In a country where access to electricity is more a privilege than a right, solar energy has become the last hope of the common man. From small barbershops and tailoring sheds to community health centers and low-income homes, solar panels now dot the rooftops of the forgotten corners of Nigeria, silently powering lives the national grid has long abandoned.

So, when the federal government, through the Minister of Innovation, Science and Technology, Chief Uche Nnaji, recently announced plans to ban the importation of solar panels, citing the need to promote local production, it sent shockwaves through the renewable energy sector. And rightly so.

The Renewable Energy Association of Nigeria (REAN) has since rejected the move, warning that the decision, if implemented in haste, would be catastrophic. Their warning is not rooted in opposition to local industry development. On the contrary, REAN supports local manufacturing. But they understand a fundamental truth that seems to have eluded the corridors of power: you do not cripple a lifeline before building an alternative.

At the heart of this policy debate lies a harsh, glaring reality, millions of Nigerians are living off-grid. These are people who have given up on the promises of the national power sector. With over 85 million Nigerians lacking access to grid electricity according to the World Bank, solar energy has grown into a people-powered solution. It is not just an energy alternative; it is a survival mechanism.

In urban slums and rural villages, solar panels power water pumps, charge phones, light up homes, run refrigerators for drug storage, and keep small businesses afloat. To abruptly ban solar panel imports is to literally switch off that light.

Let us be clear: promoting local manufacturing is a noble and commendable goal. But doing so by slamming the doors on imports overnight is an economic and social miscalculation.

The government’s logic, anchored on Executive Order No. 5 and a belief that local entities like NASENI (National Agency for Science and Engineering Infrastructure) can meet the country’s solar demand, is optimistic at best and misleading at worst. Even if NASENI has commenced production, the reality is that local capacity is grossly insufficient to meet the surging demand. Most of the private sector players are still at infancy or pilot stages. To throw the entire burden of supply on them would be suicidal, for the industry and for consumers.

Besides, local production is not built in a vacuum. It needs time, investment, skilled labor, technology transfer, infrastructure, and financing, all of which are still lacking or underdeveloped in the current Nigerian context. Cutting off imports before strengthening these pillars is akin to pulling the ladder while asking people to climb.

Given the foregoing, it is germane to ask, “Who Bears the Brunt?” The answer to the foregoing question cannot be farfetched as it is not the policymakers in Abuja or the well-connected contractors that will feel the heat. It is the poor. The market woman who needs her solar lantern to sell tomatoes after sunset, the schoolchildren who use solar-powered lamps to study, the hospital in a remote area relying on solar power to store vaccines, the barber whose entire business model rests on uninterrupted energy, these are the ones who will pay the price.

In fact, banning solar imports without affordable alternatives in place will cause a price surge. Local producers, without economies of scale, will initially charge higher prices. Imported panels, even with shipping and duties, are currently cheaper and more accessible for many Nigerians. If only locally produced panels are allowed, supply shortages and inflated prices are inevitable.

And let us not forget that this planned abrupt ban could deter investors. The renewable energy sector has been one of the few bright spots in Nigeria’s gloomy economic landscape. It has attracted innovation, foreign partnerships, and youth employment. A hasty, poorly coordinated import ban signals policy instability, a red flag for investors.

There is a smarter, more sustainable way to achieve the same end goal without burning the bridge Nigerians are currently walking on. The government must gradually phase out solar panel imports, not slam the door shut. This can be done through import quotas that shrink annually, giving local producers time to scale, tax incentives, grants, and subsidies for local solar panel manufacturer and, encouraging joint ventures between foreign solar firms and local producers to facilitate technology transfer and training.

Other ways of phasing out solar panel imports include, Investments in research, development, and infrastructure to support scalable and competitive manufacturing as well as a transparent timeline and stakeholder consultation, to allow for industry preparation and adjustment.

This dual-track approach, supporting local growth while keeping the market open, will help Nigeria transition into self-sufficiency without sacrificing the immediate needs of the people.

It is tempting for leaders to chase the optics of nationalism: “Made in Nigeria”, “Buy Naija to grow the Naira”, and the like. But policies must be anchored on the realities of the moment, not aspirations alone. There is a difference between wishful policymaking and strategic planning. Nigeria is in an energy emergency, and solar has become the people’s fallback. This is not the time to impose restrictions without safeguards.

In truth, the conversation should not be about banning imports but about reducing dependence gradually while strengthening local capacity. That cannot happen overnight. To pretend otherwise is to gamble with the energy security of millions.

The poor cannot afford policy experiments. They are not in boardrooms; they are on the margins, hustling to survive each day. Solar energy has been their silent partner in that struggle. To threaten it with a sudden ban is to betray the very people the government claims to serve.

Yes, we must grow our local industries. But we must do so without crushing the poor under the weight of bad timing. A well-planned transition is possible. But only if the government listens, reflects, and acts with empathy.

Because if we get it wrong, the lights would not just go out, they may not come back on.

A heartwarming video capturing a surprise encounter between Afrobeats superstar Davido and gospel singer Moses Bliss at the airport has stirred reactions across social media.

The unexpected meeting took place as Moses Bliss along with his mother were on their way to London to visit his wife and newborn.

The trip also fulfilled a long-standing promise he had made to his mother years ago — to take her on a visit to London.

While heading to board their flight, Davido, a Grammy-nominated artist, spotted Bliss and walked over excitedly to greet him.

The moment was full of warmth as the two musicians hugged and exchanged pleasantries.

Davido then expressed deep admiration for Moses Bliss’ music, calling his songs “healing.”

The compliment visibly touched the gospel artiste, who later shared the video clip on his social media page.

Fans were pleasantly surprised to see Davido not only recognize but also praise a gospel singer — revealing a different, more spiritual side to the Afrobeats star.

The video has since gone viral, spreading joy among fans who flooded the comment section with praise and admiration for both artists.

Many expressed how beautiful it was to witness such genuine appreciation across musical genres.

[Opinion Nigeria]

When Justice Nwosu-Iheme of the FCT High Court in Abuja sentenced Peter Nwachukwu, husband of late gospel music star, Osinachi Nwachukwu, to death by hanging, the courtroom was not just delivering a verdict. It was sending an unmistakable message across the length and breadth of Nigeria: domestic violence has consequences, and the law is ready to bite.

The ruling, based on 23-count charges ranging from culpable homicide to spousal battery, has reverberated through Nigerian society, touching on everything from marital dynamics to the need for real enforcement of laws protecting women. For too long, many Nigerian wives have suffered in silence behind the high walls of “marital privacy.” Today, those walls have been shattered.

At this juncture, it is germane to recall that when Osinachi Nwachukwu’s death made headlines in April 2022, the public was initially fed half-truths. It was rumored that she died of throat cancer, a narrative peddled perhaps to shield the husband’s guilt. However, when insiders, friends, and eventually her own children began to talk, the monstrous reality emerged: Osinachi was a long-time victim of domestic violence.

The talented songstress, who blessed millions with her soul-stirring voice, particularly through her hit song “Ekwueme”, lived a tormented life at home. According to testimonies in court, Peter Nwachukwu subjected his wife to repeated physical abuse, threats, emotional manipulation, and terror.

It was not just hearsay. Seventeen witnesses, including two of their children, gave harrowing accounts of how Peter beat, strangled, and tormented his wife behind closed doors. They described a man who wielded fear as a weapon, using violence as his twisted way of control. Exhibits, medical reports, and credible witness statements combined to form an ironclad case against him.

Justice Nwosu-Iheme’s judgment was not rushed. It came after careful consideration of evidence and painstaking legal proceedings. And when the gavel finally fell, sentencing Peter to death by hanging for culpable homicide, the court was not merely punishing one man, it was warning every potential wife-beater across Nigeria: Your days of impunity are over.

In a country where many domestic violence cases are either swept under the rug or handled through family meetings and religious interventions, the sentencing marks a turning point. Nigerian society often glorifies the suffering of women in marriage, urging them to “endure” for the sake of children, church image, or family honor. Osinachi endured. And she paid the ultimate price.

Peter Nwachukwu’s death sentence reminds the public that the law, not family sentiments, governs life and death. It says clearly that no one has the right to brutalize their spouse, not under cultural excuses, not under religious pretexts, and certainly not under the guise of male authority.

The court’s decision should serve as a huge wake-up call. It underscores the urgent need to deconstruct the toxic narrative that a woman must suffer to be considered a “good wife.” Endurance in marriage should never be synonymous with accepting abuse.

Osinachi’s case is not an isolated incident. In fact, statistics reveal a frightening pattern. According to a 2021 report by the National Demographic and Health Survey (NDHS), approximately 31% of Nigerian women aged 15–49 have experienced physical violence at least once since the age of 15. Most cases are perpetrated by intimate partners.

Unfortunately, cultural norms often discourage women from speaking out. Many victims are gaslighted into believing that reporting abuse is a betrayal of their family or faith. Churches preach forgiveness without addressing accountability. Families advise patience, and communities look the other way.

It is not surprising that when Osinachi’s death first surfaced, some fans quickly blamed her for “not speaking up early enough.” But the reality is more complex. Victims of domestic violence often live in fear, fear for their lives, fear of stigmatization, and fear of being blamed.

Justice Nwosu-Iheme’s bold judgment is a breath of fresh air in a system often accused of dragging its feet on gender-based violence. It shows that the judiciary can indeed be a defender of human rights when it has the courage to prioritize justice over societal pressure.

The 23-count charge on which Peter Nwachukwu was arraigned shows the severity with which prosecutors treated the case. From spousal battery to criminal intimidation, every aspect of his cruel behavior was dissected and laid bare. In sentencing him, the court did not merely focus on the ultimate result, Osinachi’s death, but also on the pattern of abuse that led up to it.

This is how cases of domestic violence should be treated: comprehensively and firmly. A slap today can lead to a funeral tomorrow. The law must recognize the pattern early and intervene decisively.

While Peter Nwachukwu’s death sentence represents a victory for justice, it is a bittersweet one. Nothing will bring Osinachi back. Her children will grow up without both parents. Her golden voice has been silenced forever.

It is tragic that it took the death of such a promising woman to awaken society to the horrors hidden behind closed doors. But if there is a silver lining, it is that Osinachi’s death and Peter’s conviction might save countless others.

If even a few men now think twice before raising their hands against their wives, if even a few women feel emboldened to speak out early, then Osinachi’s tragic story will not have been in vain.

This case must go beyond Peter Nwachukwu and Osinachi. Nigerian society as a whole must introspect. Churches, mosques, traditional leaders, and families must take stronger stances against domestic violence. Marriage counselors must learn to detect signs of abuse and act accordingly, rather than blindly preaching endurance.

Schools should educate both boys and girls about healthy relationships. Government agencies must increase public sensitization and ensure that women’s shelters, hotlines, and legal aid are readily available.

Importantly, the government should also enforce the Violence Against Persons (Prohibition) Act (VAPP Act) nationwide. Too many states have yet to domesticate or properly implement it.

Peter Nwachukwu’s death sentence is a hard but necessary lesson: no more martyrs in the name of marriage.

No woman should have to die to prove her loyalty. No family should have to bury their daughter because society failed to protect her.

Justice Nwosu-Iheme has drawn a line in the sand. From here onward, every slap, every punch, every act of marital cruelty must be seen for what it truly is, a crime.

Osinachi Nwachukwu sang praises to God with a golden voice. In death, her life has become a powerful hymn of justice. It is now left for the rest of society to sing along, not with tears, but with action.

In a chartered room on the 14th floor of the NASDAQ Building in Times Square, New York, sat a high-powered mix of global finance heavyweights, investors from JP Morgan, Standard Chartered, and other top institutions.

Beside them were influential members of the Nigerian diaspora, senior executives from the Central Bank of Nigeria, led by Governor Olayemi Cardoso, the CEO of the Nigerian Exchange (NGX), Temi Popoola and the CEO of the Central Securities Clearing System (CSCS), Haruna Jalo Waziri.

They weren’t there by chance. The mission was clear: Nigeria is open for business, and it wants the world to know.

This was one of several side events at the IMF and World Bank Spring Meetings, part of a broader campaign to woo foreign investment and change the narrative around Nigeria’s economic prospects.

But while the message from the Nigerian delegation was one of progress and reform, the response from investors revealed a more complicated reality, one filled with hope, hesitation, and hard questions.

On paper, this was Nigeria’s moment to shine. And in many ways, it did. 

The tone was set by the Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, who spoke with clarity and conviction. He defended the bank’s recent policy choices, aggressive interest rate hikes, exchange rate liberalization, and the cleaning up of the FX backlog.

He reminded the audience just how bad things were before he took over and how far we had come since. There was no pretension; this was a man laying bare the facts and standing firmly behind his playbook.

To my surprise, foreign investors listened not with skepticism but with respect. Many were, in their own words, “impressed.” They applauded the policies. They admired the pace of implementation. Some even confessed they hadn’t expected this level of discipline. But as the conversations deepened, so did the concerns.

One word kept surfacing: uncertainty 

Investors were not just worried about Nigeria. They were anxious about the world. Trump’s return to the political stage and his tariff talk were casting long shadows on emerging markets like ours. Many feared what a new wave of U.S. protectionism would do to oil prices and, by extension, to Nigeria’s fragile fiscal plan. Oil remains our lifeline, and everyone in the room knew it.

And yet, there was more. Investors kept circling back to a sobering question: How are ordinary Nigerians coping with all of this?

They were concerned not just with inflation or the exchange rate but with the very real pain being felt on the streets of Lagos, Kano, and Port Harcourt. The palliatives were not enough, they said. The social safety nets were too shallow. They wondered aloud how long Nigerians could endure this level of economic adjustment without political backlash or social unrest.

It wasn’t just investors raising these concerns. The IMF echoed them too. In their briefings, Nigeria’s policy reforms were described as bold and necessary. But they also forecasted weaker GDP growth than what the Nigerian government had projected. Inflation was still too high and was projected to go even higher. Poverty was still climbing. Growth, they warned, could be jobless and exclusive unless social support systems were urgently strengthened. They also warned of inefficient spending amidst growing fiscal deficits.

At another session hosted by the Federal Ministry of Finance and the CBN, we saw an even larger gathering of international investors. The government presented more data, laid out its fiscal strategies, and opened the floor for questions. One investor stood up and asked a tough one: Have you factored in falling oil prices in your 2025 budget projections?

The Minister of Finance gave a diplomatic response. He acknowledged the concerns and said scenarios were being considered. He mentioned a task team working on alternative revenue sources and hinted at plans to ramp up crude oil output through a newly energized NNPC. But the room could sense the struggle—oil still dominates our revenue, and the urgency to diversify remains more a goal than a reality.

Other issues came up, like Nigeria’s absence from the JP Morgan bond index. For many foreign portfolio managers, this exclusion is a deal-breaker. It limits their ability to invest in Nigerian assets, no matter how attractive the returns look. The DG of the Debt Management Office confirmed that Nigeria had met all the criteria, but the inclusion process was still ongoing. No timeline was given.

Then there was the matter of data. Investors trust what they can measure. While they praised the CBN for its data transparency, they expressed frustration with the Ministry of Finance. The availability, consistency, and quality of fiscal data are still major stumbling blocks. The Nigerian delegation assured them that reforms were underway. But again—no timelines, no specifics.

And yet, despite all of this, I felt a shift. 

Unlike previous years, where Nigerian officials were met with cold doubt or outright disapproval, this time was different. Investors and institutions alike acknowledged that progress had been made. They just weren’t sure how durable it was or how insulated it was from political shocks, both domestic and global.

We’ve done the hard part, policy reforms that many countries avoid. Now, we are entering the hardest part: waiting. Waiting for oil prices to rise. Waiting for the tariffs and trade wars to settle. Waiting for the rating agencies to catch up. Fitch recently upgraded Nigeria’s credit rating, but others like Moody’s and S&P are yet to budge.

In truth, many of the risks that still hang over Nigeria are beyond our control. That’s the painful irony. We’ve started the engine, but the road is still bumpy and the weather is getting worse. The Trump tariff fears are real. Global growth is slowing. And we are still the poverty capital of the world, according to the World Bank.

A foreign investor summed it up for us after one session: “You’ve fixed many of the issues that made us walk away. Now we just need to see stability. If that happens, billions of dollars will come rolling in.” 

Let’s hope we’re not just running a good race but one we can finish.

Former Deputy National Publicity Secretary of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Timi Frank, has asserted that the betrayal of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) by the former Governor of Delta State, Ifeanyi Okowa, is not his first attempt.

Naija News reports that Frank stated this in a statement on Wednesday while reacting to Okowa’s remark that he regrets accepting to be running mate to former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar, in the 2023 election.

However, Frank said Okowa begged, fought, and lobbied to be the presidential running mate of Atiku.

According to him, Okowa’s defection is an attempt to evade prosecution by the Economic Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).

He also alleged that Okowa stabbed the former Governor of Delta State and his political godfather, James Ibori, in the back due to power.

The statement reads, “It is understandable that Okowa is fighting the battle of his life to evade prosecution by the EFCC over corruption allegations against him but to make Nigerians believe that he now “regrets” taking up the position of vice Presidential candidate of the PDP in 2023 is not only an afterthought but cowardice in full bloom.

“We know how Okowa begged, fought and lobbied to get the position.

“This is not Okowa’s first attempt at a high-level betrayal. The tale of how he stabbed ex-Governor James Ibori, his erstwhile godfather, in the back because of power is still fresh in our memory.

“Many of us know how Okowa emerged as Vice Presidential candidate, which he was not meant to be because few of us ever wanted him, we believed he did not have the capacity and experience to become vice president.

“Therefore, Okowa lacks the rectitude to play the victim or feign regret over a job and position he desperately wanted.

“We are still of the opinion that if Wike had emerged in place of Okowa in 2023 as running mate to Atiku, perhaps PDP would be in government at the national level today but we lost out apparently because of the choice of this ungrateful Okowa who never brought real value or political capital to the table.”

[NaijaNews]

Oleksandr Usyk shrugged off accusations of cheating and fakery, saying he was ready to become the undisputed heavyweight champion of the world for a second time when he fights Daniel Dubois at Wembley Stadium on July 19.

The fight will be a rematch of a controversial August 2023 “low blow” clash in Wroclaw, Poland, that Usyk won after being allowed to recover from what the referee ruled was a shot below the belt.

Briton Dubois has since acquired the IBF belt vacated by the Ukrainian, who still holds the WBC, WBA and WBO versions, after beating Tyson Fury for the undisputed title in May last year.

“I’m ready right now,” Usyk, 38 and still unbeaten, told a press conference at the stadium on Tuesday.

Dubois’s trainer Don Charles weighed in by saying the Ukrainian deserved an acting Oscar for his performance in Poland.

“You conned the referee, you conned us, you conned the boxing world,” said Charles after Usyk’s camp had accused Dubois of fighting dirty that night.

Usyk, smiling, said the Oscar would be coming. “You must teach your fighter to punch clean,” he added.

“It’s just talking. For me it doesn’t matter. It’s my road. Blah, blah, blah. I respect all my opponents.”

The Ukrainian’s promoter Alex Krassyuk said his man was still hungry and the world would see “a version of Usyk that you have never seen before. No more controversies, no more question marks”.

Manager Egis Klimas said after photographs of the blow were produced, with Usyk’s camp accusing Dubois of up to 20 low blows, that the Ukrainian champion could not be accused of cheating.

“Don’t call my man a cheat,” he said. “He didn’t cheat. He had an opportunity to rest and he rested…tell it to the referee, not my man.”

Promoter Frank Warren said that first fight was history and July, the first time an undisputed heavyweight four-belt title bout has been fought on British soil, would set the record straight.

Dubois promised he would be exacting his revenge. “I can’t wait to put him to sleep,” said the 27-year-old.

“I’m on fire now. I’m just pent up. I’m ready to go. It’s going to be a bloodbath…in the ring on the night he’ll be doing a funny dance when I hit him.

“We don’t care about no body shots. We’re going to knock him out on July 19.”

[Leadership]

Mixed reactions have trailed judgement by the Court of Appeal in Calabar which upheld the conviction of Professor Peter Ogban for his role in manipulating the outcome of the 2019 senatorial election in Akwa Ibom North-West District in favour of now Senate President, Godswill Akpabio.

Prof. Ogban, a soil science professor and returning officer for the election, was first convicted in 2021 by a State High Court in Uyo for announcing falsified results in two local government areas—Oruk Anam and Etim Ekpo—thereby unlawfully inflating the vote tally of the All Progressives Congress (APC) candidate, Akpabio, at the expense of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

In its judgment on Wednesday, the appellate court not only upheld the original verdict but also condemned Ogban’s abuse of academic and professional trust, describing his actions as a betrayal of public confidence in the electoral process.

PREMIUMTIMES quoted a former senior official at the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), as confirming the development.

Following this, some Nigerians took to social media platforms to share their thoughts.

Lawal Ahmed wrote: “Then what’s Akpabio still doing in the upper chamber?”

Peter Johnson: “What pain me most is how professors who spent years to research and teach would come and rig elections for politicians whom some of them don’t even have complete waec result”

Dave Adode: “Good for him. Akpabio should also face the penalty. This should serve as a lesson for others. The Professor has finally dragged his own name in the mud, his family will suffer shame and he cannot enjoy the money as desired. He probably has used the money to pay lawyers. Money don go; prison don come, Akpabio dey free.”

Idowu Fasakin: “Then he should vacates the sit immediately as Senate president”

Olusegun Adeyemi: “Akpabio never contested election for the senate,it was the judge that declared him winner that’s supposed to be in JAIL.”

Edward Oguima: “It serves the professor right. A country where politicians use academicians to rig elections and then refuse to pay them their entitlements. Akpabio is walking free & even elevated to Senate President. Nigeria, my country.”

During the original trial, INEC prosecuted Ogban, admitted under oath to falsifying results by adding 5,000 fake votes in Oruk Anam to APC’s score.

Despite his plea for leniency, the trial judge, Justice Augustine Odokwo, noted that the case was a “novel” one and insisted that the law must take its course.

The 2019 election saw the PDP candidate, Chris Ekpenyong, a former deputy governor of Akwa Ibom State, defeat Akpabio in an election marred by irregularities and violence.

Akpabio later returned in 2023, contested again, and was declared winner, eventually emerging as President of the Nigerian Senate.

 [DailyTrust]

A group of human rights lawyers, under the aegis of Lawyers in Defence of Democracy, on Wednesday marched on the streets of Abuja to demand the restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State.

The lawyers are calling on the United States and the international community to pressure President Bola Tinubu to rescind his decision to suspend Governor Siminalayi Fubara and the Rivers State House of Assembly.

Tinubu had suspended Fubara, his deputy and the Rivers Assembly for six months after declaring a state of emergency in the state.

Speaking to newsmen during a protest march to the United States embassy in Abuja on Wednesday, the lawyers, led by their Country Director, Barr. Uche Chukwu Udeh Sylvester, argued that the declaration of the state of emergency in Rivers State is unconstitutional and undermines democracy.

They further argued that there was no clear and present danger to warrant the emergency rule, adding that due process was not followed.

In a letter addressed to President Donald Trump, they urged the United States government to intervene and pressure Tinubu to restore democratic rule in Rivers State.

According to the lawyers, the suspension of Governor Fubara and the State Assembly is a brazen attempt to undermine constitutional order.

The lawyers also condemned the National Assembly for ratifying the emergency rule, describing their action as an assault on democracy.

They asked Tinubu to reconsider his stand and allow Fubara to continue his work as the democratically elected governor of Rivers State.

Parts of the letter addressed to Trump read, “In an era where democracy is supposed to reign supreme giving democracy dividends to the masses, we have found ourselves at a crossroads, a sober moment of reckoning where constitutional order is being tested most brazenly.

“The President, who swore to uphold the Constitution, has taken a most unprecedented and unlawful step with the suspension of a democratically elected governor, deputy governor and an entire state House of Assembly under the guise of Emergency Rule. What emergency? Nigerians and Rivers people did not see or feel any such emergency.

“In our law books and we stand by this, no constitutional provision, statute or any known convention gives the president the powers to single-handedly dissolve the structures of an elected state government.

“This could only have happened during the days of military juntas, but we are not under the firm grip of a military dictatorship. At the moment, the country is being governed under a constitutional democracy that operates a presidential system of government.

“President Bola Tinubu should not have taken the decision because democracy is a learning process, and the judiciary has demonstrated the capability to resolve issues.

“The president should have allowed the various state organs to resolve the issues. It is not worthy that until recently, there was a crisis of local government administration in Osun State, which has not led to a declaration of a state of emergency.”

The British High Commission on Tuesday said the alleged “British Soldier” Micah Polo, who was arrested for gun running, is not a serving member of the UK Armed Forces.

The suspect, who was referred to as a Major in the British armed forces, was discharged as a junior rank UK Armed Forces Reserves.

Micah, Nigerian by birth, was recently apprehended in connection with procuring illegal arms to fuel the alleged planned mayhem.

The High Commission, in a statement issued to diplomatic correspondents in Abuja, stated that he was not a commissioned officer.

The clarification was issued following recent media reports concerning an individual allegedly linked to the UK Armed Forces in connection with illegal arms procurement in Nigeria.

A spokesperson from the British High Commission said: “The individual identified in recent Nigerian media reporting is not a serving member of the UK Armed Forces.”

“The individual identified did serve as a junior rank in the UK Armed Forces Reserves but was discharged.

“While in the Reserves, he was a junior rank, not a commissioned officer. The High Commission refused to say much on the suspect based on data protection law.

“We have a common law and Data Protection Act duty to protect the personal details of our current and former employees and are therefore not able to release any additional information in this matter.”

[TheNation]