We have not heard the last of the ongoing protests in Kenya against a new finance law enacted by the country’s legislature. The youths opposed the law because it will overtax the already impoverished Kenyans who are enduring high inflation and general economic distress. The president was very heady and even threatened to arrest the protesting youths. In the crackdown, the police shot dead more than 9 protesters. The youths became irate and destroyed property worth millions of dollars. The alarmed president has sued for peace, discarded the finance law, cut down presidential budgetary allocations, including those of the office of the first lady, and abolishing about 47 agencies to cut costs. But the youths are not appeased. They have asked the president to resign. The frightened and chastened president have been on twitter space to win hearts and minds. Protest continues and the Kenyan economy worsens with a negative rating because of its fiscal crisis and uncertainties.

But the crisis was unavoidable. The president did not need to be as mulish as he was. The dogmatism was unnecessary. Many put it to the pressure from the international financial institutions that have made Kenya a poster child of market-oriented reforms. It is true that Kenya suffers much fiscal instability and would need a lot of extra revenue to cope with dwindling revenue. But it needs not be reckless and insensitive in pushing through the bill. Kenya like Nigeria and the rest of the developing world are constantly barraged to implement market-oriented policies like removal of subsidies on essential products that further diminish the wellbeing of their already impoverished population. Like in the 1980s when trade deficit and fiscal instability pushed these countries to swallow the entire Structural Adjustment Programme of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank without adjusting them to the realities of their countries, today’s leaders in the distressed south are proceeding in error in focusing on tax and subsidy removal without considering the abysmal levels of human development and welfare in their countries.

Nigeria could have been in the same social turmoil as Kenya but for some different social dynamics. On social media, Nigerian youth have been praising and admiring Kenyans for their doggedness and effectiveness in forcing down the overconfident president and are wishing for another opportunity to prove their mettle. Arguably, Nigerians are suffering as much if not more than Kenyans. Nigerians could re-enact Kenya if socioeconomic realities remain this way and leaders fail to rise to responsible leadership. Nigerian leaders need to pay attention to the crisis in Kenya and learn how to head off such massive protests in Nigeria. To do so, they need to learn the lessons in the crisis. What are the lessons in the Kenyan crisis? I think about four such lessons.

Government is over, Governance has come:

The first lesson to learn from Kenya is that we have come to the end of government. We are now in the era of governance. That sounds like nonsensical. How can government be over when we are daily confronted with the intrusion of the behemoth? What is the difference between government and governance? But truly government is over. We are now in the era of governance. The difference may be subtle, but it is consequential. Government means hierarchy, force, and control. Governance means network, collaboration, and persuasion. The end of government is tied to the End of Power, as Moses Naim puts it in his book by the same title. According to the foreign policy expert, globalization and technological innovation have unsettled the traditional domination of power. From government house to boardroom to churches, power is no longer what it used to be. We are now in the state of powerlessness where political potentates can no longer how their ways. ‘Powerlessness’ in the sense of the end of the Weberian concept of state as the Leviathan who can do and undo, foists upon political authorities the imperative to engage humbly and constructively with citizens. To borrow, Amartya Sen’s phrase, states should be argumentative, not authoritarian, or even authoritative. Political authorities must come down from their high horses, engage citizens and compete for their hearts and minds.

The end of power goes with what Thomas Friedman in his book, The World is Flat, calls flatness. The flat world is a world where distance and disadvantages of economic divergences have been destroyed through information technology and social media such that everyone is empowered to plug and play. A necessary corollary to digital empowerment is that angry youths are superempowered to build mass movements to express their anger more effectively. The social media has enabled the mobilization of anger and made its expression damaging. States are now more vulnerable to social expression of discontent than before. End SAR and now Kenya Spring speak about the changed landscape of political power. You cannot disregard the voice of angry citizens because you are government. You must respond quick and smart otherwise you will lose credibility and risk global political and economic downgrades. Political regimes are now vulnerable to social sentiments and uncertainties. As Friedman notes in the earlier book, The Lexus and Olive Tree: Understanding Globalization, nations are now hooked on a straitjacket. In the past, killing 100 protesters will not undermine the political power of an African dictator. He will shrug it off and the news will not make it to any CNN. Today, killing two protesters will be a recurring news on CNN and BBC and will receive thousands of comments on social media platforms. In days the behemoth will quiver. The interconnectedness of the world and international financial institutions’ responsivity to viral narratives make today’s governments vulnerable to social strife.

The balance of power has largely tilted away from governments and towards citizens and non-governmental groups. The reality is that governments have become weaker as citizens and groups have gained power relative to government because of the disruptions of technology and social media. We now live with the reality that governments across the world find it difficult to overcome terrorists, even the most rudimentary like Boko Haram, because of the growing asymmetricity of conflicts. This is more so for African governments further assailed by growing illegitimacy. It is highly pretentious for these governments to act as if they are all-powerful. It is patently foolish for them to implement harsh and disfavoured reform policies in their countries without striving for stronger coalition with civic leaders. The era of strong men and strong governments of the SAP reforms are no longer with us. We are in an era of governance, not government, where smart power through credible and smart communication is replacing hard power. Ruto would have done better if he engaged in twitter spaces with his citizens as he is doing now before taking the bill to parliament. The result would have been different if he had paused and engaged with twitter spaces with the youths of Kenya when the bill elicited massive protests. That singular gesture would have prevented the current carnage and portents of fiscal collapse.

Beware of Ideology Masked as Economics:

President Ruto pushed the finance bill because he was told Kenya had no alternative than to push through fiscal severity despite the resentment and suffering of the people. It is called in the industry of policy reform ‘shock therapy’. It sounds familiar. In the days of East Europe’s transition to western oriented market economy there was a lot of talks about shock therapy and what some have called the ‘dictatorship of no alternative’. It was Margreth Thatcher, another strong leader who arguably damaged the economic fortunes of his country through a mindless pro-market fundamentalism that resulted in destruction of the social protection system of the Post-war era, who minted the phrase “There is No Alternative (TINA)’. But there is always an alternative as Professor Aluko reminded General Babangida in the days of SAP debate.

African leaders need a crash course on managing economic development in the age of deceptive economic ideology. They need to wise up as Asian leaders who pragmatically steered their economies outside the straitjacket of the American Business Model, alias ‘Washington Consensus’. IMF and the World Bank did not advise Ruto to begin his quest for fiscal stability by first cutting down on costs of government so as to generate public trust before cutting through livelihood. They did not remind him that the Office of the First Lady is actually dispensable in the face of worsening fiscal crisis. By raising tax and eliminating critical subsidies are always the low-hanging fruits.

We cannot make light the fiscal crisis that countries across are going through. The crisis requires drastic and difficult actions. But beyond ideology, the first to fall should not social welfare. It should be the last and only after the government have eliminated the waste that is associated with elitism and patrimonial politics. We can solve the crisis through a more effective strategy that does not involve the destructive dynamics of market fundamentalism. East Asian economies succeeded not because they embraced the whole doctrine of free market. They succeeded because they avoided ideology and embraced pragmatism. China has a long history of false steps, even up to the period of Mao Zedong and the cultural revolution. The Great Leap Forward set China back, especially with the collectivization of agriculture, resulting in mass death and failed industrialization. Deng Xiaoping changed the game. He initiated a gradual, programmatic and sensible reform that started with returning the land to dispossessed peasants with guaranteed tenure to encourage irrigation, higher seedlings and extension services. Xiaoping tracked the benefit of increased productivity in agriculture into gradual industrialization. At a point he started to open China to western technology and capital, but in a controlled and strategic manner using special economic zones.

China abhorred the rigid ideologies of communism and the laisse faire theory of neoliberalism and embraced pragmatism. This approach is exemplified by the famous saying of Deng Xiaoping that it does not matter whether my cat is red or white if it catches rat.   China followed the example of Japan and South Korea where pragmatic leaders like General Park wisely implemented transformative reform of agriculture and deliberate but systematic protection and nurturing of infant industry to transition their countries to industrial economies. In these countries, pragmatic leaders enhanced efficiency not by surrendering to the free trade, but rather using export discipline to improve productivity. The secret of the success of the East Asian countries is the pragmatic insight that what will ensure industrialization is to protect and nurture infant industry through export discipline. Export promotion worked where import substitution failed in Africa.

China and the rest recognized the pitfall of crony capitalism. When they raise tariff to protect infant industries, they forced those industries to perform according to export benchmarks. Those who failed lost the fiscal and policy support. By so doing they chose winners and losses, not through political patronage, but through the discipline of international trade. This is the model of a development state; a government, as Stephen Cohen and J Bradford DeLong in their book, Concrete Economics: The Hamilton Approach to Economic Growth and Policy, “that signalled the direction, cleared the way, set up the path, and – when needed- provided the means”.

Nigerian, nay African, leaders need to embrace pragmatism not fundamentalism in economic policymaking. The plumbline should be whether the policies would not undermine household income and further destroy the long-term productivity of the economy by eroding the human and social capital necessary for transformative economic development. The lesson from Kenya is that it pays more to listen to the people than to the bureaucrats in Washington institutions with no skins in the game of economic survival in Africa.

July 4, 2024, was anticipated to be a pivotal moment, potentially reshaping the United Kingdom’s political landscape and future direction as the general elections were held.

The hot race was among key parties and leaders including the Conservative Party led by the incumbent Prime Minister Rishi Sunak, Labour Party led by Sir Keir Starmer, Liberal Democrats led by Ed Davey, Scottish National Party led by Humza Yousaf and the Green Party Co-led by Carla Denyer and Adrian Ramsay.

The main issues for debate were the economy and the cost-of-living crisis, inflation, and economic recovery post-COVID-19; healthcare and the NHS funding and reform; climate change and the impact of environmental policies and green energy initiative; the lingering Brexit debate and future relationship with the EU; and finally social issues around immigration, education, and housing.

There was also the issue of the incumbent Conservative Party leader, Rishi Sunak’s performance as PM, the Labour Party’s strategy to regain power after a decade in opposition as well as the influence of smaller parties or “Third Force” in Nigeria speak and potential for coalition governments.

A Comparative Overview

Electoral processes in the UK and Nigeria differ significantly in terms of structure, procedure, and political context.

The UK operates a Parliamentary system, and general elections are held every five years but can be called earlier. The voting age is 18 years and older and voter registration is automatic and mandatory. Campaign finance is highly regulated with spending limits and public transparency.

Voter turnout and participation is typically around 60-70 per cent with high levels of political awareness and media coverage. Key issues and campaigns are often around economic policies, including high cost of living, taxation, public spending, health and NHS reform, Brexit and climate change.

Election administration in the UK is managed by the Electoral Commission, an independent body that oversees elections and regulates political finance. Security is generally low with low levels of election-related violence, limited use of technology and voting is predominantly paper-based.

Voting takes place seamlessly from 7am to 10pm in polling stations situated in schools, community centres, churches etc. Paper ballots with a single ‘X’ mark next to the chosen candidate represent a vote. Post-election, government formation is seamless and quick, the party with the majority of seats in the House of Commons forms the government.

Nigeria on the other hand operates a Presidential system of governance held every four years. The voting age is 18 years and older and requires proactive registration by voters. While campaign finance is regulated, enforcement and transparency issues exist.

The major parties are the All Progressives Congress, People’s Democratic Party and the Labour Party. Voter turnout is lower at around 30-40 per cent. Political engagement is varied, with significant regional differences in voter engagement and participation.

The key issues are around security with the Boko Haram insurgency, banditry, and regional conflicts taking centre stage. Others are the economy, diversification, unemployment, and poverty alleviation; corruption and governance reforms and critical infrastructure including roads, electricity, and public services in education, health and water. Elections are often marked by ethno-religious sentiments and voter apathy.

The Independent National Electoral Commission oversees elections. Security is always very high because of high levels of election-related violence and security concerns. Technology plays a significant role with the introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) for voter registration and results transmission, but challenges remain.

Voting hours are from 8am to 2pm but voters in line by 2pm can still vote and it can take a whole day to vote. Schools, public buildings, open spaces serve as polling stations and paper ballots are used with voters marking their choice with thumbprints. The President is elected separately from the legislature and transition to power can be contentious, marked with disputes and legal challenges around vote rigging, widespread election violence and disenfranchisement.

Both countries have unique electoral processes shaped by their distinct political histories, cultural contexts, and governance structures. The UK’s elections are characterized by stability and regulatory oversight, while Nigeria’s elections are marked by significant challenges related to security, voter turnout, and transparency.

Why Can’t This Happen In Nigeria?

For many Africans who voted for the first time in this general election, it was a culture shock. Within months of taking up residence in the UK legally, you will most likely get a notification from the electoral registration office for your local council to register. You will have the option to register online or fill out a form as well as the option to vote by post if you are unavailable on election day.

On July 4, the entire voting process took only a few minutes without any tech enabled device to verify voter identity save for a poll card or a government issued ID – no special ‘PVC’ or ‘BVAS’. There was no public holiday, schools, offices and markets were open, transport services moved freely without restrictions, there were no thugs, no violence, no gun totting military or police personnel scaring the citizenry.

On the contrary here in Nigeria and across many African countries, manipulation of election results, voter intimidation, and other forms of fraud undermine the integrity of elections, discourage certain groups from voting and can skew election outcomes and undermine democracy.

The spread of false information misleads voters and influence election results. In many regions, elections are marred by violence and intimidation, deterring voter participation and skewing results. Gerrymandering, unequal access to voting facilities, and other structural issues distort representation and affect the fairness of elections.

So, elections are currently the way they are in Nigeria because the political class want it that way. The easier it is for citizens to participate in the electoral and democratic process, the less they can perpetuate themselves in power.

Promoting Democratic Elections

Elections are the cornerstone of democracy, the primary mechanism through which citizens express their will and hold their leaders accountable. Sadly, elections in many African nations including Nigeria are conducted like war leaving many citizens disenfranchised and disillusioned.

Elections ensure that the government reflects the will of the people. Citizens vote for representatives who they believe will best serve their interests. By participating in free and fair elections, citizens confer legitimacy on their government – a crucial requirement for maintaining political stability and public trust in the system.

Government must ensure that all eligible citizens have the right to vote without discrimination in a safe and dignified manner. This includes provisions for voter registration and access to polling places and the process should be transparent to ensure public confidence with clear procedures for voting, counting, and reporting results. A healthy democracy requires competition among multiple political parties and candidates with genuine choices among contenders.

To promote democratic elections, electoral commissions must be fully independent bodies to oversee elections and ensure their integrity and impartiality. Secondly, educating citizens about their rights and the electoral process encourages informed participation. Thirdly, continuous evaluation and reform of electoral laws and practices can address emerging challenges and improve the system including the simplification of voter registration processes and ensuring the security of voters is crucial.

Finally, given our numbers and peculiarities, leveraging technology, such as electronic voting systems and biometric registration, can enhance the efficiency and security of elections, though it also introduces new risks that must be managed.

Congratulations and all the best to the Labour Party as they steer the UK to a brighter future and may Nigeria learn from this experience.

Hollywood loves a sequel, so it is fitting that the current US presidential contest is a repeat of the bitter 2020 slugfest.

The recent presidential debate between Joe Biden, the incumbent 81-year-old Democrat, and Donald Trump, his 78-year-old Republican challenger, has been widely portrayed as a contest between a geriatric octogenarian drifting gently into senility, and a hate-spewing lunatic recently convicted for using campaign funds to pay a porn star hush money.

How has it come to this in the world’s richest country, with its dynamic innovators and elite universities?

Though fewer than half of Americans view either candidate favourably, much of the US “liberal” corporate media focused on Biden’s apparently disastrous debate performance, with the New York Times and CNN’s talking-heads calling for his resignation. Several senior Democrats continue to voice discontent.

In stark contrast, conservative media and Republican politicians have doggedly defended Trump, showing the ruthless discipline that has enabled them to reverse decades of progressive legislation.

Astonishingly, centre-left critics were surprised by Biden’s lack of mental acuity during the debate. Yet just this year he has verbally mistaken former German chancellor Angela Merkel for the dead former chancellor Helmut Kohl; erroneously referred to French President Emmanuel Macron as the dead Gallic president Francois Mitterand; and mistakenly described Egypt’s leader as the “president of Mexico”. In 2023, Biden stated that Russia was losing the “war in Iraq” and noted that “over 100 Americans” had died of Covid-19 (the actual figure is 1.2-million).

In 2022, Biden called out onstage to Republican congresswoman Jackie Walorski before being reminded that the legislator had died a month earlier. Critics of his debate performance also appear to have ignored the recent description of Biden by special counsel Robert Hur — who cleared the president of charges of mishandling classified documents — as “a sympathetic, well-meaning elderly man with a poor memory”.

Trump has similarly experienced his own “senior citizen moments”. He verbally confused Biden with former president Barack Obama seven times, while also mistakenly referring to his Republican rival, Nikki Haley, as former Democratic House speaker Nancy Pelosi.

The contestants pointedly did not shake hands before or after this presidential debate, underlining the lack of civility that now pervades US politics. Biden was widely portrayed as hoarse and halting, while Trump was depicted as fierce and forceful. The president sought to paint his opponent as a danger to democracy, architect of the Supreme Court decision to deny women the right to abortions, and a climate change denier. He wrongly claimed to have inherited 9% inflation from Trump instead of 1.4%.

Trump was characteristically full of bombast and bluster, lying brazenly throughout the debate. He falsely accused Biden of letting criminal illegal migrants into the country, erroneously claiming these migrants are stealing jobs from blacks and Hispanics.

He xenophobically described Biden as a China-funded “Manchurian candidate” and a “bad Palestinian” who had failed to fully back Israel’s military assault on Gaza. Trump further alleged that Biden had “encouraged” Russia to attack Ukraine, strangely accused Democrats of backing abortions after babies had been born, downplayed the attack on the Capitol by his supporters in 2021, and refused to say unequivocally whether he would accept the result of November’s election.

Given Biden’s frequent memory lapses before this debate the panicked reaction of his supporters to his lacklustre performance is somewhat disingenuous. I watched the full debate having factored in Biden’s weaknesses, and felt he actually remembered many facts and landed some good punches.

Trump certainly did not win this debate on substance, and if the ability to appear mentally fitter than your opponent while spewing bile and being economical with the truth is enough to triumph, this is a rather low bar for a country that likes to pride itself on being the “greatest nation on earth”.

• Adebajo is professor and senior research fellow at the University of Pretoria’s Centre for the Advancement of Scholarship.

Yes, take a glimpse at this photograph. You would probably imagine, momentarily, a model among the bevy paraded by, say, the popular ritzy GQ magazine.

If so, well, you just fell for a disguise.

Now, take a closer look. Strip that bucket hat and you will behold, in its luxuriant bloom, that familiar hoary mane complemented by no less immaculate goatee to which folks around the world have long grown accustomed as evocative of no other than Kongi in any gathering, anywhere.

Today, it took more than “yabis” (teasing) to extract a few seconds from Professor Akinwande Oluwole Soyinka and get him to shed his accustomed stern mien and momentarily act a model, one hand fashionably in the pocket, on a North African soil. But without the usual preening or sashaying of the runway.

That fleeting GQ moment was, by the way, captured in Fes (Morocco) in June 2023 by this writer with a camera phone as an emergency “paparazzi”, after sidestepping a bit to get a perfect angle for the lens against blinding lights by the elementary law of photography. Amid sustained volleys of “yabis” by an old disciple, Sir K (Kunle Ajibade) alongside Mrs Rakiya Dhikru-Yagboyaju and Ahmed Garba-Gombe who formed Kongi’s entourage while guests of King Mohammed VI of Morocco as part of activities to mark Morocco’s 28th Book Fair last year.

The location was the vast lounge of Nejjarine Ensemble, ornate with its Oriental mosaic and sculptures, perhaps the most remarkable among the kaleidoscope of historical monuments and buildings long classified by UNESCO as world heritage sites in Fes. Outside this sprawling palace (built in 1711 by Sultan Moulay Ismail), history cast a rather long, sepulchral shadow on the forecourt under the mild pre-summer sun.

Indeed, hours earlier in faraway Rabat, no sooner had Prof materialised in a rare white linen shirt from the elevator into a waiting party of his entourage (from Nigeria) and Moroccan officials at the lobby of the exquisite Sofitel Hotel than Sir K lobbed the first “yabis” by joking if Prof was already considering career switch from literature to modelling.
Of course, an inexhaustible bag of humour himself, Prof absorbed as much as he dispensed withering ripostes that sometimes left us breathless with tearful laughter. Sometimes, his humour was self-deprecatory. Like his recall of once being made to repeat a passage — and again — through the scanner at an international airport abroad, until a further meticulous search by apprehensive security agents revealed that the trigger of the persistently treacherous alarm bell was not more than the phial of granulated native African pepper Prof habitually carries around to spice his meals at Oyinbo restaurants.

Even more extraordinary was Kongi’s undiminished agility and razor-sharp sense of recall at such an advanced age. Eager to show off their abundant tourism treasures, the Moroccan officials had taken us to many high and low locations. Not once did Kongi, barely a month short of his 89th birthday then, appear to have missed a single breath or betray the slightest hint of weariness over an otherwise loaded itinerary.

Indeed, something seemed to have moved a day earlier in Rabat (Morocco’s political capital) when news circulated that the literary eagle had landed in Casablanca (the commercial nerve centre), straight from the U.S. (We had flown from Lagos and arrived in Rabat hours before Kongi).

For the four days we spent in Morocco, there was always a scramble by local folks to see or come near the first black Nobel laureate in Literature who, according to the Swedish Academy, “with poetic overtones, fashioned the drama of existence.” The one who, with the sheer power of the written word, had achieved world celebrity. The one whose voice forever instils mortal fear in the hearts of tyrants and bigots everywhere.

Words also reached our mercurial Emir Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, a bosom friend of the King of Morocco, who was also in Rabat around the same time. The Nigerian ambassador to Morocco, Mansur Nuhu Bamali (now late), brought His Royal Majesty to see Kongi on arrival at Sofitel. Both had a lengthy private chat on the plum couch in the lounge.

As for the occasional bucket hat, those who know will reveal a darker story. In the 90s, it served Kongi abroad as a disguise against Abacha’s paid killers after being publicly charged with treasonable felony in Nigeria on account of his pivotal role in the pro-democracy struggle after the June 12 annulment at grave personal risk. Indeed, throughout Nigeria’s postcolonial history, only a few — if any — could be said to have been as invested in pursuing the common purpose as Kongi. (A fact now lost on some of our millennials and Gen Z utterly bereft of a sense of history and quickly recruited as online trolls for puerile graffiti).

But in the latter years, that bucket hat has evolved into a civil utility: either as a prop to sneak into a targeted tavern undetected or simply evade a never-ending stream of autograph hunters and hustlers for photo ops.
Two Mercedes limousines were provided for the journey to Fes. But before take-off, Kongi asked I “abandon Kunle and others” in the second car and keep him company in his.

For the about two-hour trip, it felt invigorating to sit next to and converse non-stop with arguably one of the world’s greatest minds in the last century, the monarch of the language himself, famously described as “the conscience of the African continent.”

Indeed, as Prof enters the nonagenarian club this week, there is no doubt that what obsesses him remains a fierce commitment to the values of tolerance, justice, good governance and compassion for the vulnerable in Nigeria and everywhere. Plus, an advocacy for youth empowerment in the political economy where gerontocrats seem reluctant to let go.

The said linen shirt he “premiered” in Morocco was, in fact, a gift from a young Nigerian fashion designer. He chose to “launch” it before a foreign audience to help promote Nigerian talent.

To the far younger ones like yours sincerely, Prof’s father-figure stature naturally makes him a guardian. But despite the vast age difference, Kongi also relates to you as a friend with uncommon solidarity and loyalty.

That spirit was on display when this writer turned 50 in March 2023. He was not in the country when “OPEC President” (Tunji Bello) hosted a dinner in my honour in Lagos, attended by the likes of Aremo Segun Osoba, Pa Julius Adelusi-Adeluyi, Dr. Yemi Ogunbiyi and several media heavyweights.

On returning to Nigeria two weeks later, Kongi chose to host a lavish luncheon for his younger disciple at one exclusive “hideout” in Ikeja GRA. T.B. was excused because of Muslim Ramadan. But the “gang” (Sam Omatseye, Kayode Komolafe, Azu Ishiekwene and Andrew Odion) had a swell time feasting. Of course, wine flowed freely.

Azu won the additional lottery of a bottle of vintage wine as a “takeaway” from Kongi’s famous cellar for a tribute he wrote earlier on me which Prof found interesting.
Eventually, when the waiter brought the invoice, I tried to play smart.

In the hoary years, the mammal, according to African wisecrack, should suckle her brood instead by a reversed law of nature. I thought being hosted by a Nobel laureate alone was already a significant honour and, as a cultured Bini man, I should not allow that to leave a hole in the old man’s pocket.

But on sighting my ATM card and conspiratorial whisper to the waiter on the side, Kongi preempted me. With a vehemence, he insisted on picking up the bill himself and thrust forward his credit card. Overwhelmed, I knelt in gratitude, to which he frowned, jocularly waving me to stand up “And stop embarrassing me in the public.”

That’s the essential Prof.

On his 80th birthday in 2014, I wrote a tribute for Kongi. Ten years later, nothing has changed to persuade me to rethink or regret my words. I crave readers’ indulgence to bring the following extracts from that essay:
“What truly makes Soyinka great is not so much for the monumentality of a talent that spews pithy poetry, gripping prose and transcendental drama. His greatness lies more in the courage and character he brings to bear on creativity. At an age when no territory seems restricted any more, when many of yesterday’s heroes and heroines have been exposed to be counterfeits, and when more and more of the surviving statesmen would instead trade away their honour for temporary gains, Kongi remains an exemplar.

“His fiery pen and caustic tongue notwithstanding, Kongi remains tender at heart, one who may disagree with you in principle but never holds back in the fellowship of humanity or be detained by bitterness over the past. Only that could explain the complicated relationship he has had over the years with his relative, ex-President Olusegun Obasanjo. Feisty OBJ had decided to veer from the political turf as sitting president in 2005 to engage Soyinka in an epistolary joust. In a signed statement, he took a swipe at Kongi for criticising his policies.

“But discerning observers who read the open letter could not but raise their hands in panic immediately, fearful of the approaching literary wrath on the proverbial errant native doctor who carries his ritual offering past a mosque. While it was readily conceded that OBJ was fussy by nature, many had expected that his fabled native intelligence would have served him well by dissuading him from venturing into a square rope against Kongi in a literary duel.

“Their worst fears were soon proved right. Soyinka’s response was an atomic bomb. OBJ’s presidential garment was torn beyond recognition by the time the smoke cleared. For once, the Ota chicken farmer became tongue-tied. Months later, the hatred that open ‘roforofo’ (dirty fight) had generated would not prevent Kongi from showing up at the funeral of OBJ’s spouse, Stella, who died suddenly following complications arising from a medical procedure in Spain.

“When OBJ finally met with Kongi face to face on the aisle outside the funeral parlour, the story is told of how the president exploded in a playful rage, ‘Wole, iwo! (Wole, you!)’, raising an arm in mock threat. Defiant Kongi fired back, “Segun, Ori e!” thumping his head in a supreme Yoruba gesture of contempt. More embarrassed than amused by such audacity, the guards around the President cleverly looked away.

“Again, when Chief Emeka Ojukwu qualified the victory he achieved in the sham elections arranged by the Abacha junta to select delegates for the 1994 Constitutional Conference as conferring on him a mandate ‘superior to June 12’, vintage Soyinka gave expression to popular thinking in the country then by simply dismissing the ex-Biafran secessionist as ‘an expired warlord’. That critical riposte would not prevent Kongi from attending Ojukwu’s burial (in 2012) to pay last respects to a personal friend.

“The same generosity of spirit is evident in his warm relationship with General Yakubu Gowon today. At the presentation of a memoir by the Oba of Benin early (in 2014), Soyinka continually poked good-natured jokes at Gowon while giving a keynote address to the audience's admiration. It was hard to believe that it was the same Gowon who had clamped him into the gulag during the Nigerian Civil War. His 28-month solitary confinement birthed the book, ‘The Man Died’.

“When it was his turn to speak, the former head of state threw the crowd into a fresh bout of laughter by cautioning Kongi to watch his tongue: ‘You should remember that it was because of the same sharp tongue of yours that I sent you to prison in the 60s.’

“Being the first black man to win the Nobel Prize in Literature, Soyinka’s life sends an enduring message: the infinite possibilities of the black race.”

. . . Donates N10 million to Nursing College in Kogi

The Presidential Candidate of the Labour Party, Mr Peter Obi, has explained that his unwavering commitment to building a better nation through investing in the critical areas of human and national development; health and education, is ultimately for the good of the nation and the future of society.

Obi made the remarks yesterday, when he paid a visit to Grimard College of Nursing Sciences, Anyigba, Kogi State, where he donated N10 million to the College for the training of nurses, who he said, are at the centre of primary healthcare delivery in the nation.

He stated that Nigeria is today undeveloped because the nation has not aggressively invested in the critical areas of development, which he said are; health, education and pulling people out of poverty. He maintained that the nation is, today, facing serious challenges of insecurity and other socio-economic challenges due to lack of investment in these critical areas.

"I have not only remained consistent in urging governments, at all levels, to invest more in health and education, but I have also continued to call on donor agencies to do the same. Our investment in the future of our children is for the good of society and the progress of our nation," Obi said.

Addressing the nursing students, Obi reminded them that they are in a noble profession which cares for humanity. 

"I am particularly concerned about the training of more nurses who play very vital roles in caring for the health of society. As experts continue to warn of a severe shortage of nurses, we must remain proactive by investing in their training, through that, we can have enough for our domestic health sector, and export more to the global community," he added

Obi thanked the Proprietor of the College, Bishop Anthony Ademu Adaji; the Management and the Staff of the College for their commitment to training compassionate and competent healthcare professionals.

"Our commitment remains to build a New Nigeria which offers Nigerians access to good healthcare and educational opportunities. It is Possible," Obi concluded.

Signed 

Yunusa Tanko 

POMR PRESS RELEASE

The Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) has called on the National Assembly to collaborate with the tripartite committee on the new minimum wage to establish a system for regular and systematic wage reviews.

This initiative aims to align wages with the prevailing inflation rates and cost of living in Nigeria.

During a national retreat organized by the National Institute for Legislative and Democratic Studies (NILDS) in Abuja, NLC President, Joe Ajaero highlighted the necessity for legislative interventions to ensure that wage adjustments are timely and reflective of economic realities.

The event, themed “Labour Reforms and the Quest for a Living Wage in Nigeria: A Focus on Legislative Interventions,” served as a platform for Ajaero to voice the concerns of workers.

In his goodwill message, Ajaero pressed lawmakers to consider updating the country’s labour laws to safeguard workers effectively.

He emphasized that the current economic challenges faced by workers due to inflation and rising costs of living necessitate robust legislative frameworks.

Ajaero urged the lawmakers to “review and update our labour laws to reflect the realities of today’s economy and protect our people.

“This includes ensuring fair wages, safe working conditions, and protection against unfair labour practices. We call on the National Assembly to join us in calling on the executive to transmit to the Assembly the bill on the reviewed labour administration laws which had gone through the tripartite process some years back but seemed to have been impounded by the executive.

“NASS should work with the tripartite to establish mechanisms for regular and systematic review of wage levels to ensure they keep pace with inflation and the cost of living.

“Workers are not beggars neither are they slaves. We create wealth and we deserve a healthy portion of it. The present angst in the country can only be assuaged by reasonable income to Nigerian people and workers.

“Our lawmakers should lay more focus on strengthening social security systems to provide a safety net for workers during times of economic hardship, unemployment, or health emergencies.

“Seek ways to make laws for effective social dialogue which will foster an inclusive dialogue between the government, employers, and labour unions to ensure policies are balanced, fair, and effectively address the needs of all stakeholders.

“The legislature should make laws that encourage continuous investment in education and vocational training to equip our workforce with the skills needed to thrive in a dynamic and evolving job market.”

[NaijaNews]

Renowned Islamic scholar and leader of Tijjaniyyah adherents, Sheikh Dahiru Usman Bauchi, has reached the milestone age of 100 years according to the Islamic calendar. Born on the 2nd of Almuharram 1346 A.H. (equivalent to 100 years yesterday , Sheikh Bauchi’s contributions to Islamic scholarship and education have been widely celebrated.

Born in Nafada, initially part of Bauchi State but now under Gombe State, Sheikh Bauchi currently resides in Kofar Gombe.

He began his Islamic education under the tutelage of his father, Alhaji Usman, becoming a Hafizul Qur-ān (memoriser of the Glorious Qur-ān) before the age of 20. He furthered his studies under numerous esteemed Islamic scholars both within and outside Nigeria, with Sheikh Ibrāhīm Inyass being his most influential teacher. His profound knowledge led to his recognition as a Professor of Qur-ānic memorisation and education, and he has been honoured as one of the world’s greatest Mufassirun (translators of the Glorious Qur-ān).

Sheikh Bauchi commenced his Tafsīr (Qur-ānic exegesis) in Bauchi State in 1948, dedicating 76 years to translating the Holy Qur-ān. His Tafsīr broadcasts began on Bauchi Radio Corporation in 1976, and later on Radio Nigeria Kaduna in 1980. Today, numerous radio stations across northern Nigeria air his teachings, especially during Ramadan.

With a large family comprising 100 children, 406 grandchildren, and 100 great-grandchildren, Sheikh Bauchi’s legacy of Qur-ān memorisation continues. Remarkably, 78 of his children, over 199 grandchildren, and 12 great-grandchildren are also Hafizul Qur-ān, balancing both Islamic and Western education.

Sheikh Bauchi has performed Hajj 55 times and Umrah (lesser Hajj) 205 times. He has also provided 1,000 houses in Bauchi and Kaduna states, among other northern states, for his children and students to live in free. He has established numerous Islamic schools and farmlands.

Sheikh Bauchi is recognised for his wisdom in preaching, which has led countless individuals to embrace Islam, particularly during Ramadan. He advocates for worshiping only Allāh, seeking forgiveness, and expressing gratitude for divine blessings while sending salutations to Prophet Muhammad (Sallallahu Alaihi Wasallam). As Deputy Chairman of the Fatwa Committee of the Supreme Council of Islamic Affairs, his influence is profound.

While there was no formal celebration for his centenary, disciples and clerics offered special prayers in mosques, expressing gratitude for his life and achievements. They praised his unblemished record of service to Islam and humanity, highlighting his role as a selfless and steadfast leader.

Mallam Ahmad Tijjani Saeed noted, “Maulana Sheikh, as he clocks the century age in good health, leaves a rich legacy of a life lived in the service of Allah, his nation, and humanity.”

Others, including Mallam Ahmad Tijjani Kolo, Sanusi Ahmad, and Muhammad Sogiji, commended Sheikh Bauchi’s courage in speaking against tyranny, corruption, and social ills like immorality, cultism, and drug abuse.

[DailyTrust]

The Federal Road Safety Corps (FRSC) FCT Command has arrested no fewer than 100 traffic offenders in the last one week during the ongoing “Operation Green Light Enforcement” in the city centre.

FCT Sector Commander, Muta’a Chorrie, disclosed this in an interview with the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) on Tuesday in Abuja.

Chorrie lamented that most motorists, especially commercial drivers, have made it a habit to disregard traffic lights.

He warned that the Corps would continue to sanction traffic offenders, regardless of their status, to ensure sanity on the roads.

He also addressed the issue of indiscriminate parking by commercial drivers, saying that the Corps had increased the mobility of patrol personnel to check the excesses of road users. 

“The FCT Command has been engaging with Transport Union Leaders in regular meetings to address the menace in the six area councils of the territory.

“We arrested 100 traffic offenders within seven days in FCT. We will not relent until sanity is restored on our highways,” he said.

Chorrie however, appealed to motorists to avoid overloading, as the Corps would not tolerate those who dent the country’s image.

The FRSC boss also advised Nigerians to avoid boarding overloaded vehicles, as they were difficult to maneuver during emergencies.

“With the rainy season setting in, we urge road users to drive within approved speed limits and park at convenient places when the rain is heavy,”he said.

(NAN)

U.S. President, Joe Biden’s personal physician on Tuesday stated that the president had not seen a neurologist outside of his annual physical examination.

This was as a result of the U.S. media reports about a Parkinson’s specialist visiting the White House multiple times.

Biden’s personal physician, Kevin O’Connor, said in a letter published on Monday that neurological specialist Dr Cannard examined President Biden for each of his annual physicals.

“Biden has not seen a neurologist outside of his annual physical,” he said.

O’Connor said Cannard had been visiting patients at the White House for a dozen years and was not chosen because he was a movement disorder specialist.

The statement by Biden’s personal physician comes after a heated debate had broken out at a press conference between journalists and White House press secretary Karine Jean-Pierre.

The New York Times, citing official visitor logs, reported that Cannard had visited the White House eight times since last summer.

Jean-Pierre refused to respond to questions about why Cannard had been visiting the White House regularly over the past few months.

According to O’Connor, the results of the neurological examination by Cannard were made public each time, most recently at the end of February.

The published health report stated that there were no indications of possible strokes or Parkinson’s disease, and that the president showed “no tremor, either at rest or with activity,” the letter said.

Biden, 81, has increasingly faced questions about his mental fitness since his TV debate with Republican challenger Donald Trump.

A debate was sparked in the U.S. over whether Biden is the right Democratic presidential candidate for the November election due to his age.

Biden has rejected any doubts and refuses to take a cognitive health test to assess his mental abilities.

The White House’s recent action is uncommon and indicates the increasing pressure.

The release of the letter likely aims to dispel any rumours suggesting the possibility of Parkinson’s disease.

Jean-Pierre told the press briefing that he was not being treated for the disease.

(dpa/NAN)