Hundreds of youths from Omagwa Community in Ikwerre Local Government Area of Rivers State on Sunday blocked the Omagwa session of the Port Harcourt-Owerri Road to protest the alleged killing of a father of six identified as Bright Egbule by a policeman.

Egbule was allegedly shot dead by an officer from Omagwa Police Division on Saturday in his compound.

PUNCH Metro gathered that the angry youths were heading to the Images Police Station with Egbule’s corpse when the Chairman of Ikwerre LGA, Israel Agbosi, met them halfway and promised to ensure the officers responsible for the killing were identified and made to face the law.

A family source told PUNCH Metro that the deceased was at home with his wife on Saturday night when the policemen stormed the compound, as one of the trigger-happy operatives allegedly opened fire on him.

The source who pleaded anonymity said, “The officers came here last night with full force. The said they are looking for drug dealer, but they came into the compound here and killed an innocent man.

“It was on that note that the community mobilised and blocked the federal road with the corpse. We want the police to provide those officers who killed Chukwuma. All we need is justice for Chukwuma.”

The protest, however, caused gridlock on the road as motorists and travellers were stranded until the intervention of the local government chairman.

Addressing the protesters, the Chairman of Ikweree, LGA, Abosi, described the incident as unfortunate and unacceptable and appealed to the angry youths not to take laws into their own hands.

Abosi, however, called on the Commissioner of Police to investigate the killing and ensure that the officers are fished out and made to face justice.

When contacted, the spokesperson for the State Police Command, Grace Iringe-Koko, confirmed the incident, saying the policeman had been arrested.

While commiserating with the family of the deceased, she said his remains had been deposited in a morgue

Iringe-Koko said, “The command is aware, and we are on top of the situation. The officer has been detained. Normalcy has now been restored, and adequate security is on the ground to prevent any breach of peace.

“The man’s corpse has been deposited at the morgue and an investigation is ongoing.

[Punch]

Human rights lawyer and Senior Advocate of Nigeria, Mr. Femi Falana, has instituted a $5,000,000 (Five Million US Dollars) lawsuit before a Lagos High Court against Meta Platforms Inc., the U.S.-based tech giant owned by Mark Zuckerberg, over alleged invasion of his privacy

In the originating motion brought pursuant to Section 37 of the 1999 Constitution (as amended) and section 24(1)(A) and (E) & Section 34(1)(D) of Nigeria Data Protection Act 2023, Order 2 Rule 1 Fundamental Rights Enforcement Procedure Rules, 2009, by his lawyer, Olumide Babalola, the human rights Lawyer accused the organization of publishing motion images and voice captioned, “AfriCare Health Center,” in their website to the effect that Falana has suffered a disease known as ‘Prostatitis’, which the lawyer claimed constitutes an invasion of his privacy as guaranteed by section 37 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999.

Falana claimed the publication and the video as released through the organization’s platform -www.facebook.com, is “false, inaccurate, misleading and unfair to the Applicant and thereby violates the provision of section 24(1)(a) and (e) of the Nigeria Data Protection Act 2023.”

To this end, the reputable lawyer was praying the court for a declaration that the “Respondents continued publication of the Applicants name, still and motion images and purported voice on a page and video captioned “AfriCare Health Centre on their platform – www.facebook.com to the effect that the Applicant suffered from a disease known as ‘Prostatitis constitutes an invasion of the Applicants privacy guaranteed by section 37 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999.”

Besides, he is praying the court for an order mandating the “Respondents to forthwith remove, erase and delete the video captioned “AfriCare Health Centre on their platform – www.facebook.com.”

For the damages the publication has caused him, Falana, was asking for a general damages in the sum of $5, 000, 000 (Five Million US Dollars) and a consequential order that the court may deem fit to grant in the circumstance.

Falana who claimed that the published false video about his health status, which is his private life has rubished his image and the name he built over the years.

He argued that the publication by the Respondent which is false, offensive and disturbing paints him in a false light, that has caused him mental and emotional disturbances.

The grounds upon which the originating processes was instituted was that the Applicant as a reputable person is guaranteed the enjoyment of fundamental right to privacy under Section 37 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended) and that the Respondents published the Applicants name and images and ascribed a false illness to him and thereby violated his right to privacy guaranteed by the Constitution and Nigeria Data Protection Act 2023 and he has suffered emotional and psychological distress as a result of the false story.

In the affidavit in support of the motion, Falana claimed that he is known for his fearless legal battles, often taking on cases against government policies and actions that infringe upon the rights of citizens and that his law practice covers a broad range of areas, including constitutional law, civil rights, public interest litigation, and international human rights law.

He said further that he is recognized for his work in defending freedom of expression, advocating for the rights of marginalized groups, and challenging governmental overreach.

He alleged that the Respondent is a media company operating a global social media platform known as www.facebook.com. and that on the 16th day of January 2025, he discovered a video of his person was posted on the Respondent’s platform under the page named “AfriCare Health Centre on Respondent’s platform – www.facebook.com. which he tendered as an Exhibit in the suit.

He noted: “In video that carries my name, picture and purported video, I am reported to have said that: “My name is Femi Falana, and I have been battling prostatitis for over 16 years. At the age of 50, I was diagnosed with this condition. Every day I faced pain, discomfort and constant fatigue. I had trouble urinating lower back pain and other symptoms that made it difficult to live a full life. Despite consulting the best urologist in the country, no one could offer me effective treatment, I was prescribed numerous medications, physical therapy even surgery but the problem was that these methods only temporarily relived the symptoms.”

He bemoaned the wrongful publication that he has been greatly prejudiced by the video of the Respondent’s on the grounds that his health life is part of his private life and he has never suffered any disease known as ‘Prostatitis’ in his life.

He averred that, “I have never had any dealing with the Respondent or its pages on issues with my health life.
The video and its contents are false, inaccurate, misleading and unfair to me. The video paints me in a false light and as such an invasion of my privacy.”

He claimed that the Respondent operates global platforms and anything published on these platforms are accessed and viewed by millions of people around the world. Hence, the stories have been viewed by millions of people since January 2023 when they were published on the Respondents platforms.

He said, “For the purpose of this suit, I do not find these stories libelous but since they are false and fabricated against me, I find them offensive, reckless, insensitive, disturbing and unjustifiable intrusion into my privacy by painting me in a false light.

“By the video, the Respondent’s page has given me a publicity that paints me in false light as the insinuations in the video are false and they infringe my right to privacy right to be let alone.

“At the time of deposing to this affidavit, the video has been published to the entire world on the Internet, and it has remained there for several weeks.

“For their failure to verify the page and video before publishing, I believe the Respondent’s publicity of my name and image in a false light was done carelessly and recklessly to draw traffic to the Respondent’s platform to boost its advertisement revenues.

“I believe that the Respondents use of my name and image in the video is unfair and insensitive to my feelings since they never verified the claims as expected.

“I find the Respondents’ publicity of my photograph and name in a false light highly offensive and emotionally disturbing. This continues to cause me anxiety, sadness and exposure to ridicule.”

He therefore prayed the court for a rescue and save his image from being ruined.

[Vanguard]

Shafi’u Bawa, a mobile police officer, has reportedly committed suicide in Kontagora, Niger state.

Bawa, an assistant superintendent of police (ASP) attached to the 61 police mobile force, was “found hanging from the ceiling of his room” on Saturday afternoon.

The officer’s father, Usman Bawa, raised the alarm after finding his son’s lifeless body and reported the incident to the Kontagora police division.

Confirming the incident, Wasiu Abiodun, spokesperson for the Niger state police command, said an investigation is underway to determine the circumstances surrounding the officer’s death.

“On 8/2/2025 at about 2 p.m., it was reported that one ASP Shafiu Bawah of 61 PMF Kontagora committed suicide by hanging himself on the ceiling due to a yet-to-be ascertained reason,” he said.

Abiodun added that the remains of the deceased has been released to the family for burial in accordance with Islamic rites.

[TheCable]

In 1954, Sir John Verity lost his job because he won an argument. It was in his ninth year in office as chief justice of colonial Nigeria. Sir John arrived in Nigeria in October 1945 from British Guyana, where he had served in a similar position since 1941. At the time, Nigeria was still a unitary system under colonial rule. 

Two years before Sir John arrived in Nigeria, the Native Courts (Colony) Ordinance of 1943 had created a “Supreme Court of Justice” for the Colony and Protectorate of Nigeria. Taslim Elias, the distinguished academic who was destined to play a significant role in the administration of law and courts in post-colonial Africa, described the structure of the colonial court system that Sir John met on arrival in Nigeria as comprising “a Supreme Court, which is the highest court for the territory. It consists of two parts, a Divisional Court and a Full Court (as in the West African colonies), or a High Court and a Court of Appeal (as in several other colonies such as Jamaica, Singapore and Kenya), or simply a High Court (as in Uganda and Northern Rhodesia).”

That system had existed with modest adaptation since the Amalgamation in 1914. In his Amalgamation Report in 1919, Frederick Lugard, Nigeria’s founding governor-general, pointed out that it was made up of a chief justice and puisne judges who “sat at certain places and visited on Assize the ‘District Courts.’”

Six years into Sir John’s tenure as chief justice, in 1951, the colonial government turned the country into a federation. Two years later, one of the issues to engage the constitutional conference that began in London was the implication of this new structure for judicial administration. As the conference began, the delegates – mostly politicians who preferred in the language of the day to be called “nationalists” – advocated the decentralisation of the judiciary. Sir John opposed the proposal, venturing with what proved to be accurate foresight, that such a step “might lead to judges and magistrates becoming tools in the hands of politicians” and “might eventually lead to the control of the judiciary by the executive.” 

The conference relocated to Lagos in 1954 where the politicians overwhelmingly approved the proposal to regionalise the judiciary. Having lost the fight over the future of the judiciary that he led, Sir John opted to take early retirement from the office of chief justice. He was the penultimate English man in the role. 

In the reorganisation of the court system that followed upon the conclusion of the constitutional conference, the Federal Supreme Court (FSC) was created in 1954. The regions had high courts from which appeals could go to the FSC. The highest court for the country remained the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in London. 

By 1963, the nationalists fighting for independence one decade earlier had metamorphosed into political incumbents seeking control of the courts (like their colonial predecessors). The privy council had effectively ruled in favour of the opposition Action Group (AG) on whether the regional governor could remove renegade premier, Ladoke Akintola, without a formal vote in the regional parliament. 

Confronted with the loss of a prized ally helpfully decimating the ranks of a loathed political foe (like a certain minister is doing today for the ruling party), the then-ruling federal coalition led by the Northern Peoples’ Congress (NPC), legislated the privy council out of existence, abolished the Judicial Service Commission, and made the Supreme Court Nigeria’s apex court. Sir John’s prophecy had become a reality. 

Although the 1963 Constitution enabled the court to sit “in such other places in Nigeria as the Chief Justice of Nigeria may appoint”, the supreme court has functioned from its seat, first in Lagos when it was the capital city for the first three decades after independence and, thereafter, from Abuja, the current federal capital. The fortunes of the court have waxed and waned in symmetry with the political economy of Nigeria. Unlike other courts in the country, there are no divisions of the supreme court. 

For much of its life, the supreme court was an all-comers affair for appeals “on questions of law.” As the claims on the court’s judicial bandwidth rose and the political economy of the country grew more complex, it was predictable that its docket would increase. The sensible thing to do was to reform the law governing access to the Supreme Court – as well as its doctrine – to keep pace with the increasing demand for the rarefied attention of the court and preserve its authority. This was not done.

Instead, since the onset of the current elective dispensation in 1999, the supreme court became preoccupied with electoral and political disputes. Among the many consequences from this, two are notable. First, the preoccupation of the court (and of the judiciary below it) with political and electoral disputes increasingly tasks its credibility. Second, the resulting prioritization accorded by the court to political cases has created an intolerable backlog to which there is no sensible solution under the current system of judicial administration. The result is that appeals not involving senior politicians or election results vegetate interminably in the bowels of the supreme court with no reasonable chance of getting heard. 

It is right that this situation should engage the attention of senior lawyers and senior politicians. Manu Soro, the member of the house of representatives representing Darazo/Ganjuwa federal constituency of Bauchi state, has decided to bell the proverbial cat. On World Anti-Corruption Day, 9 December 2024, his bill for supreme court reform was gazetted. 

The bill proposes – among other things – to authorise the establishment of five regional divisions of the supreme court, with the one in Abuja serving as the headquarters. The bill comes complete with a political geography of the proposed divisions: Umuahia (Abia state) to serve the south-east; Bauchi (Bauchi state) for the north-east; Uyo (Akwa Ibom) for the south-south; Lagos (Lagos state) for the south-west; and Kano (Kano state) for the north-west. The declared objective of the bill is “to enhance access to the highest justice, to minimise the logistical cost of accessing justice and to ensure timely dispensation of matters brought before the apex court”.

Commendable as it is for the initiative, this bill is plainly misguided for many reasons. First, it misconceives and mischaracterises the mission of the supreme court. Second, it has no diagnosis for the problems that ail the supreme court and, to the extent that it evinces any, offers no reasonable solution to them. Third, it offers a misplaced geographical and genealogical solution for a crisis of jurisdictional sclerosis and unimaginative judicial administration that it is unable to see.

The most charitable anyone can be about this bill is that it is hare-brained. The solution that it offers is guaranteed to make the situation worse, not better. It will also disestablish the court because a “supreme court” that sits in judicial divisions will be neither apex nor supreme. 

The crisis of appellate throughput and its consequences which presently afflicts Nigeria’s supreme court is too serious to be banished to post-codes defined by geographies of genealogy. To address it, the supply of appeals to the court will need to be constrained significantly. The administration of the court needs to be overhauled and professionalised, and case management needs attention too. The one thing the court cannot afford is precisely what this bill seeks – to cannibalise it into a collection of judicial Bantustans.

A lawyer & a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it. 

….says he has many reasons to thank God at sixty

The immediate past Governor of Ekiti State, Dr Kayode Fayemi on Sunday said he enjoys a cordial relationship with the incumbent Governor of the state, Mr Biodun Oyebanji, stressing that their relationship is based on mutual love and respect as well as shared commitment to the development of the state.

He said Governor Oyebanji has made him proud by his exemplary leadership and demonstrated capacity in terms of all round development of the state.

Dr Fayemi who stated these during a thanksgiving Mass commemorating his 60th birthday, at St. Martins’ Catholic Church, Isan- Ekiti, commended Governor Oyebanji for his inclusive leadership style, which he said had fostered stability, progress and development in the state.

He said Governor Oyebanji has carried on with the vision of the founding fathers of the state by ensuring that governance is not hindered by political divide, adding that he could not have wished for a better successor in office.

While appreciating God for attaining 60 years old, the former Governor said his 60th birthday serves as a moment of reflection and a time to rededicate himself to the service to the people. He also reaffirmed his commitment to the development of Ekiti State in particular and Nigeria at large.

"I am a product of grace and I have so many reasons to be thankful to God at sixty.

“I also want to thank our Governor for making me proud. it could have been otherwise. Things could have gone awry but he is also a product of grace and that is why in spite of the travails that one might experience in the world of politics, we have a very cordial relationship based on mutual love and mutual respect. So, all these things you read on social media are for your entertainment.

"Many will wonder why Governor Segun Oni is here. When he was doing his birthday, I spent the entire day with him and Governor Fayose too would have been here without hesitation if he was around. That is Ekiti, the vision we have always had is a state that will not be separated by political divide, we might belong to different political parties, but there is one party that we collectively belong to, that is the Ekiti party, Ekiti Progressive Party and our Governor is carrying on with that".

In his remarks, Governor Oyebanji, while admitting that former Governor Fayemi’s 60th birthday is a celebration of life, dedicated to service and excellence, described the former Governor as a visionary leader whose contribution to the state remained unparalleled.

The Governor maintained that the people of the state are immensely proud of the achievements of the former Governor and remain deeply indebted to him for his transformative leadership.

"The only thing I am going to say is to thank you for your support and for handholding me. Thank you so much for all you have done for Ekiti people, thank you so much for all that you have done for your mentees all over the world, and I thank Erelu Bisi Fayemi and Folajimi for sharing you with us. We are proud of you, Ekiti people are immensely proud of your achievements, it has been sixty years of progressive impact", Governor Oyebanji said.

In his homily titled awareness of God's goodness, the Catholic Bishop of Ekiti Diocese, Most Rev Felix Ajakaye, described the former Governor as a unique man whose has been a testament to service to God and humanity.

Bishop Ajakaye, while highlighting Fayemi's unwavering commitment to the principles of integrity, justice, and selflessness, noted that these virtues have guided his leadership and personal life.

Dignitaries at the event include, the first civilian Governor of the State, Otunba Niyi Adebayo, former Governor Segun Oni, Deputy Governor, Chief (Mrs) Monisade Afuye, wife of the Governor, Dr Olayemi Oyebanji, Speaker, Ekiti State House of Assembly, Rt. Hon. Adeoye Aribasoye, former Deputy Governor of Ekiti State, Prof Modupe Adelabu; former deputy Governor of Oyo State, Chief Oladokun.

Others are former Minister of Education, Prof Tunde Adeniran; Chairman, CAVISTA Holdings, Mr John Olajide; Chairman, Afenifere Renewal Group, Hon Wale Osun; Chairman APC Ekiti State, Barrister Sola Elesin; serving and former members of National Assembly, members of the state Executive Council, members of the State House of Assembly.

The Chairman, Ekiti State council of traditional rulers, HRM Oba Ayorinde Ilori- Faboro led scores of other traditional rulers to the event.

Bello, son of Nasir el-Rufai, former governor of Kaduna, says it is not his place to mediate the dispute between his father and Uba Sani, the incumbent governor of the state.

Bello, a member of the house of representatives, said this in an interview with BBC.

Recent political developments indicate that el-Rufai and his successor, Sani, are not on good terms.

Both politicians recently traded blame over the handling of public funds in the state.

In June 2024, the Kaduna assembly recommended the probe of el-Rufai over allegations of public funds diversion and money laundering.

Some of el-Rufai former cabinet members have been charged in court over alleged corruption.

Speaking during the interview, Bello said while he is not against a probe, it shouldn’t be a tool for a witch hunt.

“It is not a bad thing to investigate but it should be done with clear intention and not to humiliate anyone or because someone has offended you. But if you are doing it for selfish reasons, Allah will judge. Allah will forgive your frailties, but will not overlook the harm you inflict on someone,” he said. 

He said that the rift between his father and Sani is not as serious as reported, suggesting that it may have been exaggerated.

“It is not pleasant for us, even if someone is my enemy, I do not like to see him fighting another enemy. I want peace,” he said.

“Marriages break up; friends stop being friends; it is just a matter of leaving the relationship despite all the conflicts that arise.

“None of them (Sani and el-Rufai) told me anything about the conflict, I just realised that it’s over now.”

Asked if he could reconcile his father with Sani, Bello retorted: “It is not my job. My job is to focus on helping the people of Kaduna north constituency.”

“I like peace and maintaining trust. For me, there is no one who is better than Mallam Nasiru politically. He only puts his work first and there is no one I want to be like him. He is my father, a father is a father.”

Bello added that he was surprised that people expected him to speak on the matter.

[TheCable]

Last week, Nigeria successfully recorded 3 events that greatly excited many citizens. They were obviously events that many people must have wished could continue without stop. One of them was the conviction and imprisonment of Ignatius Uduk, a professor at the University of Uyo (UNIUYO)who was found guilty of electoral malpractices.  Uduk, who served as a returning officer during the 2019 general elections in Essien Udim State Constituency, was specifically indicted for announcing and publishing false election results. This makes it 2, the number of professors that have so far been convicted for electoral fraud. The first conviction which took place in 2021, was that of one Peter Ogban, a professor of soil science, at the same UNIUYO, and a returning officer in the 2019 general elections in Akwa Ibom North-West District. He was jailed for tampering with election results.

The apparent implication of the development is that it is not every professor that has integrity. The unending examination malpractices in different universities in the country ought to have been a reminder to the Independent National Electoral Commission INEC to be circumspect in appointing just any professor and other academics to the sensitive assignments of conducting different segments of elections. It is in fact worse that many of those who get appointed to do the job patently lobbied for it. In other words, they had ulterior motives in seeking to be part of the sensitive assignments – the appointment of such ‘hustlers’ is an incurable risk. It is therefore hoped that INEC will depart from its fixation that academics are necessarily the best hands in the management of elections.

Some professors may be excellent but there are others that are deficient in character.  But who were the beneficiaries of the fraud committed by Uduk and Ogban? Was any effort made to search for what such beneficiaries did to the professors that pushed them into the temptation of electoral fraud? Did our security agencies try to identify the quantum of material benefits which beneficiaries offered the convicts? These questions are relevant if indeed, the nation is really anxious to reduce electoral frauds. Not much can be gained through scapegoating or complete focus on election officials with no attempt to investigate those who initiated the fraud and for whose sake others committed electoral malpractices. If such beneficiaries who successfully coerced professors into doing wrong were prosecuted would they not have also compromised judges?

From what history suggests, the beneficiaries may never have been arrested at all but if they had been held and allowed to face prosecution, it is more likely that they would have wriggled out of the case. But if some of them had been unlucky to face trial before Justices Agustine Odokwo and Bassey Nkanang and perhaps a few other credible judges, they would have been in jail by now.  The point to be made therefore is that Nigerians are excited to see that the judiciary we have all been blasting for some time now still has judges that are forthright. Such judges are the ones to be rewarded for genuine and committed performance instead of those who are being favoured simply because they are friends and or relations of top political office-holders. 

However, there is need to recall that what gave room for the judges to excel was the presence in INEC at the time of Mike Igini the most credible Resident Electoral Commissioner of the decade. If Igini who was in charge of elections in Akwa Ibom State had like some of colleagues allowed himself to be compromised, there would have been no trial of electoral fraudsters anywhere. Otherwise, how do we explain the fact that despite the numerous electoral infractions in different parts of the country, it was only in Akwa Ibom that actors were made to account for their deeds. Although everyone knew Mike Igini to be incorruptible, he was not rewarded with a reappointment to the headquarters of INEC as a national commissioner. Instead, political party chieftains prayed daily for his exit. Is it not persons of exemplary conduct that deserve renewal of appointment?

Another major landmark of the week was the request by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to the Senate to approve the termination of the appointment of 3 Resident Electoral Commissioners RECs namely: Yunusa Ari (Adamawa) Nura Ali (Sokoto) and Ike Uzochukwu (Abia). The 3 RECs had been accused of false declaration of election results as well as bribery and corruption. Nigerians are happy that the accused persons are finally being held accountable and are in fact currently facing prosecution. But will the judges handling their cases be as diligent and forthright as the Akwa Ibom judges? If not, our current celebration may be cut short if the prosecution of the suspects is allowed to be marred by nebulous charges. It is not unusual to find a situation where it is the prosecution itself that helps to frustrate the trial of some accused persons. Until the prosecution of the 3 former RECs ends, not much can be said for now. 

The last of the 3 exciting events also concerns the role of President Tinubu in intervening to stop embarrassing conflicts. This time around, there is electrifying joy in the decision of the president to sack two Vice Chancellors and to reshuffle the governing councils of some tertiary institutions. The most remarkable of the events is the sacking of Professor Aisha Maikudi who was described by many university professors of her University of Abuja as not qualified to become Vice Chancellor. At a point Forty-three (43) Senate members of the University raised concerns over her controversial appointment, citing manipulation of the selection process. In an open letter to the President in his capacity as the Visitor to the institution, the Senate members called for the immediate dissolution of the University’s Governing Council in view of widespread irregularities, which they claimed undermined not only the credibility of the VC’s appointment but also the integrity of the institution.

The grave allegations in the open letter included ‘several key issues, such as improper composition of the Governing Council, breaches in appointment guidelines, intimidation and harassment of Senate members, and a flawed, rushed selection process.’ Tinubu’s decision to sack the Vice Chancellor has exceedingly calmed frayed nerves according to some staff of the university. In particular, it appears a wise decision to have also appointed a new acting Vice Chancellor and provided a space of 6 months for normalcy to return to the campus. As if to avoid a repeat of the lack of level playing field for applicants seeking to be VC, the president has directed that the new acting VC shall not be eligible to apply. Tinubu has taken similar steps in some other institutions especially the University of Nigeria Nsukka whose acting VC was similarly sacked just as the governing council was virtually reconstituted.

 While commending the President for his interventions in the crises in the universities, it is a matter for regret that the appointment of VCs has of recent taken the same tempo as the selection of a political party flag bearer for an election through party primaries. The implication of this is that virtually everything in Nigeria has become politicised. The president may become distracted if it becomes one of his routine schedules to resolve conflicts in academic institutions in the country. To get away from this distraction, the president must conclude his present intervention by penalizing all those involved. Sacking the VCs involved is good but not enough. Members of affected governing councils should not just be rotated; those responsible for the crises must be visibly sanctioned.  

Another remarkable thing that government must do with universities is to appoint knowledgeable members to their councils. The opportunity should not be used to reward party chieftains who are not qualified either in character or learning to be elevated into the policy making cadre of academic bodies. Otherwise, universities would become trading centres and avenues for contract awards which are the only things that can satisfy the avarice of politicians. There is also the need to stretch an intervening hand to Ministries, Departments and Agencies MDAs where many persons are currently appointed into technocrat positions for which they are ill-equipped. Politicians have no business being part of day to day running of government bodies, they should be part time board members if we want peace in our public organizations that can sustain the joyous mood of the last one week.

A few days ago, Felix, a childhood friend that I had not seen or heard from since we both left secondary school in Jos (he went to St. John’s College whilst I was to St. Murumba College) called me up from the blue.

After all the usual felicitations he commended me for attaining national prominence the way I did despite the ‘ordinariness’ of our foundation coming out of Jos. Of course, I knew what he meant.

I have probably been the most hyped and most visible retired sports person in Nigerian sports. My time in professional sport and life since retiring, almost half a Century of both connected to the media in one form or the other, have kept me constantly in public eye.

Felix considered me a very successful business man in the field of sports. And he said so in a few words.

The situation is that even when I was playing football on a full- time basis as a Civil servant in Oyo State, I was so afraid of the uncertainty of life-after-sport that I veered early into business, buying and selling sports kits, beer, soft drinks, cement and nurtured a good name and even aspects of the media, none of which I was formally trained for.

From my personal observation, the life-after-sport of former fa- mous sports persons, were not good adverts. So, in my mind some form of business (I was not going to practice Mechanical engineering because I had no deep passion for it) was the answer to guaranteeing a successful life after the glitz and the glitter of a career in sports.

So, I understood what Felix was talking about. Optically, the image I conjure in public is of a very successful and probably very rich retired person. He even wondered how much I must be worth by now, in Dollars and Pounds.

He was right. By now, following decades of my restlessness in the business world, doing this and doing that, I should be swimming in the pool of international currencies. But I am not. Occasionally also, I would wonder why I am not in the material class of millionaires and billionaires even as I have carefully nurtured a good name and kept a clean reputation that should put me in that category. Yet, I still struggle to float above the waters of survival. My life is an optical illusion of material ‘success’ in the classic sense of it.

The reality now, however, is that despite my huge unquantifiable ‘success’, the past 4 days have revealed to me why I would be a great model for ‘how NOT to start and run business’. Put more succinctly, my business life, copied, would be a perfect model for ‘how to fail in business’. It has been a complete antithesis of good business model.
In the past 4 days, I have come to realize there were missing ingredients in my foundation, the things I did not do right at the start of my venture into that uncharted, dog-eat-dog world. I was without proper grounding, without any formal or informal training, and without guidance into what was characterized by uncertainty, constant changes, unending challenges, and dangerous minefields in business. It’s been like a life-time ago since I retired from an active sports career. It’s been over 4 decades of foraying into business.

But it is now, after 3 days of sit- ting in a classroom and listening to a young man called Adeola Badmus of Piston and Fusion Business Academy, that took several of us ‘students’ (manage- ment and Directors of StillEarth Holdings where I humbly serve as a Director) through a Master Class course in Business Strategy and Planning, that I have been humbled by learning that I could have been a very successful multi-billion Dollar busi- nessman today armed with the lessons and teachings from that 3-day course.

I wish I knew, eons ago when my talent in football was just sprout- ing, a little of what I have just learnt in 3 days.

I wish I had the sense then to have sat at the foot of a mentor or a teacher, and listened to tips on basic, tested principles that would have prepared me adequately, cushioned my chances of failure, and mitigated against certain risks attendant in every business.

I have been thinking about these things in the past 3 days as my eyes opened reality and to the traps that caught generations of gifted and once-famous sports persons. Knowing these essentials would have freed thou- sands of sports stars from the landscape littered with stories of hardship, neglect and penury in the evening of life.

I wish I had been better prepared for the future in my own youthful years as access to what I experienced these past four days will mitigate the risk in the adventurous route most superstar athletes take and fail.

I am on the board of a conglomerate – StillEarth Holdings. They offered me the opportunity to return to the classroom and to be reborn.

So, after 3 days of life-changing lessons I have set a new mission for my life.

My mission now is to replicate the model of going to the class- room to prepare young budding gifted boys and girls mainly in sports and entertainment, whose lives are clouded by the prospects of fame and fortune for nurturing in order to sustain for a life time.

I have found out late that the classroom is a strong and safe tower that all can run back to in order to reset the buttons of the principles of succeeding in business.

I shall start to do something about the last 4 days – a program in my secondary school, SOCA, for the young athletes about to graduate and go into the world in the chase of fame and fortune, and arm them with knowledge and information about the business world, the simple principles, the obvious pitfalls, the practices to be avoided, the regular training they need in order to ensure that their lives after sports lead to material successes counted in Dollars and Pounds. It was a fantastic experience going back to the classroom.

Lifestyle and beauty influencer Layefa Ebitonmo has shared her candid experience with undergoing a Brazilian Butt Lift (BBL), a popular cosmetic procedure designed to enhance body shape by transferring fat to the buttocks. The outspoken content creator detailed her journey in a video on her YouTube channel, addressing misconceptions, family reactions, and the recovery process.

Ebitonmo revealed that she paid ₦2.1 million for her surgery in 2022. Despite initial concerns from loved ones, she remained resolute in her decision.

“I didn’t really mind if my family didn’t want me to do it. It is something I wanted to do for myself. And I did it. It’s my decision. Am I a child?” she said, emphasizing her autonomy.

She also shared emotional moments from her recovery, recalling how her mother was deeply worried about her well-being.

“My mum used to call every day in the hospital. Every two seconds, she would ask, ‘Is she okay?’ When she called me and saw blood on my neck, she screamed ‘Jesus! I am coming to Lagos now.’”

While acknowledging that the post-surgery experience can be uncomfortable, she debunked myths surrounding the procedure, particularly the belief that it affects fertility.

“It’s a misconception that one won’t be able to have a child after doing BBL. That is the one thing I can say I did my research on.”

Ebitonmo’s openness adds to the growing conversation around body enhancement procedures, personal choices, and societal perceptions of beauty.

[Vanguard]

The House of Reps has received proposals to create 31 new states across the country. Amazing. If every proposal sails through (which I doubt), that means we will end up with 67 states since we currently have 36 of them. That would mean 67 state governors, 67 state cabinets (with thousands of commissioners, special advisers and special assistants), 67 houses of assembly (with thousands of lawmakers and their aides) and, how do I say this… 67 motorcades full of the latest models of bullet-proof SUVs. With almost every state trying to build a “cargo” airport, we could end up with more. On a different note, someone said with 31 new state capitals, grassroots development will be faster.

At this point, let us take a short journey into history. Nigeria started out in 1914 as an amalgamation of two units: the Northern Protectorate and the Southern Protectorate. Each protectorate was made up of provinces — which are mostly states today — and native authorities — which we now call councils. Nigeria practically ran a unitary system for decades, with the colonial government devolving certain powers to the native authorities for administrative purposes. As nationalism grew and Nigerians became more politically active, internal fault lines also became obvious as politics was played largely along narrow geographic and ethnic lines. There was no Nigeria as a constituency.

By 1946, Sir Arthur Richards, the governor-general, decided that Nigeria was essentially a country of three ethnic groups, so he created three regions: Northern (Hausa/Fulani), Western (Yoruba) and Eastern (Igbo). Every region had vast minorities, but the political construct was that Nigeria was built on a tripod: Hausa/Fulani, Igbo and Yoruba. In 1947, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, the sage, wrote ‘Path to Nigerian Freedom’, famously saying Nigeria was “a mere geographical expression”. Awo basically argued for stronger regions to make the federation work and to build a stronger entity from the geography. He criticised Sir Arthur for not consulting Nigerians before producing the constitution.

Nonetheless, Richards’ attempt at federalism started an evolution. With the criticisms and comments by Nigerians, his successor produced a more broadly accepted constitution, the MacPherson Constitution, in 1951. Nigerians were widely consulted and the constitution led to limited self-rule in the 1950s, when Awo became premier of the Western Region, Sir Ahmadu Bello premier of the Northern Region, and Prof Eyo Eta premier of the Eastern Region. Lagos retained its independent status as the federal capital. We maintained this three-region federation until after independence. It was in 1963 that Western Region minorities got what they agitated for: the Midwestern Region.

Indeed, the minorities in the regions wanted their own administrative units. The Henry Willinks Commission, set up in 1957 by the colonial government to look into the demands of the minority ethnic groups, harvested these sentiments nationwide. One thing that has been clear in Nigeria’s history is that the minority ethnic groups have always expressed misgivings about being subsumed and subjugated by the larger groups — particularly the tripod. When the Gowon administration created 12 states from the four regions in 1967, it killed two birds with one stone: fulfilling the desires of minorities to have their own states as well as weakening the breakaway Eastern Region.

In 1976, the 12 states became 19 under Gen Murtala Muhammed. We did not create more until 11 years later. That was in 1987 when Gen Ibrahim Babangida added two. As we prepared to transit to democracy, he added another nine states in 1991, taking the total to 30. And in 1996, they became 36 states under Gen Sani Abacha. Regardless, the agitation for more states has been non-stop. Those who had initially rejoiced soon started feeling marginalised in their new states. Today, we have 31 proposals on the table of the House of Reps. If the proposals succeed, maybe we would be thinking of 774 states in the distant future. It appears every local government would fancy becoming a state.

Why this unending clamour for new states? I’ve already mentioned the major reason: people feel marginalised in their current homes and would prefer a state where they would dominate. They don’t say the second part openly, but that is a driving force. I have looked at the list several times and I can see no other reason for some people to be clamouring for a state other than the desire to be a big fish in a small ocean rather than a small fish in a big ocean. There is a feeling that if they have their own state, they will no longer play second fiddle. However, the clamour is usually officially anchored on the need for “grassroots” development — which is a legitimate objective, in any case.

Will new states address complaints of marginalisation? That is not a sure thing. Even in states that look homogenous, there are internal divisions. In Ogun state, for instance, the Yewa subgroup of Yoruba complain that they have not produced a governor. If you go ahead and create Yewa state (it was not proposed, by the way), there will still be some tendencies there that will feel marginalised in another eight years. We will start to see divisions along the lines of Ado-Odo/Ota, Ipokia, Yewa South, Yewa North and Imeko Afon. The more you atomise a society, the more you magnify latent differences that were previously not so obvious. They could be religious, historical or lingual.

Will the creation of new states solve development problems? There can’t be a straight answer to that. Some states may prosper and become viable, but others may struggle. As things stand today, many states are not a going concern. If they were businesses, they would have been shut down long ago. Internally generated revenue (IGR) in many states is mainly from government contracts and personal income taxes of civil servants. The IGR cannot pay the bills. The federation allocation — which deploys a formular to make sure no state is fiscally left behind — is the saving grace. The irony, though, is that every proposal for a new state comes with lofty claims of potential self-sufficiency!
Will the creation of new states satisfy those clamouring for the restructuring of Nigeria? This is a question I cannot answer if I am asked. I have been listening to the proponents of restructuring and what I think I hear them say all the time is that we should go back to regions which, by the current configuration, would mean the six geo-political zones. One faction of the restructuring movement wants us to do away with the 36 states so that we would have only six houses of assembly, six governors, six cabinets — and six convoys of the latest bullet-proof SUVs. I do not believe this faction will accept state creation as it may end up defeating the purpose and practice of ethnic nationalism.

Under their restructuring model, the entire Yoruba ethnic group, for instance, will come under one governor. That means the people of Egba, Awori, Ekiti, Ife, Ijesha, Ijebu, Igbomina, Oyo, Ondo, Owo, Ikale, Eko and Oke-Ogun (some will even include Okun) will now have one governor and they will be happy ever after. It is a bit complicated. Oke-Ogun people are already complaining that they are being marginalised in Oyo state and that they have not been allowed to produce a governor. When will it reach their turn if the entire Yoruba groups come under one governor? From their proposal, it seems to me that the Oke-Ogun people actually want more states. I could well be very wrong.

And now to the most important question: will new states be created? Maybe that is where we should have started the discussion from. If you noticed, only military governments have been able to create states — and by fiat. Yet, the Midwestern was created in 1963 under the Tafawa Balewa administration but that is a topic for another day. However, under the 1999 Constitution (as the case was under the 1979 Constitution), it would be easier for Manchester United to win the 2024/2025 English Premier League than to create a new state in Nigeria. The conditions are so stringent that it will take an unusual cooperation and self-sacrifice of the political elite nationwide to make it happen.

Section 8 (1) says: “An Act of the National Assembly for the purpose of creating a new State shall only be passed if – (a) a request, supported by at least two-thirds majority of members (representing the area demanding the creation of the new State) in each of the following, namely – (i) the Senate and the House of Representatives, (ii) the House of Assembly in respect of the area, and (iii) the local government councils in respect of the area, is received by the National Assembly; (b) a proposal for the creation of the State is thereafter approved in a referendum by at least two-thirds majority of the people of the area where the demand for creation of the State originated.” Let us take a pause.

Now, in the event that the process gets there, we will go into a very costly and cumbersome stage as required by Section 8 (1) (c) which says “the result of the referendum is then approved by a simple majority of all the States of the Federation supported by a simple majority of members of the Houses of Assembly”.  Please read again. That means a referendum held in 36 states! Also, a simple majority of 36 houses of assembly must support it. We can then finally move to Section 8 (1) (d) which says “the proposal is approved by a resolution passed by two-thirds majority of members of each House of the National Assembly”. The framers should have simply told us not to bother with state creation!

Don’t take my word for it, but I do not know of any governor that would, with his eyes open, allow his state to be divided under him. If the proposals were to improbably pass the early stages, the critical approval by 36 houses of assembly will be difficult to come by. I would rather propose that an extra state is created in the south-east as a political consensus to address the imbalance. We can also create more LGAs across the federation if we are truly interested in grassroots development. Finally, it is important for every state to consciously promote justice, equity, accommodation and peace as we continue this tedious nation-building process. Atomising Nigeria is definitely not the solution.

And Four Other Things…

BASIC EDUCATION  
The federal government is considering making 12 years the basic education in Nigeria. In case this sounds Greek to you, it means before you can get a school certificate, you must have finished senior secondary school. If I understand it well, that means we will now have Year 1 to Year 12. Rather the 6-3-3-4 (four years for tertiary education), it will now be 12-4. I think I get the idea. Nobody uses primary school leaving certificate anymore, so terminating your education after six years does not serve any purpose. Maybe it will make you go further. However, stakeholders must buy into this. There will be trade-offs, so we must not rush except the pros outweigh the cons. Homework. .

SPEED AND SENSE
It has finally happened. The Lagos state ministry of transportation has installed cameras to monitor speeding and manage traffic flows in some parts of Lagos. For now, Alapere and Mobolaji Bank Anthony Way will be monitored by speed cameras with a fine of N50,000 hanging over whoever speeds above 80km/h and 60km/h respectively. E-police will catch red light violators at Nurudeen Olowopopo Road, Alausa, with a fine of N20,000. I knew it would come to this one day. I can assure you that Lagos state will make billions of naira from this. But I am curious: will the cameras and e-police also catch government vehicles and security agencies? They break the law the most. Watching..  

TO BE FRANK
I was very worried recently when some people started a social media campaign purporting to promote Mr Frank Mba, a deputy inspector general of police (DIG), for the position of inspector general of police (IGP) which is not vacant as Mr Kayode Egbetokun is in situ. I happen to know Mba very well. I know he is very close to the IGP, so this media campaign must be hurting him badly. Unfortunately for those promoting a certain narrative about him, IGPs are not appointed on the basis of posts and reposts. It is a political appointment. There is no waiting list. The political authorities can choose as they like. If these internet warriors truly love Mba, they should stop hurting him. Wisdom.    

NO COMMENT
Mr Kabiru Turaki, former minister of special duties and inter-governmental affairs, has been arraigned in court on false marriage, adultery, and other offences. He denies all counts. He is accused of deceitfully inducing a belief of lawful marriage, adultery and criminal intimidation “contrary to sections 383, 387, and 389 of the Penal Code.” He allegedly cohabited with Ms Hadiza Musa Bafta in Abuja. He was accused of renting a place for her at Guzape and making her believe he was married to her and continuously having sex with her which produced a beautiful baby girl. Turaki allegedly threatened to use his influence and position to terminate the lives of mother and child. Wonderful.