The former lawmaker who represented Kaduna Central senatorial district in the National Assembly, Shehu Sani has urged former Ekiti State governor, Ayodele Fayose to tender an apology to Northerners following his comments on people of the region.

Fayose had in an interview on a Channels Television programme on Monday night stirred the hornet’s nest when he said the failure of the federal government to develop Nigeria was because northerners were marrying multiple wives and having many children indiscriminately thereby constituting a huge problem for Nigeria and a burden on the government.

“The reason why it is difficult for Tinubu to develop Nigeria is because Northerners are giving birth to children they can’t cater for,” Fayose said.

Reacting in a post on his official X handle on Tuesday, the former lawmaker said Fayose’s statement was not palatable.

“Even though Fayose spoke as an individual, his reported statement on Northerners is contemptuous and unconscionable.

“I suggest he should humbly withdraw it and tender an apology as a statesman”, Sani stated.

Nigerian sprinter, Favour Ofili, expressed her frustration on Tuesday, revealing that she will not compete in the 100-metre race at the ongoing Olympics in Paris due to administrative failures by the Athletics Federation of Nigeria and the Nigerian Olympic Committee.

She called for accountability from those responsible and voiced her skepticism about the trustworthiness of both organisations.

The LSU Track and Field alumni hopes to be entered in the 200-metre event.

LSU track refers to the track and field programme at Louisiana State University. 

Her post read, “It is with great regret that I have just been told I will not be competing in the 100 metres at this Olympic Games. I qualified, but those with the AFN and NOC failed to enter me. I have worked for four years to earn this opportunity. For what?”

Despite qualifying for the event, Ofili disclosed that the officials did not enter her, marking a repeat of the previous Olympics, Tokyo 2020.

She added, “Please remember, in the last Olympic Games, I was not able to compete because AFN, NADC and NOC failed to release funds for athletes to be tested, which made 14 Nigerian athletes that qualified to not compete. Now this……”

“If those responsible are not held accountable for taking this opportunity from me, neither organisation can ever be trusted in the future! Next one is the 200 metres. I hope I’m entered.”

Ofili secured her place in the women’s 200m event at the Paris 2024 Olympic Games, PUNCH Online reported.

PUNCH Online reports that the 21-year-old was entered for 100m, 200m, 400m, 100×100 relay.

Our correspondent was, however, unable to contact the officials of the aforementioned agencies for clarifications.

Ofili, who tweeted around 10 pm, was one of 10 Nigerian athletes declared ineligible for the Olympics by the Athletics Integrity Unit because they were not tested rigorously enough in the run-up to Tokyo 2020.

PUNCH Sports Extra, in a July 20 publication titled, “Nigeria’s Olympic Debutants!” mentioned Ofili as one.

Making her debut in Paris, flaunting her sterling credentials of once being in the Top 8 at the World Championships, the athlete is a Commonwealth Games silver medalist, an African Games champion, a former World U20 champion, and an African Senior Athletics Championships champion in the 200m.

Her current world rankings stand at 23 in 100m and 52 in 200m. Her highest rankings are 13 in 200m, 23 in 100m, and 37 in 400m.

In May, Ofili also shattered three records in a month.

[Punch]

- Despite the government backtracking on unpopular tax hikes, protesters now demand deeper measures to remedy economic disparities and government accountability

- 'To address these protests, the government needs to take tangible steps towards transparency, initiate meaningful reforms, and engage in genuine dialogue with the protesters. Without these actions, the unrest is likely to persist and potentially escalate,' political analyst Simon Mukhwana tells Anadolu

NAIROBI, Kenya

Kenya's streets remain a battleground as protests, sparked by controversial tax hikes, evolve into a wider outcry against deep-rooted economic disparities and a perceived lack of government accountability.

At the forefront of this movement is a generation of young Kenyans, refusing to be silenced despite facing escalating police crackdowns.

The protests erupted earlier this year in response to a government-proposed finance bill that included a slew of tax hikes amidst an already challenging economic environment.

The bill sparked public outrage, particularly among young people, who saw it as a move that would exacerbate an ongoing cost of living crisis in the East African nation. Widespread claims of government corruption and mismanagement only added fuel to the flames.

Kenyan President William Ruto bowed to the ensuing pressure by firing almost his entire Cabinet and initiating the process of building a new one. Despite this and other government concessions, the demonstrations have shown no signs of abating.

Youth in the spotlight

Young Kenyans, have been at the forefront of the demonstrations. Armed with smartphones and social media savvy, they have mobilized with remarkable speed and agility, bypassing traditional media channels to organize, share information, and galvanize support for protests calling for Ruto’s resignation.

Many express a sense of fearlessness, born from witnessing years of political corruption and economic hardship.

"This is not just about taxes anymore, the protests have changed into what the youth feel they need and they are not backing down. It will be tough to bring the protests to a stop until they get what they want," explains Wandia Njoya, a political analyst at Daystar University. "It's about a generation demanding a better future, one where they are not perpetually marginalized."

The demonstrations began in June, ignited by widespread frustration over government corruption and economic mismanagement. Young people expressed their anger by burning down a section of the parliament building during the initial wave of protests.

Every Tuesday and Thursday, Kenyans assemble on the streets to protest, frustrating the government, often met with a heavy police response. To date, 50 people have been killed in confrontations with law enforcement, according to the state-owned Kenya National Commission on Human Rights.

Sheila Mwangi, a 24-year-old activist, is determined to continue protesting. "We are tired of empty promises. We have so many unresolved issues with this government," she says. "We want real change, not just for ourselves but for future generations."

Their grievances extend beyond the now-withdrawn finance bill, encompassing broader issues such as unemployment, police brutality, and lack of government accountability. "We don't want people from the old Cabinet back, and we want the president to step down. We've endured years of broken promises and corrupt leadership," Mwangi added.

According to human rights activist David Karanja, police brutality has been a significant rallying point for the protesters. "The government's heavy-handed approach has only strengthened the resolve of the youth to continue their fight," he said.

Karanja noted that the regular demonstrations have become a powerful symbol of the people's determination to hold the government accountable and demand a better future.

However, he pointed out a significant challenge: "However, the leaderless nature of the movement presents a significant challenge.

"Without a central figure or organized leadership, coordinating efforts and negotiating with authorities becomes difficult."

On the streets of Nairobi, Kenyans voiced different sentiments on how the protests can come to an end.

Amina Hassan, a 21-year-old university student said, "As students, we are the future of this country, and we refuse to inherit a broken system, Kenya is standing at a critical juncture, a make-or-break moment."

"We are protesting because we want quality education, job opportunities, and a government that listens to our voices. We will not stop until we see genuine change," she said.

Many protesters, like high school teacher Grace Wanjiru, are on the streets for a better future for their children.

"They deserve an education system that prepares them for success, not one hindered by political instability and lack of funding. We are fighting for their future and our own. The only way this can stop is if all demands are met," she said.

The path forward

Besides these hopeful sentiments, uncertainty prevails on how the country will go forward, with many possible scenarios looming.

According to political analyst Simon Mukhwana, if confrontation between protesters and the government fails to subside, this could lead to prolonged instability and further economic disruption.

Alternatively, authorities could offer more substantial concessions, he said, admitting also that it will take significant reforms to address the deep-rooted structural issues in the government.

The worst-case scenario could see the situation spiral into violence, potentially resulting in a prolonged and bloody conflict.

"The protests are a culmination of years of pent-up frustration and anger among the populace," Mukhwana explained.

"People are fed up with the pervasive corruption, economic hardships, and lack of accountability from the government. The return of figures from the old Cabinet has only added fuel to the fire, as it shows a continuation of the same failed policies and leadership," he said, adding:

"The path forward remains uncertain but to address these protests, the government needs to take tangible steps towards transparency, initiate meaningful reforms, and engage in genuine dialogue with the protesters. Without these actions, the unrest is likely to persist and potentially escalate."

As Kenya stands at a critical juncture, civic groups and international observers have called for immediate dialogue between the government and the protesters to avoid risks of deeper chaos. The emphasis is on creating a platform where grievances can be addressed constructively, and a roadmap for reforms can be established.

[https://www.aa.com]

Nigerians should learn from the bitter outcomes of the ongoing widespread protests in Kenya, an activist cleric, Bishop Wycliffe Khaemba, has admonished the youths preparing to take to the streets tomorrow.“

“I urge you to learn from what has happened and is still occurring in Kenya,” the bishop, who has been into activism for 28 years, said in a statement yesterday.

“We allowed ourselves to be led into violent protests and disturbances, thinking they would lead to a desired outcome. Unfortunately, they have resulted in an undesirable outcome,” he said.

Kenya has been engulfed by massive and violent protests of tax hikes, forcing the government to reverse the increases and cut the cost of governance.

Despite the concessions by the government, the mass action has persisted with its attendant large-scale destruction of public infrastructure.

Khaemba, who pastors the One Ministry Methodist, advised Nigerian youths not to travel the same route because it would not end well for them and the nation.

Describing the gory consequences of the protests in Kenya, he stated:  “Tens of thousands of small and medium-scale enterprises have been destroyed along with major public infrastructure, and people’s lives have been turned upside down. 

”The education of our next generation has been affected, and we are not even back at square one. We are farther back.”

He said the people had, however, found out that the protests were funded by foreigners who would never allow the Kenyan government or non-governmental institutions to interfere in their nations.

Khaemba stated further:  “My message to Nigeria is this: Do not wait to learn from your mistakes. Instead, learn from our error of judgment in Kenya.“

“Those who are sponsoring these protests from abroad will not come and help you rebuild Lagos and Abuja after violent protesters destroy your cities. 

”Instead, they will offer you cutthroat loans to keep you in bondage to them.  So, please listen to the voice of reason and pursue dialogue rather than protests.”

[Vanguard]

Local government elections in Nigeria have long been marred by rampant rigging and manipulation, favouring incumbents and ruling parties. Since the 1950s, political interference has plagued these elections, thwarting the goal of establishing truly representative local governments. The key factors contributing to these flawed elections include the absence of constitutionally guaranteed financial and operational independence for State Electoral Commissions (SIECs). This lack of autonomy enables state governors to interfere in SIEC operations and deprive them of necessary funds, thus undermining their ability to conduct credible elections. These constitutional weaknesses incapacitate the SIECs, depriving citizens of their right to elect leaders who represent their will.

The catalytic effect of the Supreme Court ruling strengthening the financial autonomy of local governments is evident in the current rush by state governments to conduct local government elections. Since the ruling, over 15 states have announced local government area (LGA) election dates. The Court’s unequivocal declaration that “a democratically elected local government is sacrosanct and non-negotiable” has rendered caretaker committees appointed by governors illegal. Before this ruling, 462 local governments in 22 states were administered by caretaker committees. Following the verdict, these local governments will not receive funds from the Federation Account until elected officials are in place.

Calls to liberate State Independent Electoral Commission (SIECs) from the stranglehold of state governors have also intensified. Three proposals have emerged for ensuring credible elections at the local government level. First, state electoral commissions should be reformed to strengthen their independence from governors. Second, abolishing SIECs and transferring the responsibility of conducting local government elections to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), and lastly, establishing a new national body to conduct local government elections. Nigeria’s upper legislative house recently took action to advance the third proposal. The Senate passed for first reading a bill sponsored by Senator Sani Musa (APC, Niger East) to create the National Independent Local Government Electoral Commission (NILGEC) as a federal agency to organize, oversee, and conduct elections for the offices of local government chairman and councilors in all 36 states and the FCT.

State electoral commissions in Nigeria’s 1999 constitution

Under Nigeria’s Constitution, State Independent Electoral Commissions (SIECs) are established in Section 197 (1b) as State Executive bodies alongside the State Civil Service Commission and State Judicial Service Commission. As specified in Section 3, Part II of the Third Schedule to the Constitution, the SIECs shall comprise a Chairman and not less than five (5) but not more than seven (7) other persons. Section 4 empowers the SIECs with the power to organize, undertake, and supervise all elections to the local councils. SIECs also advise the INEC on the compilation of the voter register. The Chair and commissioners of the SIECs are appointed by the Governor of the State subject to confirmation by a resolution of the House of Assembly (Section 198). Members of the commission serve a tenure of five years, renewable once (Section 199 (1c).  SIEC members shall only be removed from office by a Governor acting on an address supported by a two-thirds majority of a state House of Assembly praying that a member is removed for inability to discharge the functions due to infirmity of mind, body or any other cause and for misconduct (201(1)). The Constitution also states that the power of SIECs to make appointments or to exercise disciplinary control over persons shall not be subject to the direction and control of any other authority or person (Section 202).

Constitutional disempowerment of state electoral commissions

While the Constitution places a premium on democratically elected local government under Section 7 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 as amended, it fails to provide safeguards for institutional autonomy for the institution tasked with giving life to its aspiration of democratically elected local government councils. The following constitutional pitfalls significantly undermine the ability of SIECs to conduct credible local government elections:

1. Operational control of SIECs by governors: Section 204(1) subjects the power of SIECs to regulate its procedure and confer powers and duties on any officer or authority to the approval of the Governor. By this provision, the Constitution fails to insulate the SIECs from executive control. This constitutional mishap emboldens state executives to manipulate SIECs and influence electoral outcomes. Electoral commissions are required to be independent so they can enforce guidelines and rules of procedure without bias. Unfortunately, state electoral commissions can’t operate independently because the Constitution does not guarantee administrative independence. In contrast, Section 160(1)of the Constitution protects the independence of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) by stating that INEC’s powers to make its own rules and guidelines shall not be subject to the approval or control of the President.
2. Lack of financial autonomy: Electoral commissions thrive where access to election funding is guaranteed. Financial autonomy facilitates planning and insulates the commission from undue interference from external actors. SIECs are financially dependent on state governors, as Section 121(3) excludes them from institutions funded directly by the Consolidated Revenue Fund of the state. The lack of financial autonomy makes SIECs susceptible to control and manipulation. SIECs face significant uncertainties regarding their funding as they rely heavily on the discretion or benevolence of the Governor to release funds for election management even in cases where the state legislature has appropriated the commission’s budget. Typically, SIECs receive funding only to conduct local government elections, and in the period between elections, they lack resources for necessary pre- and post-election activities. In instances where funds are allocated, they are often released merely 90 days before the elections, making it challenging to deliver credible elections. In contrast, INEC’s financial autonomy is secured through Section 81(3), which places it on the first-line charge of the Federation’s Consolidated Revenue Fund. The 2022 Electoral Act mandates the release of election funding one year before elections.
3. No constitutional timeframe for local government elections: The Constitution is silent on the tenure of local government councils and the timeframe for conducting elections. This loophole is exploited to dictate the tenure of local government chairmen and councillors, including justifying the arbitrary dissolution of local government councils. SIECs often release election timetables based on the Governor’s body language. A defined constitutional timeframe for local government elections is necessary to ensure consistency and fairness.

4. Insufficient qualification criteria for SIEC members: The only constitutional requirement for appointment into SIEC is non-membership of a political party. While this is a necessary condition, it is grossly inadequate. Other conditions essential for election administration, such as unquestionable integrity and competence, are excluded in Section 200 of the Constitution. INEC appointments require non-partisanship and unquestionable integrity, a standard that should also apply to SIECs.

How to strengthen state electoral commissions to deliver credible elections

7. Introduce tenure for local government councils: The tenure of local government councils should be prescribed in the Constitution. This will guarantee the conduct of regular elections and put an end to the loophole exploited to justify the appointment of caretaker committees or dissolution of local government councils.
8. Safeguard the operational autonomy of SIECs: The Constitution makes explicit provisions that state that the power of SIECs to regulate their own procedure and confer powers and duties on any officer or authority shall not be subject to the approval of the Governor or any person. This will strengthen SIECs’ independence and liberate them from the stranglehold of governors.
9. Strengthen the financial autonomy of SIECs: To guarantee the financial autonomy of the SIECs, its funding should be on first-line charge. In other words, the financing of the SIECs should be charged to the state’s Consolidated Revenue. By incorporating this provision, the financial independence of SIECs will be safeguarded, ensuring that their functions are free from undue political influence. Alternatively, local government may, through legislation, contribute 5% of their allocation to SIECs and local government elections in view of the direct allocation from the Federation Account.
10. Review the mode of appointments into SIEC: The power to appoint the Chairman and members of SIECs should be divested from the Governors. The Constitution should introduce the procedure outlined below;
11. Nomination: Where a vacancy arises in the SIEC, the state assembly should set up an independent committee to handle nominations. The committee issues a widely publicized call for nominations.
12. Interview panel: Shortlisted candidates undergo an interview to assess competence, character, and suitability for appointment to the SIEC
13. Confirmation by the State Assembly: The state assembly shall consider the interview panel report and public petitions. A two-thirds majority resolution by the state assembly is required to recommend a candidate to the Governor for appointment.
14. Introduce timelines for appointment in SIECs: The Constitution should be amended to introduce specific timelines for appointing members to State Independent Electoral Commissions (SIECs). Appointments must be made within 30 days of a vacancy. This will prevent unwarranted delays in constituting the commission’s board, ensuring that SIECs can function effectively and without interruption.
15. Strengthen the criteria for membership of SIEC: In addition to non-membership of political parties, the Constitution should be amended to introduce age, integrity, and competence as criteria for appointment into SIECs. Members of the SIEC should not be less than 25 years of age.
16. Redefine the power and functions of SIECs: The powers of the SIECs should be reviewed to strengthen their independence and effectiveness. Its powers should be expanded to include; monitoring party primaries, congresses, and conventions related to local government elections, promoting knowledge of sound democratic election processes at the local government level, conducting any referendum required to be conducted under the provisions of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and any Law of the State House of Assembly.

With the Supreme Court judgment, local government elections will be a cynosure for political actors and election stakeholders, significantly raising the stakes. As the stakes increase, so does the pressure to deliver credible elections. This could usher a new vista for local elections, which have previously been overlooked. The vision of a democratically elected local government can only be realized if the State Independent Electoral Commissions (SIECs) are reformed, repositioned, and strengthened to safeguard electoral democracy at the local level. By undergoing reforms similar to those implemented by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), SIECs can significantly enhance the quality of local government elections. Proposals to create a new federal election body to conduct local government elections or to vest the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) with this power are knee-jerk solutions. Such proposals risk centralizing power, which could undermine the principles of federalism. To deepen electoral democracy in Nigeria, focusing on strengthening SIECs with constitutional safeguards for conducting credible and inclusive elections at the local level is more advantageous.

Samson Itodo is an election, democracy, and public policy enthusiast. Itodo serves as the Executive Director of Yiaga Africa and Principal Partner of the Election Law Center. He is also a member of the Kofi Annan Foundation board and the Board of Advisers of International IDEA. Please send comments and feedback to This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.. He tweets @DSamsonItodo

It is no more news that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, few days ago, met behind closed-doors with traditional rulers at the Council Chamber, Presidential Villa in Abuja. As gathered, the meeting with the monarchs was the second closed door meeting the President has held in the wake of calls for planned protest on the August 1, 2024. 

The meeting was attended by the Vice President, Senator Kashim Shettima, members of the President’s cabinet, the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, SGF, Senator George Akume, the Group Chief Executive Officer of NNPCL, Mele Kyari, the Inspector General of Police (IGP), Kayode Egbetokun, the Minister of Information and National Orientation, Mohammed Idris, Minister of Justice and the Attorney General of the Federation, Lateef Fagbemi, among others.

In a similar vein, traditional rulers who attended the meeting were the Sultan of Sokoto, Muhammad Abubakar III, Ooni of Ife, Oba Adeyeye Enitan Ogunwusi , Dein of Agbor, His Royal Majesty Benjamin Ikenchukwu Keagborokuzi I. In fact, the meeting came after an earlier meeting of the President with the members of the Progressive Governors Forum.

As gathered, the meetings were connected with moves to appease those planning to protest against the present administration over the prevailing economic situation in the country.

The National Security Adviser (NSA), Mallam Nuhu Ribadu; Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy, Wale Edun; and the Minister of Budget and Economic Planning, Atiku Bagudu, were also said to have joined President Tinubu at the meeting which held on Thursday, July 25, 2024.

Some governors who also joined the meeting were the Chairman of the Nigerian Governors’ Forum (NGF), Governor AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq of Kwara State and the Chairman of the Progressive Governors’ Forum, Governor Hope Uzodimma of Imo State.

Against the foregoing backdrop, it is expedient to recall that monarchs have long held a unique position in history, embodying both tradition and authority. As we explore the evolution of political power, it becomes evident that their influence extends beyond mere symbolism. Therefore, it is for this reason that this writer is in this context delving into the role of monarchs in shaping governance, drawing parallels between their leadership and that of political leaders in democratic systems.

Without a doubt, monarchy emerged as societies sought centralized authority. Initially, leadership was distributed based on factors like age or familial ties. However, the gradual shift toward monarchy reflected the need for strong, consolidated governance Thus, Monarchs claimed divine right, asserting their selection by gods to rule, a concept that legitimized their authority.

Given the foregoing backdrop, it is not out of place in this context to opine that effective leaders, whether monarchs or elected officials, create a shared vision for the future. They develop viable strategic plans, transcending mere orders and fostering progress.

In fact, monarchies persist alongside democratic systems. Their enduring presence highlights the diversity of political authority. While democracy disperses leadership, monarchies offer a contrasting model.

To buttress the foregoing view, it is not hyperbolical to conjecture that monarchs, as custodians of tradition, can play a pivotal role in urging political leaders to lead effectively. 

Considering the fact that Monarchs are expected to exemplify good governance, emphasizing transparency, accountability, and empathy, and that their actions resonate beyond ceremonial duties, it is in turn expected that they should be advocates for competence, and in that vein, encourage political leaders to prioritize competence over partisanship. 

In a similar vein, it is expected that monarchs emphasize the importance of informed decision-making as they symbolize unity. In fact, with their position in the society, and their somewhat seamless access to politicians in power, they can advocate for leaders to bridge divides and foster cooperation for the greater good.

The reason for the foregoing advocacy cannot be pooh-poohed with mere wave of the hands as Monarchs collectively possess a unique platform, one that transcends politics. Therefore, by urging political leaders to lead well, they contribute to stable governance and a brighter future for all. And again, it is expedient to recognize their role and encourage effective leadership across all realms of power.

At this juncture, it is germane to opine that the foregoing view could not have been expressed at a better time than now as the role of traditional institutions in maintaining peace and harmony in Nigeria has being watered down by the benevolence influence of political leaders. 

Therefore, it is time for traditional rulers to reclaim their voices and wield their influence for the greater good. While they have been adept at urging citizens to endure hardship without protest, they must in the same vein channel the same political energy toward holding political leaders accountable. 

In fact, given their historical significance, particularly in pre-colonial Nigeria, one cannot but opine that traditional rulers were the nucleus of governance and justice. They held religious, legislative, executive, and judicial powers, shaping local administration. That was when paramount chiefs, elders, and community leaders actively participated in decision-making, forming the bedrock of political culture.

Unfortunately, the role, and the influence they use to play in the society have unarguably changed. This is as modern Nigeria faces complex challenges that cut across corruption, insecurity and economic woes that demand collective action.

However, despite the challenges, traditional leaders, with their historical legitimacy, can still bridge the gap between the people (the governed) and political elites by always speaking truth to power. Therefore, traditional rulers must break their silence as their voices carry weight, and even as they can advocate for transparency, accountability, and justice. To this writer, they should always tell Nigeria’s political leaders, particularly the President, governors, lawmakers and ministers straight to their faces; no matter whose ox is gored, that they should address citizens' suffering, and foster positive change.

While it is expected that they speak truth to power as they often interact with political leaders, it is equally expected that they should in the same vein respect Nigeria’s cultural norms, and adapt to the times, particularly as their collective influence can shape political leaders’ policies and governance. Unfortunately, it appears our traditional rulers are not using their political energy to push politicians for transformation.

Given the foregoing seeming lethargy, traditional rulers once revered as custodians of wisdom, must rise from their silent thrones. Let them echo truth to power, reminding political leaders that their duty extends beyond survival as Nigeria's future depends on their collective courage and commitment to justice. 

Governor Jide Sanwo-Olu Lagos House, Lagos

It has come to the attention of the Take It Back Movement in Lagos state that your Attorney General surreptitiously obtained a court order designating and restricting protesters for #EndbadGovernanceinNigeria to two locations in the Lagos Metropolis. At the same time, we frown at this abuse of judicial privilege to stifle freedom of association; the movement at an emergency meeting wishes to inform you that since this was your administration’s decision, you must bear responsibility for the movement of protesters from several designations in Lagos to and from Peace Park in Ketu and Gani Fawehinmi Justice Park in Ojota in Lagos.

Some of the designated convergence points for participating citizens include

1. Alausa Secretariat 

2. ⁠Lekki Toll Gates 

3. Ikorodu Bus Park

4. ⁠Okota Link Bridge

5. ⁠LASU Campus gates

   6.Iyana Ipaja Underbridge

   7.Agege Pen Cinema

You will soon be informed of other designated convergence points for protesters.

The buses to be provided must be clean, safe and air-conditioned.

The buses must arrive at this designated arrears as early as 6 a.m. and return protesters to their convergence points at 6 p.m. every night between August 1st and 10th, 2024. The protest days may drag beyond ten days, so the Lagos state government is advised to make contingency plans for the dusting of these actions.

Your failure to provide buses for the protesters means they (protesters) would begin march/walk to the court designated parks in the city on a daily basis for the duration of the #EndBadGovernance direct actions.

Finally, be informed that there will be rallies and processions throughout the #EndbadGovernance actions, so your bus operators are advised to find and park a safe distance from the areas designated by protesters for these activities.

Accept our revolutionary regards,

Adekunle Adeyemi Taofeek

Coordinator, Take It Back Movement, Lagos

All of a sudden, President Bola Tinubu is running from pillar to post. The febrile fear with which his presidency tries to stave off the proposed August 1 hardship protest is baffling. It seems to remind one of the biblical verse in Genesis 4:7 which says, “If thou doest well, shalt thou not be accepted?” This English interpretation does not convey the message’s total interpretative capturing as its Yoruba version rendition. That particular scriptural verse is interpreted in Yoruba as “Bi iwo ba se rere, ara ki yio ha ya o?” It was God speaking to Cain, Adam and Eve’s firstborn, who was enraged because he reaped what he sowed. Cain leapt into a fury because God rejected his paltry offering and accepted his brother, Abel who was God-respecting. Rather than see this rejection as his own doing and take a redemptive detour, Cain took a callous step further. He murdered his younger brother.

Recounting Nigerians’ groaning lot in the last 14 months here will be an overkill. The man they hyped as coming from a pedigree of dancers whose eclectic dancing feet attracted donations of slaves now dances and is barely gifted a wrap of corn meal. Rather, his feeble dance steps attract curses and boos. A pre-dancing cheering audience now jeers as its stomach hisses and rumbles. To say Nigeria tastes as bitter as Jogbo leaf would be an understatement. Our country is Jogbo leaf itself. Wherever you turn, it is bitterness. And this is under the grip of a man who was said to be King Midas whose touch turned everything to gold.

Nigerians’ unusual resilience makes the world agape with incredulity. They are a people who could weather the storm, no matter the turbulence. Fela Anikulapo-Kuti couldn’t understand such orthodoxy of suffering which he called cowardice. “My people sef dem fear too much… My Pa dey for house…I nor wan die…” he dramatises our pacifist spirit. Rotimi Amaechi said something worse recently about Nigerians. In a viral video which appeared to be a lecture on Nigerians’ famed pacifism, he said even if you kill a Nigerian’s father and mother, they would move on and say it was God’s wish for them. What many do not know is that Nigerians detest their leaders taking them for granted. Wily General Ibrahim Babangida knew only of the first sheaf about Nigerians’ resilient spirit. He didn’t however know about the other sheaf – the people’s tendency for rebellion. The truth is that, when Nigerians flip the other side of the cudgel, they are difficult to tame. By the time Nigerians made up their minds about IBB, they dropped his heap by the dumpsite of history.

Revisionists say that the key to Nigerians’ docile tendencies can be found in their history. What they call a history devoid of bloodshed. They juxtapose Nigeria with Kenya. In the latter, the Mau Mau rebellion in the British Kenya Colony between the Kenya Land and Freedom Army (KLFA), also known as the Mau Mau, and the British authorities lasted for a good eight years. So they submit that whilst rebellion against oppressors was a Kenyan DNA, pampering oppressors were Nigerian’s. Which is not true. Our forefathers fought, and shed blood for the freedom we have now. Collective fights against white aggressors may be rare but we had the Ovonramwen Nogbaisis. Ovonramwen was the Ọba of the Benin Kingdom who fought British usurpation. He attacked British Deputy Commissioner and Consul for the Niger Coast Protectorate, James Robert Phillips, killing him and virtually all of his entourage. A punitive expedition against the Benin kingdom resulted in its razing in 1897 and the looting of its bronzes.

Nigerians do not expect their leaders to be magicians, apologies to Madam RAT. They even know that the taciturn Mallam from Daura inflicted his Janus persona on the economy so fatally that the wound would take a long to heal. But Nigerians detest governmental deceit, incompetence and hypocrisy advertised as leadership. In the last 14 months, this has been the broth served Nigerians a la carte. To worsen matters, our leadership has carried on with an I-don’t-care attitude which Yoruba describe as a “let the angry torrents of rainfall pierce into shreds the helpless cocoyam leaves if it can — òjò pa ewé kókò, b’ó le ya, k’ó ya”.

So when this same leadership runs from Ankara to Kutuwenji in its bid to stop Nigerians from letting the whole world know of their plight, the apt response to it is the same that God gave to stubborn Cain, “Bì ìwo bá se rere, ara kì yíò ha yá o?” In the last couple of weeks, the government has been funnelling scarce resources into bribing cash-tivists who call themselves activists not to come out and demonstrate on August 1. Students’ union leaders have received theirs. Journalists have. The Three Gbosas people have. Traditional rulers across Nigeria, too have visited an Aso Rock which changes people into unfeeling mummies.

So many reasons have been proffered for why Nigerians must not protest their deplorable plights. One is that criminals could hijack the people’s constitutional right to protest. So, why spend people’s money to pay policemen if they cannot be funnelled out in their thousands to protect protesters on their constitutionally mandated responsibility to an absent government? The second reason from the government on why Nigerians should dress their punches in velvet gloves is that the government is finding a way around the hunger in the land. One is reminded of someone who is spending 20 years to practice madness. They even say that since the protest has no identifiable leadership, it could be uncontrollable like scattered pellets of a dane-gun bullet. The police also came out to Afghanistanize the protest by claiming that intel told them foreign mercenaries were part of the ploy. Since they know anything security is opaque, it is quite easy for them to befuddle the people with such scary lies. This is the same police which no calamity has ever befallen Nigeria that they forewarned Nigerians about. But, shouldn’t Nigerians let the world know about their plights?

Let me mimic judges at the temple of justice: Considering all the evidence before me, Nigerians must protest on August 1. Nigerians need to retrieve their country from the hands of leaders who don’t care about their plights. Not violently. Violence under-develops a people. Do you think, if he ever survives his ongoing ordeal, William Ruto, in his own words, “the village boy (who) has become the president of Kenya,” will ever take Kenyans for granted? Let the man whose ambition it has always been to live in Aso Rock be made to commit to making Nigerians live a meaningful life.

“I once quoted a report in the Washington Post of May 4, 2016 which spoke of an oil-rich nation that should be rich but “instead, it’s becoming a failed state”; that had been run down so much that it “can’t afford to brew its own beer, stay in its own time zone, or even have its own people show up to work more than two times a week.” How did that country get here? The report describes the tragedy as an entirely man-made catastrophe. “Economic mismanagement at a world-historical scale had barely left it with enough money to even, well, pay for printing money anymore.” That country got here by “spending more than it had and not having as much as it should.” That is a country that thought of spending money, and did spend money that it did not earn. “You can’t redistribute oil profits if there aren’t oil profits to redistribute,” the report says the country did just that and followed it up with policies like the president replacing “people who knew what they were doing with people he knew would be loyal to him at the state-owned oil company.” That action, among others, it says, scared oil companies out. That country is not Nigeria. It is Venezuela, Nigeria’s twin brother.”

Nigeria is a drama, an entertainment. Listen to the ‘Wahala’ singer, Portable, as he wonders why anyone would want him to join this week’s proposed protests. Yes, he admits that he joined protests in the past. But he says that was when he was poor. “Now I am rich…You want a rich man to protest?” He asks cynically. He does not want an answer. Portable’s video looks like it would be the end of all protests if we all became wealthy. The government should love it. I do.

The government and Portable join forces to beg you not to protest on August 1. I don’t care if you protest or you protect your turf. All I crave is no violence. I urge you to look deeply at other areas of our governance. Look at the laws being made and the laws being interpreted. They can make your protests useless, your bad worse and the worse disastrous. Can you remember what Judge Gideon John Tucker said about lawmakers and the laws they make? The American, in 1866, wrote in a court record: “No man’s life, liberty, or property is safe while the legislature is in session.” Fortunately, at this moment, our own legislators are on break. Or how would we have combined their presence with threats of protests from the north to the south?

However, whether the lawmakers are in session or not, they are still working very hard and harder like obedient Boxer in George Orwell’s Animal Farm. Boxer is that Orwellian horse who believes strongly that “if Comrade Napoleon says it, (then) it must be right.” His motto is: “I will work harder.” With them, Tinubu is the Big Brother; always right. A democracy can have a bumbling executive but it must not have a stupid, servile legislature and a deliberately ‘illiterate’ judiciary. The country is in the throes of a to-be-or-not-to-be protest over these very bad times. In desperate moments as we are, the legislature and the judiciary should be stabilizing forces. Sadly, they are not. They’ve willingly donated their freedom to the Villa. I heard an elder say no one begs to be sold into slavery. It is not in all cases. I remember a character, Kent, in Shakespeare’s King Lear whose ambition is to be servile to power:

King Lear: Who are you?

Kent: A very honest-hearted fellow, and as poor as the king.

King Lear: If you’re as poor a subject as the king, then you’re certainly poor enough. What do you want?

Kent: To serve.

Lear: Whom do you want to serve?

Kent: You.

King Lear: Do you know me, fellow?

Kent: No, sir. But there’s something in your face that makes me want to call you master.

King Lear: What’s that in my face?

Kent: Authority.

What Kent sees in King Lear’s face is exactly what Senate president, Godswill Akpabio, and his men see in President Bola Tinubu. The ‘authority’ in the cap of the president makes our lawmakers desperately seek to serve Tinubu and call him master.

This president is lucky to have Akpabio as Senate president. If President Olusegun Obasanjo had had him as the head of the National Assembly, he would have got his third term. Today, there is a bill before the Senate seeking a single-term of six years for the president and the governors. Thirty-five senators sponsored the bill. If the president wants this Senate to pass the bill today and the implementation to start this moment with him as the first beneficiary, his will shall be done. The lawmakers will do it “in national interest.” The Supreme Court will approve it.

There are other matters that should concern you. A justice of the Supreme Court addressed tenure extension in the court’s recent judgment on Local Government funds. He wrote: “Under Section 135 (3) of the Constitution, the tenure of 4 (four) years for the president provided for by Section 135(2) thereof, shall be extended for periods not exceeding ‘a period of six months at any time’ by a resolution of the National Assembly, if it ‘is not practicable to hold elections’. By the same token, by a law of a State House of Assembly, the tenure of local government councils can be legally extended, for any reason, such as insecurity or war, if it becomes impracticable or impossible for elections into the local government councils to be conducted. The mandate given to an elected local government council is the mandate of the electorate of that local government area and if the tenure is extended, it is the people’s mandate that is extended…” I found that reasoning quite ingenious! Was that point one of the issues canvassed before the court? Read it again.

Someone said Nigeria is a Netflix series. Two deputy governors in Edo; two speakers in Rivers, two emirs in Kano. All courtesy of the judiciary. We wait to see the next set of twins in our mad political ward. But while we wait, I salute the spell makers who started the blockbuster protest drama going on. They have corralled this government into working for their scheme. They couldn’t have given better oxygen to their protest agenda than the government spin doctors have done so far. August 1 may be an anti-climax; the audience is satisfied already.

Meanwhile, the Bola Tinubu government has been dancing to Da Grin’s music lately:

“T’an ba s’eyin bi aya,

Won a s’are kabakaba.”

The song is too onomatopoeic to accept the corruption of translation. I should just say it warns that you will run helter-skelter if you cross the line of decency. Is the government truly in panic mode because of threats of protests? Or is it acting its own scene in the tragedy that mocks the people’s pains? The Villa has become a house of feasts. It hosts kings and priests; princes and principals. And when they come out, they tell the hungry: “Peace!” I also join them to chant peace be upon Nigeria. If the protest organizers want to protest despite the state’s pleas and threats, they should please tell looters of stores and warehouses not to come out. They should also tell those who killed and ate human beings in the name of protests in 2022 that they are not welcome. All these happened during the EndSARS crisis and they were not funny. They gave activism a very bad name. I don’t think anyone wants such mayhem added to the headache of hunger in every home.

The protest drama has got an interlude. The Dangote/NNPC series. In size, strength and beauty, the Dangote horse in Lekki fits the race and the battle. But Aliko Dangote’s observers demand to know why the super-rich man started looking for feedstock after building a refinery. No Muslim prays first before doing ablution. “May not an ass know when the cart draws the horse?” That is Shakespeare again in King Lear, Act 1, Scene 4. No one does that without injuring the horse and stalling the cart. Why did he do that? We are talking of a master sculptor here, not a woodpecker. Cricket (Lántètè in Yoruba) was asked why he fixed his wedding date and on that very day commenced cooking the expected baby’s teething medicine. He answered that whatever should be fast should never be delayed.

I want to believe that Dangote did not become this super rich by doing things in the wrong order. No. It just happened that: “Now a new king arose over Egypt who did not know Joseph…” – Exodus, chapter 1, verse 8. Whether in Egypt or Israel, the one who trusts in their chariots and takes things for granted always have their journey extended well into the night. Even those who claimed affinity with God roamed the wilderness for 40 years. But the refinery is a national asset that should be made to work. This is where a pro-business government should come in to still the boiling waters. And I think it has. NNPC’s Alsatian appears on a leash. The investment is huge. Nigerians say they need that refinery.

There will be hunger, anger and protests where 20 bean cakes serve two hundred masquerades. The next scene flows directly from the Dangote/NNPC Act. The scene is where 200 million Nigerians scramble for proceeds of 200,000 barrels of crude oil. Nigeria’s daily crude production is about 1.4 million barrels. But the country is left with 200,000 barrels per day to finance its budget. You wonder why and ask where the remaining 1.2 million barrels go? The government we have, and the ones we have had, helped us to eat tomorrow’s food yesterday. In simple prose, today’s crude production pays for money already collected and spent. That is why the government is broke and has gone for the broke; that is why the government squeezes honey out of us. It is a revelation that shows that things are worse for Nigeria than is ever imagined.

I once quoted a report in the Washington Post of May 4, 2016 which spoke of an oil-rich nation that should be rich but “instead, it’s becoming a failed state”; that had been run down so much that it “can’t afford to brew its own beer, stay in its own time zone, or even have its own people show up to work more than two times a week.” How did that country get here? The report describes the tragedy as an entirely man-made catastrophe. “Economic mismanagement at a world-historical scale had barely left it with enough money to even, well, pay for printing money anymore.” That country got here by “spending more than it had and not having as much as it should.” That is a country that thought of spending money, and did spend money that it did not earn. “You can’t redistribute oil profits if there aren’t oil profits to redistribute,” the report says the country did just that and followed it up with policies like the president replacing “people who knew what they were doing with people he knew would be loyal to him at the state-owned oil company.” That action, among others, it says, scared oil companies out. That country is not Nigeria. It is Venezuela, Nigeria’s twin brother.

The August protest will come and go; the problem of Nigeria will remain. Protests have failed to melt the hardened heart of the rulers of Venezuela. Suffering-and-smiling has failed them too. The country has continued to dwell in a maelstrom of violence and grinding poverty. The United Nations keeps a tab on what goes on in that country. Its report says, today, Venezuela suffers from one of the highest rates of undernourishment in South America, and 68% of the people struggle to afford food. The country faces a humanitarian crisis with nearly 8 million people (out of 29.4 million) taking refuge in other countries. Some 2,000 people flee Venezuela every day, displaced because of rising crime and violence and shortages of food, medicine and essential services. It held a presidential election yesterday.

August is this week. The country is on edge. People with the right oracle say the actual protesters are the entity called the north. They say the aggrieved harbor the anger of the conned. And they cannot be named. You would think that those who offended them would know how to appease them. Both sides should know what they ate that is giving them constipation. They should also tell us the broth they cooked that is setting the house ablaze.

Nigeria’s drama, like Venezuela’s, is unending. Every Scene is linked to an Act. The link could be through the characters, or the theme, or the sub-themes. The plot is predictable. So much is happening right now. So much may still happen. May Thursday, August 1 meet us in peace.