Embattled Kenyan President William Ruto has dissolved his cabinet in response to lingering youth-led national anger against bad governance characterised by economic hardship, insensitivity and extravagance by government officials and police brutality.

“Upon reflection, listening keenly to what the people of Kenya have said and after a holistic appraisal of the performance of my Cabinet and its achievements and challenges, I have… decided to dismiss with immediate effect all the Cabinet Secretaries and the Attorney-General from the Cabinet of the Republic of Kenya except the Prime Cabinet Secretary and Cabinet Secretary for Foreign and Diaspora Affairs,” he said in a four-page statement released by State House on Thursday.

He added: “I will immediately engage in extensive consultations across different sectors and political formations, with the aim of setting up a broad-based government that will assist me in accelerating and expediting the necessary, urgent and irreversible, implementation of radical programmes to deal with the burden of debt, raising domestic resources, expanding job opportunities, eliminate wastage and unnecessary duplication of a multiplicity of government agencies and slay the dragon of corruption consequently making the government lean, inexpensive, effective and efficient.”

The public disaffection against Ruto’s government policies came to a head on June 25, when youths stormed the Kenyan Parliament and chased away MPs who assembled to pass a controversial Financial Bill 2024 that sought to impose more taxes on the long-suffering citizens.

The National Human Rights Commission reported at least 39 deaths, hundreds injured and a score of persons missing from the clashes between the protesters and security forces across the country.

After his initial tough stance, President Ruto backed down. He withdrew the controversial bill and promised to cut drains on the public treasury, such as the office of the First Lady.

In Thursday’s statement, the president said: “During this process (of extensive consultations across different sectors and political formations), the operations of government will continue uninterrupted under the guidance of Principal Secretaries and other relevant officials.”

He also pledged “additional measures in due course,” adding: “Recent events that necessitated the withdrawal of the Finance Bill, which will require a review and reorganisation of our budget and fiscal management, have brought us to an inflexion point.”

Continuing, President Ruto said “… I announced last week barring State and public officers from engaging in Harambee, I want to inform the country that the Public Fundraising Appeals Bill is now ready for publication tomorrow. Even with the progress we have made, I am acutely aware that the people of Kenya have high expectations of me and believe that this administration can undertake the most extensive transformation in our nation’s history.”

When Ruto assumed office in 2022 at age 55, leading an opposition party after resigning as deputy president, there were high hopes that a new sheriff with fresh ideas had arrived in the Kenyan divisive political scene.  

After his recent trips to the U.S. and Asia, the impression created in official quarters was that Ruto had become a darling of the superpowers. He was quoted as saying the “right things” during meetings with his interlocutors.

To reinforce this notion, Kenya recently dispatched a police contingent to assist in the stabilisation of troubled Haiti, America’s neighbour that has known more crisis than peace since its emergence as the first independent nation of freed black slaves in 1804.

The deal for the police deployment was negotiated between Nairobi and Washington under the aegis of the United Nations.

As is usually the case, this played a huge part in the budget support promised to Kenya by the IMF.

This is despite the well-documented unsavoury legacy of the Bretton Woods institution in most developing countries, hence the uncomplimentary saying: “IMF in a country today, riots tomorrow,” due to the anti-people conditionalities attached to their financial support.

Despite warnings by even former senior officials of the IMF and its cousin, the World Bank, it beggars’ belief that African leaders still fall victim.

Otherwise, why did it take the avoidable death of almost 40 Kenyans and the material losses during the protests for President Ruto to realise that his government had to consult extensively before imposing more hardships on the citizens of his country?

Perhaps, it is a credit to him to have engaged a reverse gear. However, Kenyan youth have made it clear that the citizens can no longer be taken for granted.

The same message should not be lost on Ruto’s colleagues in other African countries, who may want to carry on as if governance is about arbitrariness, impunity, self-service and the looting of state treasury for the benefit of themselves and their families at the expense of the majority.

The responsibility of every government is to improve the well-being of the people; and to protect lives and property in an environment of equal opportunity to all inspective of political affiliation, status, tribe, religion or creed.

The vault face of Kenya’s fifth President, who morphed from a PhD in Botany and Zoology into a tough politician, should be a good case study in government subjugation to people power.

It should also encourage the people to demand accountability from the leadership instead of a lukewarm attitude or support for oppressive leaders.

*Ejime is an Author, Global Affairs Analyst, and Consultant on Peace & Security and Governance Communications

The Federal Executive Council (FEC) has called for prompt action on its earlier decision to remove public universities from the Integrated Payroll and Personnel Information System (IPPIS) platform.

Naija News reports that the Council has instructed the Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF) to expedite the implementation of this decision, made several months ago.

This move aims to address a long-standing grievance of the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU), which has consistently opposed the use of IPPIS for university staff salaries.

ASUU argues that the system fails to accommodate the unique peculiarities of the academic environment.

Additionally, the Council has approved the establishment of a new National University of Science and Technology in Abuja. This decision follows an initial approval granted by former President Muhammadu Buhari on May 28, 2023, during the final days of his administration.

The new university is set to be a pioneering institution, marking the first in a planned network of Pan-African Institutes of Science and Technology.

Its primary mission will be to educate and train African scientists and technologists, thereby boosting the continent’s capacity in these critical fields.

The move to exempt universities from IPPIS and the creation of the new university signal significant steps towards resolving long-standing issues within Nigeria’s higher education system and advancing scientific and technological education in the region.

[NaijaNews]

The federal government has said that it is awaiting the report of the ombudsman, following the complaint it made challenging a report by the Daily Trust on the Samoa Agreement signed by Nigeria.

This was part of the issues discussed at the Federal Executive Council (FEC) Wednesday.

Addressing reporters after Wednesday’s FEC meeting at the Presidential Villa in Abuja, the Minister of Information and National Orientation, Mohammed Idris said: “There was also a discussion on the report by Daily Trust and the position of government on that report is that the federal government insisted that the report was misleading, it was false and designed to create confusion in the land.

“We expect that the industry’s ombudsman will look at the government’s complaint dispassionately and FEC will be patient to await the report of the ombudsman,” Idris said.

Idris noted that the present administration “believes in the freedom of expression, believes in the role of the media in ensuring that there is continuous and uninterrupted democracy in our land.

“So, the government is not desirous of doing anything that will harm that freedom of expression. But like we have said, where we feel there is an infringement, where we feel that the media itself or a section of it, in this case, Daily Trust has erred, because the government still believes that the report by Daily Trust is not correct, Nigerians have been misinformed, and in the process, a lot of damage has been done on the psyche of our people.

“We have made a complaint to the ombudsman to look at the report and we have sighted examples of where Daily Trust got it wrong so that Daily Trust can come clean and also mention or apologise to the nation and the government”, he said.

Also speaking, the Attorney General and Minister of Justice, Lateef Fagbemi, SAN, said: “The disturbing report by Daily Trust is being handled because we are conscious of press freedom, and if you notice this administration has not and will not tamper with press freedom because if you know the President, he has been an ardent supporter and believer in press freedom, in fact that is what got him up to this point.

“He is conscious of that, not only in press freedom but in fundamental human rights as enshrined in the constitution.

“Generally, government MDAs are available if there is any area that members of the Press would like to clear and the Freedom of Information Act is alive and is being rigorously honoured and in operation. So, I will advise that if there is any information that the members of the press require, it should be channelled to the appropriate MDAs before going to press”, he said.

Reps make U-Turn

In a related development, the House of Representatives yesterday made a U-Turn, saying it did not call on the federal government to suspend the implementation of the Samoa Agreement.

The clarification was made by the House spokesman, Akin Rotimi.

Rotimi, who represents Ikole/Oye Federal Constituency, Ekiti State, said that contrary to media reports, lawmakers resolved to investigate controversial clauses in the agreement to ensure that they do not violate the provisions of the 1999 Constitution (as amended).

The All Progressives Congress (APC) lawmaker noted that the House urged the government to engage in widespread consultations and stakeholder engagement concerning the agreement.

He said, “During the debate, concerns were raised regarding alleged clauses purportedly mandating support for the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender community as a prerequisite for financial and other aid from developed nations.

“Additionally, apprehensions were expressed about several specific articles within the agreement, including Articles 2.5, 29.5, 36.2, and 88, which some lawmakers believe may not align with Nigeria’s national interests and values, especially in the absence of a reservation clause.

“Rep Aliyu Sani Madaki had argued that Article 97 of the agreement, which asserts the supremacy of the agreement over any conflicting treaties involving European Union member states or the Organisation of African, Caribbean, and Pacific States, potentially infringes upon Nigeria’s sovereignty.

“In response, House Leader, Julius Ihonvbere (APC, Edo) clarified that the agreement, as officially presented, does not include provisions related to a $150bn fund or any clauses promoting LGBT rights in Nigeria, contrary to public speculation.

“Emphasising the importance of parliamentary oversight, House Minority Leader, Kingsley Chinda (PDP, Rivers) underscored the need for transparency in treaty negotiations, citing Section 12 of the Nigerian Constitution (1999, as amended), which mandates parliamentary involvement in such matters.

“It is important to clarify that the House of Representatives did not resolve to call for the suspension of the agreement nor the suspension of its implementation, as has been erroneously reported by some media houses.

“Instead, the House resolved to thoroughly scrutinise the Samoa Partnership Agreement for all contentious clauses through legislative hearings,” he said.

Former PUNCH Chairman, Chief Ajibola Ogunsola, is going to be 80 on Sunday. As someone who has worked under his management, it is fitting to take out this week to celebrate a man I have come to regard as one of my “destiny helpers.” Every story has multiple beginnings, and I will nail the start of this one down to sometime around 2008 when I joined PUNCH as a postgraduate student. I did not set out to be in journalism; it was the hand of fate that nudged me towards applying for their job when they were recruiting fresh graduates (which I was not). At the time, I had a novel titled “Under the Brown Rusted Roofs” in the works, and I thought I had my life mapped out.

I gave a copy of the published book to my then editor, Mr Steve Ayorinde, who asked me to send another to the company chairman, a proud Ibadan son. I did, and I did not think about it any further. Shortly after, Mr Ayorinde came to the newsroom to inform me that the chairman wanted to see me. My head swirled. If there is something I always try to avoid, it is attention. Depending on what is at stake, it is a good and bad habit which I do not know if I should shake off or retain. Anyway, they scheduled a time and up the stairs to his office I went with trepidation.

Anyone who has worked in PUNCH knows how much the man was feared and revered. He is a no-nonsense man with high professional standards. He brooked no sloppiness and approached any slack in quality with the sternness of a colonial-era village headmaster. In those days, he would scan a newspaper piece written by a journalist, make corrections with a red pen, put the copy in a white envelope, and address it to the writer. Even without further words, receiving that envelope would feel like your soul had been weighed and found wanting.

That day, I walked into his office with my fingers cold from the apprehension of approaching the throne of judgment, but what I met was a genial man. The first question he asked me was, “That character (in the book), was that your father?” It was an icebreaker, and from there we talked about everything else. He put me at ease, and what he did next, I can never forget. He offered to buy 100 copies of my book. It was a grand gesture.

When publishers print the first print run of your book—usually 1,000 copies—they dump a chunk with you and expect you to do part of the marketing. So, his offering to buy that many copies was a literal weight lifted off the corner of my one-bedroom apartment. But he did not stop there. He sent out those copies to people at home and abroad—prominent Ibadan people, journalists, professors, professionals and so on—whom he thought should read the book. For years afterwards, I encountered people who would tell me, “I read your book. Your chairman sent it to me.” But it still did not end there.

Months later, he sent another message asking the editor to make me (and another lady) a columnist. I thought things were going too far. If you had asked me then to list 12 things I could possibly do in this life, writing a column would not have made number 121. I had several favourite columnists, but joining their league never crossed my mind. Besides, I was new at PUNCH. Becoming a columnist would change my professional relationship with people around me.

I thought I should tell him that he had gotten things all wrong. The fact that I wrote a book he liked does not mean I could write a column. That was a different skill set (and discipline) that I simply did not have time to muster because I was already working towards graduate school abroad at the time. I would return from work late at night, start studying for the GRE examination, and leave home to pursue work again. Where was the time?

I asked to see him, and they scheduled an appointment. When I met him, I was so flustered that I botched my carefully rehearsed speech. His response was kind. When I left his office that day, it was with the resolve that I would live up to his expectations of me. Choosing someone as young and inexperienced as me was, no doubt, an “unmerited favour.” I know the term has now been bastardised, but the idea of “unmerited favour” was not that you were miscast for a role but that you represent a bankable promise. It is your responsibility to prove yourself worthy of the faith invested in you.

Starting the column was a rough ride worsened by the paralysing fear that Chief Ogunsola was somewhere upstairs, looking down and waiting to judge me. And for years, I wrote for an audience of one. The fear of letting down someone who believed I would rise to the challenge was petrifying. I waited, but the white envelope with the red pen markings never came. Good or bad, I never heard from him and that was hard.

Learning on the go meant part of your mistakes would have been published. You would learn, but you would also cringe. I did my best, supported by then editor and sister, Ayo Adesola-aderele (and later, Joel Nwokeoma). A couple of years later, the new editor, Mr Joseph Adeyeye, moved the column from the inside pages to the back page. I still wonder what he was thinking when he did that because I expected to be let go, but I was promoted instead.

After the first column was published, I received an unexpected call from Chief Ogunsola. He first congratulated me, and then brought me up to speed on the complexities of the world I was about to enter. If he had not taken that initiative, maybe my feet would have stumbled somewhere. I should also add that he sent me some money to buy a dictionary and thesaurus.

Years ago, he was in Austin, Texas, for his friend’s daughter’s graduation ceremony. During our lunch together, he happened to mention that one of the people who took over from him in one of the companies he managed told him how fearful they were that he, Chief Ogunsola, was always judging their managerial competence against his record. I stared as he explained that he understood that everyone’s tenure would be different. Then I finally confessed that I also lived with a similar fear of letting him down. ‘No, no, no,’ he said. Then he went on to tell me how proud he was of how far I had come, and that he wished me nothing but well. To think all the while, what I saw in my mind’s eye was a magistrate. It was a liberating moment for me.

Being a columnist has brought me a long way personally and professionally. I am thankful for the foresightedness of a man who thought of me beyond myself, and the guidance he supplied along the way. I have unlearned and relearned, and I am grateful for the education. If I have ever been wrong on this journey, it was with the same sincerity with which I have been right. I made mistakes, but I regret nothing. I said what I said, and I will repeat most of it. Pushing the borders of what can be said was consistent with my belief in human freedom. Yes, freedom is not freedom unless someone uses it. I have no apologies. Also, and not to be self-righteous, I do not have the sin of gluttony for “likes” or “loves.” I do not want to be loved or hated; I just want to understand and be understood.

So, to the man whose managerial acumen contributed to making me, and who supported me as I charted the path of self-discovery, I say a happy 80th birthday.

In this article, Nduka Nwosu picks a few examples of men whose selfless efforts at moving the economy to the next level, give us hope that the future will be great someday.

Just last Monday, there was a newspaper report that the global analytics company S & P was very impressed with what it saw at the Dangote Refinery, asserting that the company with a capacity to refine 650,000 barrels of crude oil daily was capable of solving Nigeria’s foreign exchange problems through export of some of its products as well as catalyse economic development.

We as a country have been told severally that we stand to make a tremendous haul of our deliverables in the oil and gas sector if only we can put our acts together and do the needful. How many of us are doing the needful in our chosen areas of endeavour? Have we had the Aliko Dangotes in the past and are they still here working quietly to redefine our economy in the right direction despite the pains and potholes of the moment?

The private sector which should take off where the government kick starts policy implementation has been emasculated by potholes of corrupt practices that a Dangote has through painful effort successfully traversed to get to where he is. And now the US-based Standards & Poors says Dangote Refinery can help us swim to the Promised Land.

Even now Dangote is crying aloud that the enemies of the economy conspiring with the IOCs are working hard to destroy the new venture. How sad.

That is not a welcome news. We know the success of the refinery would deny many their illegitimately acquired daily bread, the same people that call Dangote names.  Think of all the scandals every great man of endeavour has passed through to have his name engraved in the hall of fame, the Nigerian Hall of Fame to be specific. What have we not heard of an Aliko Dangote? The good, the bad and the ugly? Yet he remains focused etching his name in the sand of time like great grandfather Al-Hassan Dantata.

 Dangote will be glad to say he helped to turn around the Nigerian economy with the vision from the Almighty. The man has enough accomplishments that will earn him a place in the Hall of Fame of the Nigerian economy. And there are many Dangotes all over the polity who deserve a mention and a place in the Hall of Fame, the heroes of our future economy

Alhaji Al Hassan Dantata

The success story of the Dantatas and the Dangotes is traceable to Alhaji Al-Hassan Dantata who was considered the richest man in West Africa until his death in 1955. He had a huge influence on economic development in the north, especially in shaping the business acumen of the emerging Dantatas and Dangotes. He was the great-grandson of Aliko Dangote from the mother’s side and father of Aminu Dantata founder of Express Petroleum and Gas Ltd and earlier CEO of Alhassan Dantata and Sons Group, a trading company in kola nuts, groundnuts, and foreign goods. Al-Hassan Dantata’s company’s groundnut pyramids made the north famous in the export sector of the old Northern region. His pioneering efforts in the export sector make him a fitting candidate for the hall of fame of pioneers of our new economy.

The Chagoury Brothers

I had thought many years ago that the Chagoury family were foreign to this country until recently. These are Nigerians of Lebanese extraction. Their parents arrived in Nigeria in the first half of the 20th century and had their children as Nigerians. Two distinguished members of the family the elder Gilbert, an ambassador extraordinaire to many countries, and businessman, and younger sibling Ronald, had traversed Business Nigeria like a colossus, providing meaningful employment to over 100,000 Nigerians across 50 years of active investment in various sectors of the economy. The Chagoury Brothers have made an impact in the manufacturing sector across the length and breadth of corporate Nigeria. 

Just like Dangote, the Chagourys have spread their business investment savvy to other African countries. Of course, we can talk of Nigerians who are citizens of other countries who have impacted positively on the economic development of such countries in West Africa. Ali Bongo who was overthrown in a military coup, was said to have been flown to Gabon with other Biafran kids during the war and was adopted by President Omar Bongo. In Britain, the US, Canada and Australia, Nigerians have risen to occupy high offices and as parliamentarians, special advisers and ministers. Home indeed is where you make it.

Bola Tinubu

The floods returned to Lagos last week with panic and horrible stories of victims, some of whom lost their lives. It was worse at Bar Beach before Governor Bola Tinubu with the Chagoury Brothers translated a once chilling experience of the Atlantic Ocean to that of a new city; Eko Atlantic City. Tinubu himself projects the image of an adventurer excited by new ideas and can-do possibilities. The list is quite impressive. The purchase and recognition of an idea when it comes, is part of the reason Lagos has become the leader of an economy anchored on maximisation of its internally generated revenue (IGR).

Now as president, he is constructing a 700-kilometer coastal highway (about half the distance from Florida to New York City) with the Hitech Construction Company Limited as the contractor. And there are many more such projects on the table. That is the story we want to hear with all the despondency that is afflicting the economy.

Innoson Motors

I was privileged to visit the two factories of Innoson Motors in Enugu and Nnewi shortly before the commissioning in 2010 by President Goodluck Jonathan. What amazed me the most was the revelation from the odyssey of Chief Innocent Ifediaso Chukwuma (CON). Born in 1961, Chukwuma whose early beginnings sound like that of another great investor, Cosmas Maduka, was barely schooled when he went into the import business of motorbikes and the accessories. Today he has reversed the trend. Innoson Motors in my presence was hosting the then Ghanaian minister of trade interested in importing the products from his factory. From being a net importer of motorbikes, Chief Chukwuma now exports what could rightly pass as a Nigerian manufactured car brand. Chief Chukwuma has promised that if the drivers of the economy can give him steel-related products through Ajaokuta or Aladja Steel companies, a near 80 percent production of a Nigerian-made car is possible.

Yet, Chukwuma was at a point scandalised by the very system he was elevating as running away from payment of duties or was owing a bank when in fact the bank was owing him

Governor Alex Otti

Governor of Abia State, Dr. Alex Otti, an economist and banker, has proved that daring uncharted territories of impossibility can come with success and greatness. He did it in First Bank and Diamond Bank and now in God’s own state Abia, long driven to abysmal heights of structural and infrastructure development from its creation. What previously looked unattainable in reconstructing Abia to compete effectively with other progressive states of the south-east and the country, is witnessing a turnaround, a dream come true by the day. Aba, the once economic hub of the south-east, is witnessing a gradual and steady reconstruction. Otti has abolished the monstrous pension and gratuity the managers of the state used to clean the economy. Prebendal politics is over because he is not accountable to any godfather. Infrastructure as a tool of economic reawakening, has taken the better part of the state in addition to clearing arrears of salaries and pensions of civil servants and pensioners. A new lease of life has come into Abia. Otti is moving on despite the efforts of the opposition to scandalise his administration’s achievements. He is a candidate of the heroes of our new economy.

Dr. Allen Onyeama

Can we ever complete discussion on heroes of our new economy without making mention of Dr Allen Onyeama, founder and CEO of Air Peace. We saw and keep seeing his war against foreign airlines who have been fleecing the economy with killing air fares. Onyeama’s entry into the euro, dollar and pound sterling fetching routes rewrote the narrative. Air fares to these routes crashed with the airlines and their home governments screaming blue murder and digging potholes of destabilisation for Air Peace, having pegged its fares to an affordable minimum. Onyeama is still in the trenches leading his squadrons against the fireworks of the enemy. He has proven that patriotism soars higher than the material dollar each time he offered to fly Nigerians home gratis, from troubled spots. 

He has been called names he does not deserve by those who want him to lose focus, but he has picked a few lessons from Michelle Obama that whenever they go low, soar higher and higher. Onyeama is a candidate of the heroes of our new economy.

Sir L.P. Ojukwu

So much has been written about Sir Phillip Odumegwu Ojukwu, parliamentarian, businessman and first Nigerian president of the Nigerian Stock Exchange. His accomplishments and investments as a pace setter are non-pareil for his time, documented for research for students of business studies.

You can talk about him as the father of a “rebel,” first and last head of state of the defunct Biafran Republic, Gen Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, but Sir LP Ojukwu believed in the Nigerian project, disagreeing with his son on many issues, yet he was a trail blazer whose investments are still noticeable in the former federal capital territory of Lagos and elsewhere in the country. Post humously, Sir Phillip was a pace setter that left some lessons for the drivers of a progressive economy.

Femi Otedola

Femi Otedola’s name will always resonate as the comeback kid who went down and came up with a bang. His relevance in the Nigerian economy will be sketched in what he is doing right now in the power sector where he drives the Geregu Power Plc. As chairman of Forte Oil PLC, he moved the company to one of the best performing oil companies at the Nigerian Stock Exchange. To accelerate economic growth through sustainable power generation in Nigeria is the mission of Geregu Power under Otedola with a vision to be the leading provider of integrated power supply in the country, generating electric power supply to the National Grid managed by the Transmission Company of Nigeria (TCN). 

This is a tall order; Otedola whose father was once the Governor of Lagos state, knows his mission is in business, not politics.

If Otedola can rewrite the story of the Nigerian power sector, he would have made himself one of the greats in Nigerian history. He is a known name in philanthropy which makes him happy serving humanity with selfless motivation. 

Chief Michael Adeniyi Agbolade Ishola Adenuga

Chief Mike Adenuga brought positive change to the economy when he challenged the entry of foreign telecom operators, floating a completely indigenous outfit Globacom which helped to rewrite the story of telephone operation in the history of Nigeria. Chief Adenuga’s greatness is found not in his foray into the banking and oil business where he equally distinguished himself, but in his consistent effort to make Glo one of the best if not the best telecom company in the African continent.

Glo becomes annoying when it rains and its facilities experience a collapse. Notwithstanding, the telecom company is the pride of the nation, our own thing. No doubt Adenuga remains a pride of the nation

Timothy Adeola Odutola (Odutola tyres)

Chief Timothy Adeola Odutola is best known for his brand product Odutola Tyres, just like Ugo Tyres in the east. The question everyone should ask is, where is Odutola Tyres or Ugochukwu Tyres today, our early indigenous efforts in the manufacturing export sector? Was there no succession plan to sustain and expand these factories? A man was inspired to quit his job as a court clerk and went into the trading business in damask clothes and fishing with emphasis on nets. He was so successful he expanded across many cities outside his hometown Ijebu Ode. We learn the businessman traded in cocoa and palm produce before establishing factories in various parts of the country. The tyre business which came on stream in 1967 has gone under just like Michelin and Dunlop that closed shop and left the country. What happened to us that we could not protect our own? Sir Odutola, OBE CON and first President Manufacturers Association of Nigeria, is a hero and pace setter of the new economy.

Leventis Brothers

Just like the Chagoury Brothers, the Leventis Brothers were very prominent in the business development of the economy long before independence and the late 1990s with business interests that span various parts of the country. We heard of AP and AG Leventis but the pioneer was Anastasios Leventis who held the title of the Babalaje of Egbaland and founder of the Leventis Group. 

In 1982 I was in Northern Cyprus to interview cessationist President of Northern Cyprus, Rauf Denktash. Ambassador Leventis whose country Greece was backing the government of Cyprus against the cessionists conveyed the displeasure of the Greek government over my robust exposure of Northern Cyprus, expressing his willingness to have an interview with me so I can hear the story from the Greek perspective. The trip was halted because of a clause in Greek immigration law that says you cannot come to Greece if you had been to Northern Cyprus.

This is an attempt at a fair representation of the new and old heroes of the Nigerian economy. We must not forget what they have done and keep doing to keep corporate Nigeria alive in the short and long run while expecting the best in our momentary lamentations of a flailing economy. The activities of men and women like these, will take us to the promised land. They are the men of the new era of economic growth and stability, the heroes of our future economy.

For almost two weeks, we have witnessed the resurgence of fuel queues across the country.  This of course exposes the never-ending mess in the downstream sector of the petroleum industry that has been with us for more than five decades. The main concern now is that the Dangote Refinery, which had been expected to guarantee fuel availability with all the multiplier effects, may not even change the narrative. Although currently producing diesel, jet fuel and polypropylene, the expectation that the world’s largest single-train petroleum refining facility would begin producing gasoline by next month is being hampered by what the company sees as a conspiracy by the International Oil Companies (IOC) operating in the country to “deliberately and willfully” frustrate its efforts.

Two weeks ago, Vice President of Oil and Gas at Dangote Industries Limited, Mr Devakumar Edwin, accused the IOCs of hiking the cost of crude above the market price, thereby forcing their refinery to import crude from countries as far as the United States, with its attendant high costs. “It seems that the IOCs’ objective is to ensure that our petroleum refinery fails. It is either they are deliberately asking for a ridiculous/humongous premium or they simply state that crude is not available,” Edwin alleged. “At some point, we paid $6 over and above the market price. This has forced us to reduce our output as well as import crude from countries as far as the US, increasing our cost of production.”

Putting the blame at the doorstep of the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC) which continues “to issue import licences at the expense of our economy and at the cost of the health of the Nigerians who are exposed to carcinogenic products” Edwin added that the IOCs “are keen on exporting the raw materials to their home countries, creating employment and wealth for their countries, adding to their GDP, and dumping the expensive refined products into Nigeria – thus making us to be dependent on imported products.” And in what can easily be described as an emotional argument, Edwin alleged that these licences “are being issued, in large quantities, to traders who are buying the extremely high sulphur diesel from Russia and dumping it in the Nigerian market.”

Before I come to the substance of my intervention, let me state that I am aware of how Alhaji Aliko Dangote’s business model divides opinions in our country. I have heard the argument that Dangote enjoys enormous government patronage and support for his projects. I have heard about allegations of monopolistic tendencies. And not all these charges can be dismissed as sour grapes. When a man amasses the humongous wealth available to Dangote in our kind of environment, there will always be legitimate questions to ask.  Not only by competitors but also by consumers of his products. But in a nation where the easiest route to stupendous wealth is not production but politics and where people with no visible means of livelihood are billionaires, there is also something to say for those who work very hard by investing in production, creating direct and indirect jobs for hundreds of thousands of our people.

In my tribute to Globacom Chairman, Dr Mike Adenuga (Jnr) when he marked his 70th birthday in April last year, I used the Biblical ‘parable of talents’ to illustrate a point about the distribution of certain opportunities in Nigeria. “The Bible makes it clear that the master understood the capacity of each servant, which explains the disparity in the number of talents he gave them. The Nigerian state might have given either five or two ‘talents’ to a few, but there are thousands of other Nigerian businessmen who have been handed a ‘talent’ each,” I wrote while arguing that the issue should not be about the quantum of ‘talents’ anybody was given but rather in the efforts they put into deploying those ‘talents’ for the advancement of society. I also referenced the poignant admonition by the late South African icon, Mr Nelson Mandela to his country’s music star, Yvonne Chaka Chaka: “It is what we make of what we have, not what we are given, that separates one person from another.”

Now to the main issue. Section 109 (4)(b) of the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) 2021 says that “the supply of crude oil shall be commercially negotiated between the lessee [of upstream petroleum operations] and the crude oil refining licensee, having regard to the prevailing international market price for similar grades of crude oil.” But Dangote Refinery, according to what he told me on Monday, is being asked to negotiate with the marketing arms of lessees which are not domiciled in Nigeria (and at a higher price) for their crude needs. I am not surprised that the IOCs are reluctant to meet whatever may be their domestic obligations to Dangote Refinery. I recall a similar situation, albeit in the power sector, recounted in my book, ‘Power, Politics and Death: A front-row account of Nigeria under President Yar’Adua’. In March 2008, then Shell International CEO, Mr. Jeroen van der Veer, visited Nigeria to outline his company’s apprehensions about the proposed Petroleum Industry Bill (PIB). I was at the meeting where President Yar’Adua “expressed his displeasure with Shell for its reluctance to make gas available for electricity generation in the country,” I wrote on the challenge of the power sector which remains till date. But we should also be fair to the IOCs.

While the Dangote Refinery may be able to count on the Nigeria National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) for some of its crude requirement, they would need to source the remaining from IOCs and other independent producers operating in Nigeria. Given all the ‘forward and backward’ sales agreements that have been entered into by the NNPCL on behalf of the debt-ridden federal government in recent years, I don’t see where they can get the 650,000 barrels per day that Dangote Refinery needs, even if they want to. And for the IOCs, with my little knowledge of the industry, most of their Special Purchase Agreements (SPAs) are long-term deals. That, of course, is not to say that they may not be working for the refinery to fail.  “Unfortunately, they (IOCs) are either unwilling to sell to us or demand predatory prices. Since refining is a low margin business, the additional premium they put on the crude we buy could easily tilt the economics into loss making territory,” according to an official of the company with whom I spoke yesterday. But the bigger challenge for Dangote Refinery is in the diesel market, principally due to the fallout from the war in Ukraine.

Apparently in frustration, Dangote has been repeating a conventional wisdom he probably wished had come much earlier. In May last year, at the invitation of its Chief Upstream Operating Officer, Mr Bala Wunti, I was in Lagos to speak at the Annual Value Assurance Review (AVAR) of the NNPC Upstream Investment Management Services (NUIMS). Dangote, who was keynote speaker at the forum, shared some of the challenges he faced while trying to build his refinery. He was compelled to construct his own port at Lekki, had to erect over 200 kilometres of gas pipelines across different projects, built his own power plants, bought his own cranes and mined his own granite etc. But the most interesting aspect of Dangote’s presentation was the anecdote he has rehashed in recent media interviews.

During the 2019 Ramadan, according to Dangote, he was invited to Mecca by the current Saudi Arabia Minister of Investment, Dr Khalid A. Al-Falih, to break fast together. A former CEO of the Saudi Arabian oil company (Saudi Aramco) who later became the chairman of its board of directors before his elevation to cabinet position, Al-Falih was at that period the Minister of Energy, Industry and Mineral Resources in Saudi Arabia. “Aliko, I heard that you’re planning to build a refinery, what capacity?” Al-Falih reportedly asked him. “I said 650,000. He kept quiet for a while and then said, ‘You know, just about 120 kilometres from Mecca, we are building one and I think I would like you to go and have a look. We, in Saudi Aramco, are facing a lot of challenges and, we are proceeding with it, but my advice to you is not to do it because normally, refineries are built by major oil corporations or sovereign countries’.” To this, Dangote said he replied: “Your Excellency, unfortunately, we have already started. So, I am not looking for advice.”

I am sure Dangote would wish he had met Al-Falih while still conceiving the idea of building a mega refinery in Nigeria. He would have weighed his options. Now that he is in the middle of the ocean, the choice before him is either to swim or sink. The pertinent question is, should Dangote Refinery be seeking special dispensation from the federal government? This is quite tricky if we must create a level-playing field but I am also aware that some countries have imposed domestic crude supply obligation to support local refining. In 2008, for instance, Argentina implemented export restrictions on crude oil to ensure sufficient supply for domestic consumption. Indonesia, once a significant exporter of crude oil, similarly imposed export restrictions in 2011 to prioritize domestic supply and support its refining industry.

But the real challenge is whether Nigeria even has the capacity to do that, assuming the authorities want to. With the extraordinary amount in ‘cost recovery’ to cover up for the ‘subsidy is gone’ presidential proclamation, the industrial scale oil theft by sundry criminal cartels that ensures we cannot even meet OPEC quota, and the lack of investment in the sector that has brought oil production down while many IOCs exit, the NNPCL is challenged on several fronts. But with a 20 percent stake in Dangote Refinery, authorities in the sector should sit down with the company to resolve whatever the challenges are.

Last week, Dangote was in the media for what became a famous quote: “Import dependence is equivalent to importing poverty and exporting jobs. No power, no growth, no prosperity. Similarly, no affordable financing, no growth, no prosperity. There is no industrialization without protection. Ignoring these facts is what gives rise to insecurity, banditry, kidnapping and abject poverty.” But when I spoke to him on Monday, he said the area highlighted in the media was the preface to his presentation last Tuesday at the 2024 Nigeria Manufacturers’ Summit in Abuja. He sent me the entire speech, which I consider quite revealing.

In the presentation, Dangote spoke to the challenge of manufacturing and industrialisation in Nigeria. “Post independence and indeed until the late 1980’s we had a thriving and consistently growing and increasingly diversifying manufacturing industry. Our industrialization policies were well thought out and diligently implemented,” Dangote said while reeling out the various industries in the country at the time and the value chains created. “Even in the Petroleum Industry, the policy of value addition to local raw materials was actively pursued during this period. In fact, the main thrust of Nigeria’s Third National Development Plan 1975-80 was the elimination of fuel scarcity. The first crude oil refinery was established in Port Harcourt in 1965, followed by Warri in 1978 and Kaduna in 1980. A second refinery was commissioned in Port Harcourt in 1989. Since then, no further capacity has been added. On the contrary all the three plants were allowed to steadily decline, forcing the country to resort to embarrassing import dependency.”

Apart from a focus on local value addition, “the earlier industrial policies also encouraged and supported local entrepreneurs to go into manufacturing leading to the emergence of our trail blazers in the sector such as the Odutolas, the Adebowales, the Adedoyins, the Aminu Dantatas, the Isyaka Rabius, the Chin Okekes, Razak Okoyas, the Onafowokans of Ladgroup and others,” Dangote argued. The landscape today, of course, is different as Dangote listed Steyr in Bauchi, Leyland in lbadan, Anamco in Enugu, Fiat in Kano, Volkswagen in Lagos, Peugeot in Kaduna, Osogbo, Delta, Jos & Katsina steel mills, Jebba paper mill, etc. as some of the joint venture businesses that have “since joined the graveyard of dead manufacturing concerns.”

Claiming to be aware “that the Bretton Woods Institutions have confused some of our economists about the word ‘protection’ to the extent that some of them think it is a blasphemy word that should not be uttered in good company”, Dangote then posed the question: “But how did China, Korea, India and several other Asian countries emerge as strong economies and a threat to the existing world economic order?”

To Dangote, the way forward is to encourage manufacturing through backward integration, citing his own example. “In 2023, Dangote Cement alone paid more taxes into the coffers of the government than the entire banking industry,” he said before making what appears like a response to his critics. “It is also often suggested that protecting your industries leads to monopoly! Again, this is false. You create the environment for monopoly when new investors are not willing or not allowed to invest in the industry. In asking for protection, I am NOT asking the government to prevent others from investing in the sector or industry. Quite the opposite, I am recommending that government policy should support and protect existing industries so that others will know that their investment will also be protected.”

I am sure that some of his competitors would counter that argument. But whatever anybody may feel about Dangote, the issues surrounding the refinery are beyond his person. These are issues that relate to the fundamentals of our economy with serious national security implications. The sheer magnitude of the facility and the expected trickle-down effect in terms of job creation cannot be downplayed. With an integrated power plant within the refinery which has a capacity of 435mw, exceeding the total power requirement of Ibadan Distribution Company (Disco), the Dangote Refinery remains the single most significant piece of infrastructure development Nigeria has witnessed in recent years. It must not be allowed to fail!

 • You can follow me on my X, (formerly Twitter) handle, @Olusegunverdict and on www.olusegunadeniyi.com   

The Community Court of Justice, ECOWAS, On July 10, 2024, ruled that the Federal Republic of Nigeria violated the human rights of Obianuju Catherine Udeh and two others. The Court found Nigeria in breach of Articles 1, 4, 6, 9, 10, and 11 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights, specifically pertaining to the right to life, security of person, freedom of expression, assembly and association, prohibition of torture, duty of the state to investigate, and the right to effective remedy.

The Applicants, Obianuju Catherine Udeh, Perpetual Kamsi and Dabiraoluwa Adeyinka alleged that these violations have occurred during the peaceful protests at the Lekki Toll Gate in Lagos State on October 20 and 21, 2020.

Justice Koroma Mohamed Sengu, the Judge Rapporteur, who delivered the judgment said that the Court dismissed the allegation that the right to life as guaranteed under Article 4 of the ACPHR is violated. However, he said that the Respondent must pay each Applicant Two Million Naira as compensation for violations of their security of person, prohibition of torture and cruel, inhuman, and degrading treatment, rights to freedom of expression, assembly, and association, duty to investigate human rights violations, and right to effective remedy.

Additionally, the Respondent must adhere to its obligations under the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights, investigate and prosecute its agents responsible for these violations, and report to the Court within six months on the measures taken to implement this judgment.

The Applicants alleged that during the peaceful protests against the SARS Unit of the Nigerian Police Force at Lekki Toll Gate, Lagos State, on October 20 and 21, 2020, the Respondent committed several human rights violations. Triggered by the alleged killing of Daniel Chibuike, the protests aimed to address police harassment and brutality. The First Applicant’s claims include that the soldiers shot protesters, resulting in deaths and injuries, which she live-streamed, subsequently receiving threatening phone calls that forced her into hiding and eventual asylum. The Second Applicant, responsible for protesters' welfare, describes how soldiers began shooting after a power cut, leading to her hospitalisation due to police tear gas. The Third Applicant recounted narrowly escaping being shot, observing the refusal of ambulance entry by soldiers, and later witnessing inadequate hospital care for victims.

She argued that she and her colleagues took over the victims' care and she faced ongoing threats and surveillance, believed to be by Respondent's agents. The Applicants sought declaratory reliefs and compensation from the Court for these violations.

The Respondent denied all claims made by the Applicants, asserting that the protesters unlawfully assembled at Lekki Toll Gate on October 20, 2020, under the guise of protesting against SARS. The Respondent also maintained that its agents followed strict rules of engagement and did not shoot or kill protesters. It argued that the First Applicant incited the crowd by playing music and using her Instagram page to stir disaffection against law enforcement, who were targeting escapee members of Boko Haram and bandits. The Respondent contended that the Second Applicant's provision of logistics and welfare support indicated her support for the violent protest. It claimed that soldiers were present to restore peace until the police arrived, denying any harm inflicted on protesters and the refusal of ambulance access. The Respondent also denied that the Third Applicant’s presence was peaceful, asserting it was meant to escalate violence. It argued that the treatment and care of the injured were managed by the Lagos State government and submits that the Applicants have not provided credible evidence to support their claims, or the reliefs sought.

In its judgment, the Court found there was no violation of the right to life as the Applicants filed their claims in vitam. However, the Court held that several articles of the ACHPR were breached by the Respondent, which occasioned fundamental breaches of human rights violation therein.

Furthermore, the Court declared that the Applicants were denied the right to an effective remedy.

The Court ordered that the Respondent make reparations to the Applicants for the violation of their fundamental human rights.

Also on the three-member panel were Honourable Justices Dupe Atoki, presiding, and Ricardo Claúdio Monteiro Gonçalves.

Wole Soyinka has been hoary since I came to the knowledge of his works and his activism many years ago. Hoariness, for me, is not a feature of age or greying hair. On the contrary, I attach a certain level of exceptional venerableness to the very figure of WS. He possesses a dateless significance for me that surpasses the depth of his literary works to encompass his many-sided contributions to the idea of the Nigerian postcolony. I dare say that Wole Soyinka’s status as a phenomenal literary person assumes an even greater depth because of his very presence and attachment to Nigeria. All great writers, from Wiliam Shakespeare to Ngugi wa Thiong’o, derive their greatness from the literary and non-literary articulation of their disaffection with their context of being. Wole Soyinka is not different. From The Swamp Dwellers in 1958 to Thus Spake Orunmila in 2011; from The Interpreters in 1965 to Chronicles from the Land of the Happiest People on Earth (2021); and from The Man Died in 1972 to Climate of Fear (2005), Soyinka’s plays, novels and essays details—in stark literary sublimity—the terrors, ambiguity and possibilities of the Nigerian postcolonial predicament. 

Nigeria provided the fecund grounds for the outflowing of the creative mind of a writer who loves his country and wants to do right by her in a mode of patriotism that the country finds combative. Writers are strange beings. They are alchemists. This is what Virginia Wolff says, “Every secret of a writer's soul, every experience of his life, every quality of his mind is written large in his works.” They possess the capacity, usually unavailable to the rest of us, to see into their own souls, the souls of the nation, and the reality of other people’s souls in travails. And then they generate a creative combustion that fires all our imagination about who we are, where we are, what our contexts are making of us, and what we in turn can transform our context into. When WS penned that most famous of his quotes, “justice is the first condition of humanity,” he was generating a philosophical space that complements his literary brilliance. Only few writers combine sublime literariness and philosophical brilliance. And that is to be expected because, as Quentin Tarantino, the American filmmaker once said, “A writer should have this little voice inside of you saying, Tell the truth.” 

But then, while writers might nudge us towards the truth, philosophers insist on unraveling its depth. We remember the conversation between Pontius Pilate and Jesus before he was crucified. When Pilate asked if Jesus was a king, he responded, among other things, that he came into the world to bear witness to the truth. Pontius Pilate then threw that philosophical question at him: What is truth? But he was too impatient to wait for an answer. The answer is however still floating and amorphous either in the philosophers’ rarefied epistemological discourses or even worse within the dissident space of social media. Indeed, rather than wrapping up the discourses on what truth means, we have become burdened again with a further conceptual complexity: post-truth! With post-truth, signaled by Donald Trump’s alacrity in denying facts, we now arrive at the diminution of objective facts in favor of sentimentalism and emotion. And writers and activists like Wole Soyinka are now found therefore in the maelstrom of social media antagonism, especially around issues of truth, nation-building, patriotism and disinformation. 

WS has noted his aversion for social media and the deep ignorance that it wears like a garland. That chaotic Gen Z space is strange to most people of my age, and should be horrific for a nonagenarian who grew up on the value of ọmọlúwàbì and respectful human relations. But what is even more abject is the level of disinformation, vitriol and banality that contend for virality. In fact, one can say that the desperation for a viral message far surpasses the desire for cogency, objectivity and even patriotism. For a writer that values truth and justice, this should indeed be a tragedy of a huge proportion especially for a state that needs the energy of its youth population for development purposes. 

Wole Soyinka is the very definition of a patriot, the type that Nigeria needs; the type that has the courage to be a dissident—to love one’s nation sufficiently to disagree with her. And in novels, after plays after essays, WS reveals that he would keep being vigilant on the rampart of nation building. Let me attempt to recreate a mapping of Soyinka’s patriotic trajectory to make a larger point. In 1967, Wole Soyinka took a dare to head to Enugu to meet with Colonel Odumegwu Ojukwu, the then military governor of the Eastern region. It was a most dangerous mission, more dangerous than holding up the Nigerian Broadcasting Corporation, Ibadan to replace the speech of Chief Ladoke Akintola who was already expecting his victory in the 1965 election. On this national scale, the stakes were much higher than what the western region could throw at him. He was so adamant in his belief that Nigeria should not go to war that he thought meeting with the military governor could still serve as a last-ditch act. He was not afraid of being branded a felon for the love of country. This, in any context, translates into the willingness to die for one’s country through a path that challenges that country to do better.     

Soyinka’s entire literary credentials have been dedicated to the task of salvaging the Nigerian state and its proclivity for failures and destructiveness. WS once characterized himself as an “Afro-realist”: “I’m an Afro-realist. I take what comes, and I do my best to affect what is unacceptable in society.” This is the whole essence of his literary realism—directly representing Nigeria and the experiences of her citizens and leadership. And from the 1960s when he took up political activism, it would seem that WS would prefer to actively intervene in his own literary representation of Nigeria’s postcolonial predicaments by forcing truth into the open. It was not just enough to speak truth to power through literary characters and characterizations. 

Now in the age of the internet and social media, Nigeria’s woes have become drowned by the vociferous cacophonies of those—government and citizens, detractors and patriots—who deploy information to misinform and disinform. No wonder Wole Soyinka has become a subject matter of social media hazing—he now has to fight his patriotic battles at many fronts against a government that he keeps challenging to do better and a horde of uncouth and unteachable youths who do not even understand what it means to be willing to die for one’s country. What would a nonagenarian activist be thinking at this late in his years? What reminiscences, nostalgia, painful memories and latent possibilities collide in his mind? Are there regrets lurking somewhere about what could have been done that were not because of the single-minded attachment to Nigeria’s future? 

Let me end this piece with a recollection and a recommendation. When the late Prof. Ojetunji Aboyade was to be buried, Wole Soyinka was there. And he lamented about Nigeria and her heroes: “Nigeria kills us slowly; one by one, but surely. If Oje had given less of himself to a thankless nation, he would he alive today.” The irony of that lamentation is that Nigeria is still killing her heroes, like Wole Soyinka slowly and surely, and yet—like Ojetunji Aboyade—Wole Soyinka has refused to give less of himself. Our own venerated WS has commenced his earthly home run, and he does not need an elaborate posthumous pretenses and false affectation. All he wants would be to begin to see some significant and genuine move towards freedom and good governance. And the starting point would be to reflect on the coincidence between truth, information and governance in Nigeria. Bad governance is founded on untruth and political expediencies that sacrifices the national interest to the whims of a selected few. Good governance commences from a genuine commitment to objective facts—first, the fact of where we are and how we have missed it; second, facts about our own complicity in our own underdevelopment; third, facts about what needed to be done, sacrifices to be made, structures to be built and pulled down, values to be erected. One immediately sees the correlation between democratic governance, the press as the fourth estate of the realm and the commitment to human right which Wole Soyinka is passionate about. Nigeria needs to rethink its freedom of information and of the press as the sine qua non to a robust public/national space of free discourses and discussion about the future of a country that will not be allowed to degenerate into a simulacra of social media chaos and disinformation. 

For relentlessly believing that a better Nigeria is possible, Wole Soyinka at 90 deserves the benefit of a commitment to the fulfilment of that expectation of a better Nigeria. And he deserves a turn in that direction while he is still fighting for it.