: South Africa’s renewable energy program, which added 6,000 MW of clean energy by 2023, contrasts with Nigeria’s persistent power shortages.
Global Countries
1. Singapore
• Governance Model: Singapore’s meritocratic, technocratic governance under the People’s Action Party (PAP) emphasizes efficiency, anti-corruption, and long-term planning.
• Key Policies:
• Anti-Corruption: The Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau (CPIB) enforces zero-tolerance policies. Singapore ranks 5 on the 2023 CPI (score: 83/100).
• Economic Diversification: From a trading post in the 1960s to a global financial and tech hub.
• Education and Innovation: Heavy investment in STEM education and R&D, with 2.6% of GDP spent on research.
• Outcomes:
• GDP per capita of $91,794 in 2023, among the world’s highest.
• HDI score of 0.949, reflecting exceptional living standards.
• World-class infrastructure, including Changi Airport and efficient public transport.
• Example: Singapore’s transformation from a resource-scarce nation to a global economic powerhouse contrasts with Nigeria’s mismanagement of oil wealth.
2. Malaysia
• Governance Model: Malaysia’s parliamentary democracy, though imperfect, has prioritized economic development and social cohesion.
• Key Policies:
• New Economic Policy (NEP): Promoted industrialization and poverty reduction in the 1970s–1990s.
• Vision 2020: Aimed to make Malaysia a developed nation by 2020, achieved in part through technology and manufacturing.
• Anti-Corruption: The Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) has prosecuted high-profile cases.
• Outcomes:
• GDP per capita of $13,382 in 2023.
• HDI score of 0.810, reflecting strong human development.
• Advanced manufacturing sector, producing electronics and automobiles.
• Example: Malaysia’s Penang tech hub, a global leader in semiconductor production, highlights the success of targeted industrial policies, unlike Nigeria’s neglected manufacturing sector.
3. South Korea
• Governance Model: South Korea’s transition from military rule to democracy in the 1980s was accompanied by strong state-led development policies.
• Key Policies:
• Chaebol System: Government support for conglomerates like Samsung and Hyundai drove industrialization.
• Education Reform: Universal education and focus on STEM produced a highly skilled workforce.
• Anti-Corruption: South Korea ranks 32 on the 2023 CPI (score: 63/100), with ongoing reforms.
• Outcomes:
• GDP per capita of $35,146 in 2023.
• HDI score of 0.925, among the world’s highest.
• Global leader in technology, with brands like Samsung and LG.
• Example: South Korea’s rapid industrialization, from one of the world’s poorest nations in the 1950s to a tech giant, underscores the power of visionary leadership, unlike Nigeria’s policy inertia.
4. United Arab Emirates (UAE)
• Governance Model: The UAE’s monarchical system combines traditional leadership with modern governance, prioritizing economic diversification and innovation.
• Key Policies:
• Vision 2021 and 2071: Long-term plans to diversify from oil to tourism, finance, and technology.
• Zero-Tolerance for Corruption: The UAE ranks 26 on the 2023 CPI (score: 67/100).
• Infrastructure Investment: World-class projects like Dubai International Airport and Burj Khalifa.
• Outcomes:
• GDP per capita of $53,916 in 2023.
• HDI score of 0.937, reflecting high living standards.
• Global hub for trade, tourism, and finance.
• Example: The UAE’s transformation of Dubai into a global city contrasts with Nigeria’s underutilized economic potential in cities like Lagos.
5. Vietnam
• Governance Model: Vietnam’s single-party communist system emphasizes economic liberalization and anti-corruption.
• Key Policies:
• Doi Moi Reforms (1986): Shifted from a centrally planned economy to a market-oriented one.
• Foreign Investment: Attracted multinationals like Samsung and Intel through tax incentives and infrastructure.
• Education: High literacy rate (95%) and focus on vocational training.
• Outcomes:
• GDP per capita of $4,623 in 2023, double Nigeria’s.
• HDI score of 0.726, higher than Nigeria’s.
• Global leader in electronics and textile exports.
• Example: Vietnam’s rise as a manufacturing hub, producing 20% of Samsung’s global output, highlights the success of pragmatic reforms, unlike Nigeria’s stagnant industrial sector.

Comparative Analysis: Why Nigeria Lags Behind
1. Leadership and Vision:
• Countries like Rwanda, Singapore, and South Korea have benefited from visionary leaders (Kagame, Lee Kuan Yew, Park Chung-hee) who prioritized long-term development over personal gain. In contrast, Nigeria’s leaders have often pursued short-term, self-serving agendas.
• Example: Rwanda’s Vision 2020 was meticulously implemented, while Nigeria’s Vision 2020 (launched in 2009) was abandoned due to policy inconsistency.
2. Anti-Corruption Measures:
• Singapore, Mauritius, and the UAE enforce strict anti-corruption laws, with independent agencies like Singapore’s CPIB and Mauritius’ ICAC. Nigeria’s Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) is often politicized, undermining its effectiveness.
• Example: Singapore’s prosecution of ministers for corruption contrasts with Nigeria’s frequent pardons of corrupt officials.
3. Electoral Integrity:
• Ghana and Mauritius have credible electoral systems, ensuring peaceful power transitions. Nigeria’s elections are marred by violence and manipulation, discouraging competent candidates.
• Example: Ghana’s 2024 election saw the opposition win without violence, while Nigeria’s 2023 election faced widespread allegations of rigging.
4. Economic Diversification:
• Malaysia, Vietnam, and the UAE have diversified their economies, reducing reliance on single commodities. Nigeria remains heavily dependent on oil, which accounts for 90% of export earnings.
• Example: Malaysia’s shift to electronics contrasts with Nigeria’s neglect of agriculture, once a mainstay of its economy.
5. Infrastructure Investment:
• South Africa, Singapore, and the UAE have invested heavily in infrastructure, boosting economic growth. Nigeria’s infrastructure, particularly power and transport, remains inadequate.
• Example: South Africa’s Gautrain rapid rail system contrasts with Nigeria’s dilapidated rail network.
6. Youth Engagement:
• Rwanda and Ghana have empowered youths through education and tech initiatives. Nigeria’s youths, despite comprising 70% of the population, are marginalized by unemployment (33% in 2023) and lack of political voice.
• Example: Rwanda’s YouthConnekt program engages young people in governance, while Nigeria’s youths are often excluded from decision-making.

The Role of Nigerian Youths in Driving Change
With over 70% of Nigeria’s population under 35, the youth demographic represents a powerful force for change. However, their potential has been stifled by systemic barriers, including unemployment, poor education, and political exclusion. To reset Nigeria’s trajectory, youths must take the following steps:
1. Voter Education and Participation:
• Youths must educate themselves on the electoral process and actively participate in elections. The #EndSARS protests of 2020 demonstrated their organizational capacity, which can be channeled into voter mobilization.
• Example: Ghana’s youth-led voter education campaigns in 2024 contributed to high turnout and credible elections.
2. Demanding Electoral Reforms:
• Youths should advocate for electoral reforms, including electronic voting and independent oversight of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).
• Example: Rwanda’s use of technology in elections ensures transparency, a model Nigeria could adopt.
3. Holding Leaders Accountable:
• Through social media and civic organizations, youths can monitor government performance and expose corruption. Platforms like BudgIT and Tracka provide tools for tracking public spending.
• Example: South Africa’s #FeesMustFall movement forced government concessions on education funding.
4. Running for Office:
• Young Nigerians must contest elections at all levels, challenging the dominance of older, entrenched politicians. The Not Too Young to Run Act (2018) lowered age limits for political office, creating opportunities.
• Example: In Mauritius, young leaders like Joanna Bérenger have risen to prominence in parliament.
5. Embracing Technology:
• Nigeria’s tech ecosystem, with startups like Flutterwave and Paystack, shows the potential of youth-led innovation. Youths must leverage technology for advocacy, entrepreneurship, and governance.
• Example: Rwanda’s tech hubs have empowered youths to drive economic growth.

Recommendations for Nigeria
1. Implement the Oronsaye Report:
• Merge or scrap redundant agencies to reduce governance costs and improve efficiency. This would free up resources for critical sectors like education and healthcare.
2. Strengthen Anti-Corruption Institutions:
• Grant full autonomy to the EFCC and ICPC, and ensure prosecution of high-profile cases without political interference.
3. Electoral Reforms:
• Introduce electronic voting and real-time result transmission to enhance transparency. Strengthen INEC’s independence to prevent manipulation.
4. Economic Diversification:
• Revive agriculture through subsidies and mechanization, and invest in manufacturing and tech to create jobs and reduce oil dependency.
5. Infrastructure Development:
• Partner with private investors to improve power, transport, and digital infrastructure. Adopt South Africa’s public-private partnership model for energy projects.
6. Youth Empowerment:
• Expand access to quality education and vocational training. Create platforms for youth participation in governance, similar to Rwanda’s YouthConnekt.
7. Judicial Independence:
• Insulate the judiciary from political influence through transparent appointment processes and adequate funding.

Conclusion
Nigeria’s failure to achieve its developmental potential since independence is a story of missed opportunities, rooted in leadership failures, corruption, and systemic inefficiencies. In contrast, countries like Rwanda, Ghana, Mauritius, Seychelles, South Africa, Singapore, Malaysia, South Korea, the UAE, and Vietnam have demonstrated that good governance—characterized by visionary leadership, anti-corruption measures, and inclusive policies—can transform nations within decades. Nigeria’s youths, with their demographic advantage, hold the key to resetting the country’s trajectory. By demanding credible elections, holding leaders accountable, and actively participating in governance, they can ensure that Nigeria fulfills its promise as the true “Giant of Africa.” The time for change is now—Enough is Enough.

Nigeria’s failure to achieve its developmental potential since independence is a story of missed opportunities, rooted in leadership failures, corruption, and systemic inefficiencies. In contrast, countries like Rwanda, Ghana, Mauritius, Seychelles, South Africa, Singapore, Malaysia, South Korea, the UAE, and Vietnam have demonstrated that good governance—characterized by visionary leadership, anti-corruption measures, and inclusive policies—can transform nations within decades. Nigeria’s youths, with their demographic advantage, hold the key to resetting the country’s trajectory. By demanding credible elections, holding leaders accountable, and actively participating in governance, they can ensure that Nigeria fulfills its promise as the true “Giant of Africa.” The time for change is now—Enough is Enough.

My dear Caleb,

My aide just briefed me about your response to me and though I did not have time to read it he briefed me about its contents.

I am glad you read my short note to you about the Israeli Ambassador's visit to your state & I trust that you got my point.

I kept it simple, short, polite & sharp because I really didn't want to hurt your feelings.

However given the fact that you have evidently not learnt your lesson, I will dedicate more time to you in the future, write a full essay on the topic and endeavour to be much more clinical.

Your people in Plateau state are being slaughtered & you are busy writing feeble rejoinders to me? Don't you think you have bigger problems than that?

Let me reiterate my position: you are a weak & cowardly man who does not know his left from his right.

 When Sen. Lalong was Governor of your state the killings were minimised because he understood the nature of the terrorists & he knew what to do & what not to do.

 He also recognised the danger in associating with foreigners that are more interested in dividing us than uniting us.

 Since you got there all you have done is whine, blame everyone else for your woeful failure, welcome the enemies of humanity that are killing women & children in Gaza to your table & behave as if you are infallible.

 I have now come to the firm conclusion that your are not only incorrigible but also beyond redemption. This saddens me & frankly I pity you.

Outside of that it is my view that you are a disgrace to Plateau state, to Christianity & to Nigeria.

 I suggest you focus on bringing peace to your state rather than worry about me.

 I will always pray & support those that are ready to confront & kill terrorists but I cannot abide those that treat them with kid gloves, cry like babies before them & quiver in their prescence.

 Kindly stand up like a man, do something about the terrorists that have plagued your state & stop inviting the representatives of evil foreign Governments with blood on their hands to your domain. Is that too much to ask?

As I wrote in my note you inflicted a spiritual wound on yourself by welcoming genocidal maniacs & child-killers to your table.

Regardless of your protests & lamentations I stand by my words.

Those who kill Palestinians & occupy their land illegally can hardly be trusted to bring peace to the land of others.

That was my point which you clearly chose to ignore or did not have the mental virility & intellectual fortitude to comprehend.

Now you have made the whole thing worse by knuckling down & attempting to rationalise your shameful behaviour.

One day you will discover that I am not an enemy but a friend because only friends tell you the truth no matter how bitter.

Let us hope that by that time it will not be too late.

Take the money of the Israelis in the name of them helping you with agriculture & irrigation but never trust them & know that such support from such evil men comes at a high price & with consequences.

Those that sell their soul to satan never win & always end badly. If you doubt it I recommend that you read Christopher Marlow's great literary work titled Dr. Faustus. You have much to learn from it.

I believe the people of Plateau state deserve far better and as a Nigerian and particularly as one who, despite the attendant risks and relentless persecution that it attracted, has spoken up for your people on numerous occassions over the last 15 years when they were under siege, I believe I have every right to be concerned and to express my views.

Despite all my prayer is that God opens your eyes sooner than later because I do not wish you ill.

As you know I love Plateau state & it's people & what is going on there breaks my heart.

May the Lord open your eyes, may He deliver, lead & guide you, may He bring you back to your senses and to an expected end and may He restore peace to Plateau state.

This is and will always be my prayer despite your obvious weaknesses.

I wish you well.

Shalom.

The nation has once again been drawn into heated discourse this time over the alleged lopsidedness in President Bola A. Tinubu’s administration and the implications such imbalances may have on the upcoming national population census and the 2027 presidential election.

The first major outcry came from Sen. Ali Ndume, representing Borno East Senatorial District, who publicly accused President Tinubu of favoritism in his federal appointments. According to Ndume, the President has consistently favored individuals from the Southwest, creating a glaring imbalance in the composition of key government positions. His remarks sparked widespread public reaction and ignited a national debate on equity, inclusion, and the structure of power within the current administration.

Further compounding the controversy, Sahara Reporters revealed that the Chief of Staff to the President had inaugurated an eight-member committee to review the strategic framework for the upcoming population census. According to the report, six of the committee members hail from the Southwest, while the remaining two come from the Northwest and North Central. The South East and South South regions were notably excluded. Although the Presidency later issued a statement asserting that the committee reflected representation from relevant ministries, departments, and agencies, many critics remained unconvinced, viewing the composition as yet another example of deliberate regional bias.

In northern political circles, suspicions have begun to mount. Some argue that the administration is positioning itself to manipulate the census in a way that diminishes the North’s population figures thereby dismantling the long-held notion of northern demographic dominance. Such an outcome, they contend, would not only reduce the number of electoral constituencies in the region but also weaken its political influence in future elections. In their view, this is part of a calculated strategy to undermine the North’s leverage and force it into accepting President Tinubu’s bid for a second term.

Others interpret this differently. They believe the upcoming census is central to redrawing the political map of Nigeria, especially in terms of constituency delineation. If the figures favour southern regions, it could significantly diminish the North’s historical advantage in national elections altering the power dynamics ahead of 2027.

These permutations underscore a growing belief that the Tinubu administration is more preoccupied with the politics of re-election than with the core responsibilities of governance. The urgency to secure 2027 appears to overshadow the pressing need to deliver credible leadership, rebuild public institutions, and restore public trust.

Meanwhile, efforts to consolidate power have not gone unnoticed. The growing momentum of a proposed opposition coalition has reportedly triggered fears within the ruling party. In response, opposition governors are allegedly being pressured and intimidated to deter them from aligning with the coalition an attempt to ensure it crumbles before it gains full traction.

To manage internal discontent within the ruling party, a narrative has emerged: that over 7,000 federal appointments remain unfilled and will be used to correct the current imbalances in the administration. This promise seems less about equitable governance and more about pacifying party loyalists and preventing further defections.

Ultimately, the current trajectory raises serious questions. Is the Tinubu administration committed to delivering transformative governance, or is it merely laying the groundwork for political survival? The 2027 elections are still two years away, but the groundwork being laid today will determine whether Nigeria moves forward as a united, inclusive nation or fractures further under the weight of power plays and exclusionary politics.

If charity, as they say, begins at home, then accountability as a governance virtue must also be shown first at home before being trumpeted to the world.

Since last month, when his administration clocked three years, the Governor of Anambra State, Professor Chukwuma Charles Soludo, CFR, has been regaling Ndi Anambra with reports of his scintillating performance.

From Awka to Lagos and Abuja, the tireless governor has been reporting and giving transparent accounts to the good people of Anambra State, whom he has always respectfully referred to as his employers

In a continuation of his transparent, accountable governance, Governor Soludo has now taken his administration’s progress report directly to Anambra citizens abroad. The Easter Monday town hall meeting in London marks the culmination of a strategic Diaspora engagement tour that has already impressed audiences in Lagos and Abuja.

What makes this approach remarkable is not just the governor’s willingness to face his constituents directly but his emphasis on fiscal responsibility. Just as he told the London audience, at a time when many Nigerian states are drowning in debt, Governor Soludo proudly highlighted his administration’s achievements without resorting to potentially crippling World Bank loans. This prudent financial stewardship deserves attention, especially as some governments struggle with mounting repayment obligations.

The London gathering also represents more than a mere political exercise. It was spontaneously interactive. Critical questions were asked, and satisfactory answers were given. By actively courting Diaspora participation, Governor Soludo taps into a powerful resource: the intellectual and financial capital of Anambra citizens abroad. These professionals and business leaders possess networks, expertise, and investment capacity that could accelerate development back home, and the governor beckoned them to think home.

By and large, the governor’s methodical outreaches, from state capital Awka to economic hub Lagos to political centre Abuja and now to international Diaspora, demonstrates strategic thinking about stakeholder engagement. By framing development as collective ownership rather than government largesse, Governor Soludo challenges the traditional patron-client relationship that has hindered sustainable progress in many Nigerian states.

As Governor Soludo continues pursuing his Anambra smart megacity ambitions, this Diaspora dialogue and more such productive engagements may prove the critical difference between lofty plans and concrete achievements, going forward into his anticipated second term. For now, his model of accountability, fiscal discipline, and Diaspora partnership keeps Anambra rising on the wings of One State, One People, One Agenda.

The most topical political issue this Easter weekend is Gov. Umo Eno’s public endorsement of President Tinubu for a second term and the discussions it’s generated across the country. Eno is a PDP governor who has not hidden his affection and support for the President and the Senate President, Godswill Akpabio, and has succeeded in building bridges across political divide in his state. On many occasions, he has asked Akwa Ibom people, irrespective of party leanings, to rally around the two leaders; but this week, he took the platitude a notch higher. At the flag off of the Akwa Ibom section of the controversial Lagos-Calabar coastal road on Tuesday, the governor announced to the assembled crowd of APC and PDP chieftains that ‘’President Tinubu will be reelected for a second term and I will support him’’. APC members applauded and cheered him, while PDP chieftains looked stunned in disbelief.

At another event the following day at Ikot Ekpene township stadium, the governor repeated the same pro-Tinubu message, this time with additional flavour. ‘’I will tell you the reason when the time comes and you will see with me why we should support him so that he can complete what he started. You will see what he’s doing for our state and you will know why we should not go elsewhere’’, he said. APC supporters and members in the audience, which included Senator Akpabio’s wife, applauded; but PDP stalwarts appeared nonplussed. In return, Mrs Akpabio, apparently speaking the husband’s mind, also endorsed the governor and asked the people to support his reelection ‘’irrespective of the party you belong to’’ ,noting that the governor has performed well in office. She was essentially returning a favour the governor has extended to Akpabio since he was elected Senate President in 2023.

Since he assumed office two years ago, the governor has kept a safe distance from partisan controversies, but this is the first time he’d be in the news for openly rooting for his opponents. For being the first PDP governor to break rank with his party and openly campaign for the reelection of the President, Eno has created a stir in PDP and upended political calculations in some quarters. If this were in the Second Republic when political parties were managed almost like a military formation, the governor would be accused of anti party activities, but this is Nigeria of 2025 when indiscipline is writ large in the parties and rules, norms and traditions are obeyed in the breach. The PDP itself has been systematically weakened by its own internal contradictions. After all, a former governor and PDP chieftain is serving in Tinubu’s cabinet as a prominent minister, and he’s using his position to further undermine the party. So, Eno is justified to chart his course.

Speculations are rife on the possible reasons behind the governor’s decision not to support his party in the next election. Many even conjecture that it’s a somewhat quid pro quo strategy to cement his own reelection. But the governor waved that off. ‘’I support the president’s re election because I’m convinced that the South must complete eight years in the presidency, just as the North did’’, he said in an exclusive interview with me on Good Friday evening. ‘’My party (PDP) must do the right thing, and we must put our house in order. Can you show us a credible alternative to President Tinubu at this moment? The President is doing his best and we should support him’’, he said, stressing, however, that he is not planning to defect from his party.

Gov. Eno’s romance with APC has many implications. He is essentially taking a dig at Atiku Abubarkar who is clearly looking to contest again in 2027. The 78-year-old former Vice President was the standard bearer of PDP in the last two presidential elections, even going against the rotation between North and South in 2023. Many PDP leaders have asked him not to run again so as to make way for fresh hands to lead the party. But Atiku seems adamant and there are indications that his entry into 2027 race may further divide the party. APC leaders in Akwa Ibom are understandably excited at the turn of events. Chief Don Etiebet, former Petroleum Minister and APC leader, praised the governor for endorsing the president and commended Senator Akpabio for backing the governor for a second term.

But some PDP leaders are not sure of what to make of their governor’s position. Some like State Party Chairman Emmanuel Akpan and Emmanuel Enoidem, SAN, who was the chairman of the governor’s election political group, refused to comment when I called. But a few are quite clear-headed about it. Says Isantim Kenneth Okon, Chairman of Ibom Community Watch, the state’s security outfit: ‘’the governor is our leader; when he speaks, we listen; and when he moves, we follow. But in this case, the governor should ensure that we get something in return from the president. President Tinubu will have to return the favour by supporting the state government’s desire to develop a deep sea port. The port will change the economy of Akwa Ibom forever and it’s very dear to our people’’. I agree with Okon on this, and it’s a point Gov. Eno also emphasized when we spoke.

The governor rejects the assumption that he’s supporting Tinubu in order to secure the president’s backing for his own re election. He told me: ‘’By the grace of God, I am a contented man. I will forever remain thankful to God, my political father Udom Emmanuel and Akwa Ibom people for their trust. I will always follow my conscience. I have my conviction to support this president to succeed. If God is for me, what can man do for me?’’

Meanwhile, Eno deserves some credit for building cross-party political alliance between PDP and APC in the state. If it is firmed up and implemented, he and Akpabio would be returned unopposed and President Tinubu will go beyond the 30% threshold APC has scored in the last two presidential elections in the state. It will also bring an end to the gubernatorial ambitions of folks like Senator Ita Enang and Senator Bassey Albert who have been warming up to run again in 2027. The loser would be the PDP which scored over 50% of the vote in the 2023 presidential race. But if this alliance fails, a big political battle will ensue in the state.