The pronouncement by the Minister of Education, Dr Tunji Alausa, that the conduct of the Senior Secondary School Examinations by the West African Examinations Council, WAEC and the National Examinations Council, NECO, will now be computer-based as from next year, may have to be reviewed, going by opinions by critical stakeholders regarding the readiness of the country for such an exercise.

While the leadership of WAEC and NECO claims their agencies are ready to take on the new challenge, the availability of the necessary facilities in the country could pose a significant hindrance to achieving it.

The Head of National Office, HNO, of WAEC, Dr Amos Dangut, and the Registrar of NECO, Prof. Dantani Wushishi, who spoke during a Zoom meeting organised by the Education Writers Association of Nigeria, EWAN, titled “CBT for SSCE: Is Nigeria ready?”, said their agencies had started conducting some aspects of their examinations using CBT, adding that they would only need to put in more efforts.

However, critical stakeholders, such as parents, students, university lecturers and education experts, faulted the claim, saying the level of infrastructure in the country was far below what was needed to realise the government’s objective.

Changing SSCE to CBT mode call

In April, while this year’s Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination, UTME, was ongoing, the minister went round to inspect some of the centres where the exam was held.

It was in the course of the inspection that he said starting from November/December, this year, WAEC and NECO would conduct their external examinations using the CBT mode. The exam is not school-based, it is for external candidates.

He added that from May/June 2026, when the exams would be school-based, the examination bodies would conduct them fully in CBT mode.

The pronouncement has since been generating reactions.

History of CBT exam in Nigeria

It was the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board JAMB that started the conduct of CBT examination in the country in 2013. Though opposition trailed the decision then, it has come to stay. Currently, the Board makes use of 887 centres across the country for its exam, with universities, schools and private interests providing the facilities and been paid commission by the Board for the use of their facilities.

The National Open University of Nigeria, NOUN, has 114 study centres and does not provide a specific number of CBT centres, according to their website nou.edu.ng and Wikipedia.

These study centres offer services, including CBT for examinations, although they may not all have dedicated CBT facilities. The 114 study centres are distributed across the six geopolitical zones of Nigeria.

CBT will save us from logistics issues -WAEC HNO

Still trying to get over the shock it received over the late administration of one of its important papers a few days ago, the HNO of WAEC, Dr Amos Dangut, said adopting CBT would save examination bodies some logistics problems.
The exam body came under fire last week when some candidates stayed up to 12 midnight before writing their English Language paper.

“It will save logistics issues. It will be a matter of touching the keyboard. We started the computer-based test over a year ago. The plus is greater than the minus. For us in WAEC, we are good to go. We have started and we are consolidating,” he said.

We can make use of other agencies’ facilities — NECO boss

In his opinion, Prof. Dantani Wushishi noted that CBT facilities currently used by the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board, JAMB, and the National Open University of Nigeria, NOUN, could be used to support the conduct of their examinations.

“Are we ready? you asked. Ready means fully prepared, but in real life, you cannot be fully prepared but you continue to innovate and keep improving on what you are doing. We have introduced a lot of ICT innovations into what we are doing.

The directive is presidential. The minister’s pronouncements were anchored on some critical issues. We have 76 subject areas we handle and 120 papers in 26,000 centres / schools.

“Education is on the concurrent list in the constitution and states are to be part of it. How many schools have CBT centres? It will require a lot of funds. JAMB has over 800 CBT centres and National Open University of Nigeria has across the country. Those are useful too. We use CBT in the conduct of November/December examination but is it not school based exam?”

On the level of computer literacy in the country, he added: “When we met with the minister, he agreed that there should be awareness and we are talking with stakeholders for each to know the roles they would play.

‘’We are already mapping our physical and CBT centres. We only need some modifications. Those doing CBT exams took some years to arrive at where we are starting from. It is about technological adoption.

It will reduce exam malpractice – Education Ministry

The Director of Senior Secondary Education, Federal Ministry of Education, FME, Hajia Binta Abdulkadir, said changing the exam mode to CBT would reduce malpractice in the conduct of the examinations.

“Examinations are fundamental to education globally. They are means of assessment. We will look inward to make use of available facilities. If we don’t, we won’t start at all. CBT exams record low malpractice than paper exams. There is need to punish exam saboteurs. Dual education system is good. You don’t de-emphasise certificate.”

Our exam mode is not adaptable to CBT — Rabana

However, an education advocate, Rasheed Rabana, said the mode of examinations in Nigeria was not adaptable to the use of CBT.

“What we have been doing in the past is not really CBT in the real sense of it. WAEC and NECO mode of examination is not adaptable to CBT. Harvard University in the United States is one of the pioneers of computer use and CBT, but they still conduct paper exams.

‘’It is only multiple choice exam that is adaptable to CBT. We are destroying our exams. Let us just set the issue of infrastructure aside, that is the least of our problem, the mode of our exams is unadaptable to CBT.

It could lead to exclusion of some students — CONUA

On his part, the National President of the Congress of University Academics, CONUA, Dr Niyi Sunmonu, opined: “On the directive to migrate all examinations to Computer-Based Testing, CBT, by next year, I believe the intention is commendable.

‘’It is aiming to modernise assessment, improve efficiency, and reduce malpractice. However, the feasibility raises a number of serious concerns that must be carefully considered:

“Access and equity for candidates in remote areas: Many candidates from underserved or remote areas may not have regular access to computers and/or stable internet connectivity. More importantly, they may lack the digital literacy required to confidently navigate a CBT interface.

‘’Rolling out a nationwide policy without addressing these disparities could result in the exclusion or unfair disadvantage of a large segment of the student population.

“Nature and Pattern of Examination: While CBT works well for objective, multiple-choice-type assessments, many disciplines require more complex forms of evaluation, including essays, problem-solving, diagrams, or technical drawings.

‘’These forms are not easily adapted to standard CBT platforms. A blanket implementation risks oversimplifying assessment and undermining the depth and rigour required in many fields.

“Infrastructure and technical reliability: The current state of digital infrastructure in many schools and centres is not yet robust enough to support large-scale, glitch-free CBT deployment. Issues like power outages, insufficient computer terminals, network (internet) failures, and software glitches could severely disrupt the examination process and compromise its credibility.

“In essence, while transitioning to CBT could be a step in the right direction, it must be done gradually, inclusively, and with a clear-eyed view of the challenges ahead. The focus should be on capacity building, infrastructural development, and piloting CBT across suitable exam types before a full-scale implementation is adopted.”

It is not possible now – NAPTAN

Also reviewing the situation, the National President of the National Parent Teacher Association of Nigeria, NAPTAN, Alhaji Haruna Danjuma, opined that with the current level of infrastructure in the country, such a step would not work as effectively as envisaged.

“It is not possible. Will all the schools be fixed with computers? In my state, we have over 500 basic education schools, in my local government, we have over 200 primary schools, then we should install ICT facilities in all the schools.

‘’What about the electricity to power the facilities assuming we have them in place. How many computer instructors do we have to take care of the children? We are sitting on a time bomb.”

Let us not rush into it — ASUU

On his take, the chairman of Lagos Zone of the Academic Staff Union of Universities, ASUU, Prof. Nassir Adesola, said the country should not just jump into adopting any policy without seriously interrogating same for its workability.
“Nothing is wrong with CBT actually but we need to interrogate the motivation for adopting its use. We need to be fully aware of the possible low points and the implication on the sanctity of our examinations.

‘’The modalities for its use, i.e. multiple choice, written, hybrid, and the opportunity for students to fully express themselves. This is more appreciated when grading is done manually, compared to some keywords driven programmed grading.
“A pilot use to identify challenges and smoothen rough edges would be better before plunging into it. We need to really expand our technology all round, from hardwares to softwares, electricity, logistic matters for remote locations, etc. The human factor too.

“Compared to UTME, the population of students that would be involved would be much larger. Nonetheless, the matter would continue to be a subject of discussion by stakeholders in education, including ASUU, so that government can be well advised on the matter.”

Let us use JAMB’s UTME as litmus test — NANS

The National Public Relations Officer of the National Association of Nigerian Student, NANS, Comrade Adeyemi Samson Ajasa, called for using JAMB’s UTME as a litmus test before jumping into using CBT for other exams.

“Let us use JAMB’s UTME as a litmus test. How has it fared? Meanwhile, remember that UTME is a day exam and SSCE runs for a little over a month. Are the facilities in place? Do we have CBT centres across the 774 local governments in the country. Let us assume that we do, remember that most of the LGs are made up of more than one community. Who is going to be responsible for the cost of logistics of candidates who want to write the exam? Is it the already pressed and hapless parents?

“Even if WAEC and NECO are going to make use of the facilities that JAMB is using now and others, they cannot be enough. We have not mentioned the issue of network, power supply, security concerns and others. The government should call a meeting of stakeholders including students, parents, experts etc to discuss the proposal. We need to make haste slowly.”

It will negatively affect students’ writing skills — Don

A former lecturer at the University of Abuja who now teaches in a university in Rwanda, Dr Isaac Areo, said it would badly affect the writing skills of students.

“At the University of Abuja, I was the Examination Officer for about 10 years. From the experience I have gathered over the years, my main worry is that CBT will negatively affect the writing skills of our students.

‘’Just relate with some of our students, you will notice that they mostly speak better than they write. I doubt if all schools, whether private or public, can be provided with the facilities that can take all the students writing the exam in their own premises. That would mean some students would be taken to centres probably far away from their schools, then who is going to be responsible for the logistics?

“There is also the issue of computer fright. Not everybody can feel comfortable in front of the computer. Let us take it gradually. Objective questions can be CBT and then others still paper exam. The UTME conducted by JAMB is one thing and the SSCE is a different ball game.”

It should not be a policy executed by fiat — Educationists

Making know their feelings about the proposed policy, two educationists, Beatrice Aketuamhen and Ariyo Ismail, said UTME and SSCE were not in the same category.

“UTME is just a day exam and SSCE is about a month or even more than a month. What about security concerns, logistics, and even electricity to power the computers? We all know the cost of energy now in the country. It is a long time thing, not something that can be done by fiat,” said Aketuamhen.

Ismail said it was not only Lagos and Abuja that made up Nigeria, adding that many areas lacked basic amenities.

“Lagos and Abuja are not Nigeria as a whole. We like to copy and paste. We tend to pretend. Does every community have the expected facilities for such an exercise? The problem in the education sector is bigger than the issue of CBT,” Ismail said.

We’re going to kill practicals

Relatedly, a member of the House of Representatives, representing Ikwo/Ezza South federal Cconstituency, Ebonyi State, Chinedu Ogah, appealed to the federal government to discontinue the plan to conduct SSCE in CBT mode.

He said: “The issue about our education is that the system has simply collapsed. We are rushing things by talking about CBT when we have no network in the hinterlands.

“When it came up in the National Assembly, I told them that if we want to do the right thing, let us urge the federal government to deploy ICT to all primary and secondary schools.

“By then, it becomes a course to study in all our schools. They will get acquainted with ICT. Then gradually, they will upgrade. By then, there must have been network services in all the local governments, wards. And that is when you can talk of going into CBT mode.

“Talking about WAEC adopting use of CBT, I am a science student. How will you now combine titration when you are mixing carbon dioxide with CO2 to get a result?

‘’If you have an equilibrium when you are now doing a thesis and you bring what is called load, fulcrum and force, how do you measure it by bringing the equation?

“In Mathematics, when you have a quadratic equation, quadratic elimination by permutation method, how do you do that with ICT? I said in this way, we talk what cannot work. We are killing our education. We are killing our science.

“Science is purely practical. Our students need to know what practical is all about. And that is the only thing we have in this country. We believe everything is fake and they cannot lead us anywhere”, he said.

[Vanguard]

Vice-President Kashim Shettima says Nigeria is actively seeking $25 billion investment to supply gas to Europe via the Nigeria-Morocco gas pipeline project.

Speaking on Monday at the presidential villa during a meeting with a Vitol Group delegation, an independent commodity trader, Shettima said the project is an expensive venture requiring about the aforementioned amount.

He said the country needs Vitol’s technical expertise to successfully finalise the project.

“We need you more for your technical expertise than for your money. Gas supply stability counts, that is why we are exploring the option of an undersea gas pipeline,” the vice-president said.

Shettima said “it will be a completely transparent management structure”, urging Vitol to “come on board with this project”.

He described Nigeria’s gas sector as a beacon of stability and transparency amid global uncertainty.

“I will urge you to key into our nation’s energy transition programme. I want you to utilise your dominance in the Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) and Associated Petroleum Gas (APG) sub-sectors,” he said.

The vice-president said the world is changing and “ours is actually a gas and not an oil economy”.

“We have the eighth-largest gas reserve in the world. We really want to harness the potential in the gas sector fundamentally because of the stability and transparency in that arena,” he said.

“The Nigeria Liquefied Natural Gas Limited (NLNG) has been largely insulated from government interference.

“What we are getting from the NLNG is so predictable. This is why we are seriously exploring the option of taking our gas to Europe.”

The vice-president said President Bola Tinubu’s bold economic reforms have positioned Nigeria as a leading destination for investment, particularly in the energy sector.

Shettima said Nigeria’s leadership transformation under Tinubu presents a unique and unparalleled opportunity for international investors.

“Most importantly is the leadership. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu grew up in that ecosystem — energy and finance,” he said.

“In the past 25 years, we have not had a leader who has the courage to take far-reaching decisions as he has taken — the removal of fuel subsidy, the unification of the multiple exchange rates, and the tax reforms.”

Shettima appealed to global investors, saying Tinubu is putting Nigeria on a new trajectory.

“This is where the action is, invest in Nigeria,” he said.

‘VITOL GROUP HAS LONG-TERM COMMITMENT TO NIGERIA’

On his part, Jeffrey Dellapina, chief financial officer of Vitol Group, said the company has a long-term commitment to Nigeria.

“This has been an incredibly close and important country for Vitol for a very long time. We have participated in a lot of things from the downstream, financing, trading and government support when needed,” he said.

“We do want to maintain an understanding that Vitol is committed, and we are always available to deploy capital when needed.

“We want to stay in this country and evolve with you.”

Also speaking, Murtala Baloni, Vitol Group’s head of public affairs, said the company is benefiting from a strong and positive business relationship with Nigerian companies and the government.

“We support the business of the government in ways that we can in the deployment of capital,” he said.

Baloni said the company was one of the major funders of Project Gazelle, a crude oil-backed forward-sale finance facility by the Nigerian National Petroleum Company (NNPC) Limited, “where we put in $300 million during the COVID-19 period”.

[TheCable]

As President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration approached its second anniversary, the atmosphere was charged with political activity. Officials from his administration made efforts to account for their performance, but these efforts were overshadowed by a loud call for the President’s second term. Supporters, high-ranking party officials, even the All Progressives Congress governors and federal government officials were preponderantly focused on capturing more states and diminishing opposition parties than in showcasing their achievements. 

If Tinubu opposed this distraction, he did not make it known. He prominently welcomed defectors into the APC and, during a recent caucus meeting he hosted at the seat of government, he vigorously addressed concerns that Nigeria was becoming a one-party state under his leadership. Instead of reassuring citizens about the state of democracy, his comments fell short of providing comfort.

He eventually celebrated the second anniversary of his administration which featured a speech that received more criticism than praise. In his address, the President highlighted the achievements of his administration’s Renewed Hope Agenda and reiterated his commitment to tackling economic instability, improving nationwide security, reducing corruption, reforming governance, and lifting Nigerians out of poverty.

Tinubu claimed that the economic and overall situation he inherited demanded a redirection of the country’s affairs. He cited the removal of fuel subsidies and the establishment of multiple foreign exchange windows as key initiatives. Halfway through his first term, Tinubu reflected on these controversial reforms and asserted that they were revitalizing the national economy and strengthening the social fabric of the country.

However, many Nigerians do not share his optimistic view. A significant portion of the population remains skeptical that these reforms will lead to the prosperity promised during the campaign period and which his officials have consistently repeated, especially as the country continues to fall deeper into debt. One notable critic, Atiku Abubakar, the presidential candidate from the rival Peoples Democratic Party in the 2023 election, dismissed the reforms as ineffective and misguided. In a statement released on the anniversary, Atiku described Tinubu’s two years in office as marked by “misrule, economic hardship, and authoritarian tendencies,” asserting that the administration has worsened poverty, favored elites, and driven the nation into an unsustainable debt crisis.

Atiku pointed out that no government in Nigeria’s democratic history has imposed such severe hardship on the populace, and criticized some of the administration’s policies, stating they “disproportionately hurt the poor while rewarding the wealthy.”

While Atiku’s criticism may be regarded as part of his political posturing as an opposition figure, the claims largely reflect the sentiments of most Nigerians who doubt whether the reforms are yielding or will ever yield positive results.

It is worth noting that Tinubu’s twin policy of fuel subsidy removal and floating of the naira have sent the economy into an unprecedented tailspin with many Nigerians grappling with unimaginable hardship, high inflation and higher living costs. The people need more than those flowery words in the President’s anniversary speech to cushion the grinding effect of those policies.

To start a re-election rhetoric that early, rather than deal with the demons, amounts to adding insult to the economic injury. It means the president and his team are more interested in political survival than national progress. It is a sign of insecurity, a focus on entrenching power rather than winning public trust through results. When you add the growing concerns that Nigeria may be heading toward a one-party state under the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), the optics get even worse. 

That narrative is fueled by the President’s overt support for widespread political cross-carpeting as many elected officials from opposition parties—especially from the PDP and smaller parties—have defected to the APC, often under pressure or in pursuit of political survival. Or still, for rewards, as defectors into the APC are routinely rewarded with positions or other forms of patronage.

At the same time the President was preparing his anniversary speech, he sent a letter to the National Assembly requesting approval to borrow an astonishing $21.5 billion. This new borrowing raises serious doubts about the promises made during his anniversary address. How can citizens be encouraged to feel hopeful when the government is burdening the people with such immense debt?

If the past two years are any indicator of the future, many believe it looks grim. The rising debt linked to questionable projects does little to reassure the public that progress is being made. To make matter worse, many sections of the country have been left out in the projects he intends to apply the borrowed monies to. The South-East, for instance, has been persistent in voicing concerns of marginalization with regards to the federal governments infrastructural development, especially the rail masterplan and the Lagos-Calabar superhighway.

Instead of fixating on the chants for a second term—particularly when he has yet to deliver convincingly on his first—Tinubu should redirect his administration’s focus away from political flattery and toward fulfilling his many promises. Rather than acts that seek consolidation of power, weakening of opposition and eroding democratic pluralism, Tinubu should rather open the space wider for political competition, dissent, and institutional independence—features that are visibly under strain bin today’s Nigeria.

The detrimental impact of his policies is so severe that these distractions are insulting to struggling Nigerians. While it is definitely premature to ramp up political activities for the next election, the average citizen expects more efforts aimed at alleviating their current hardships. It is only in so doing that the reforms – whatever reforms – will resonate with the generality of Nigerians.

The Niger Delta is often seen as a reflection of Nigeria in miniature—especially Delta State, where a rich tapestry of ethnic groups, each with its own dialect and cultural identity, mirrors the nation’s diversity.

The region comprises nine states: Abia, Akwa Ibom, Bayelsa, Cross River, Delta, Edo, Imo, Rivers, and Ondo. Among the current governors, only Alex Otti of Abia State, representing the Labour Party (LP), came into office without any prior experience in government. A seasoned banker, Otti entered the political arena as a newcomer to public administration.

In contrast, the other eight governors had already held significant public offices before their current roles. For example, Douye Diri (Bayelsa), Hope Uzodinma (Imo), Monday Okpebholo (Edo), and Bassey Otu (Cross River) all previously served as senators before transitioning to executive leadership in their respective states. Similarly, Lucky Aiyedatiwa rose from deputy governor to governor in Ondo, while Sheriff Oborevwori, former Speaker of the Delta State House of Assembly, moved from a legislative role to become the state’s chief executive.

Siminalayi Fubara of Rivers State, who served as the state’s Accountant General under the previous administration, also brought with him deep familiarity with the government machinery. However, his tenure is currently on hold, following a six-month state of emergency declared by the federal government. Meanwhile, Umo Eno, the governor of Akwa Ibom, previously held the position of Commissioner for Works before ascending to the governorship.

With this wealth of prior experience, it was widely expected that these governors would not need much time to adjust to their roles. The prevailing assumption was that they would be ready to deliver from day one—mobilizing both human and financial resources to fulfill the lofty promises made during their campaigns.

As we move further into this analysis, we will evaluate how effectively these nine governors have lived up to expectations and whether they’ve delivered the much-anticipated dividends of democracy to the resilient people of the Niger Delta.

To borrow a phrase often attributed to former New York Governor Mario Cuomo, “You campaign in poetry but govern in prose.” In other words, while election campaigns are filled with passion, inspiration, and grand ideals—governance demands pragmatism, clarity, and results.

Which Niger Delta Governors Are Truly Governing in Prose?

Building on the earlier analysis, a crucial question arises: Which of the nine Niger Delta governors have transitioned from campaign poetry to the prose of governance, as famously framed by former New York Governor Mario Cuomo?

This article seeks to answer that by evaluating the performance of the region’s governors over the last two years—marking the halfway point in their four-year constitutional terms.

An exception must be made for Governor Monday Okpebholo of Edo State, who only took office in November due to the state’s off-cycle election. With just six months in office, it would be too early—and unfair—to judge the effectiveness of his administration at this stage.

To conduct a fair assessment of the governors’ performance, it’s important first to define what “good governance” means within the Nigerian context.

What Defines Good Governance in Nigeria?

In Nigeria, good governance is evaluated through several key areas of impact:

 1. Business Climate Improvement

Creating a more competitive, transparent, and investor-friendly environment is essential. This includes strengthening corporate governance and promoting economic sustainability to attract both local and international investment.

 2. Reforming the Oil, Power, and Extractive Industries

Given the Niger Delta’s role as Nigeria’s energy hub, reforms in these sectors are crucial. Priorities include promoting transparency, accountability, and shifting from a “gas-for-export” model to a “gas-to-power” strategy that improves electricity access.

 3. Innovation and Sustainable Development

Supporting governance innovations—especially those that emerge from local communities—is vital. These may include homegrown accountability mechanisms that ensure inclusive and transparent public administration.

 4. Youth, Gender, and Social Inclusion

Effective governance must actively empower youth and women through education, entrepreneurship, and social protection programs.

 5. Climate Resilience and Environmental Innovation

States are expected to implement climate-smart policies that promote environmental sustainability and protect communities from the growing threats of climate change.

 6. Agricultural Transformation

With food security under pressure, improving agricultural governance through innovation, investment, and infrastructure is another vital benchmark of effective leadership.

Core Pillars Supporting Good Governance

In addition to sectoral initiatives, good governance in Nigeria rests on several foundational elements:

 • Policy Engagement: Working with stakeholders and lawmakers to craft impactful, evidence-based reforms.

 • Data-Driven Decision-Making: Utilizing research and analytics to inform policies and measure results.

 • Institutional Capacity Building: Strengthening the ability of government bodies and personnel to deliver services effectively.

 • Transparency and Accountability: Upholding openness and ethical stewardship of public resources.

As we continue this midterm review of Niger Delta leadership, these criteria will serve as the lens through which we measure whether the governors are living up to their campaign promises—and delivering real progress in the daily lives of their constituents.

Core Principles of Good Governance

Globally, good governance is rooted in universal principles that cut across borders and systems. These include:

 • Responsibility: Diligent and consistent oversight of financial systems, legal compliance, and risk management.

 • Transparency and Communication: Clear, inclusive dialogue between governments and their citizens, encouraging participation and trust.

 • Equity and Justice: Ensuring fair treatment and equal opportunities for all members of society.

Integral to these principles is the protection of human rights, which is reinforced through:

 • Democratic Institutions: Structures that facilitate active citizen involvement in policy decisions.

 • Efficient Service Delivery: Governments must effectively provide essential services such as healthcare, education, and infrastructure.

 • Rule of Law: Legal systems must be reformed to guarantee fairness, security, and equal enforcement of the law.

 • Anti-Corruption Practices: Strong mechanisms must be in place to deter corruption and promote accountability at all levels.

At the heart of these elements is strategic vision—a long-term, actionable plan that guides decision-making and ensures consistent development across governance levels.

The Niger Delta: Unique Challenges and Governance Imperatives

While the Niger Delta shares commonalities as Nigeria’s oil-producing heartland, its states vary in environmental and socio-economic conditions. Many areas, especially in Delta, Rivers, Akwa Ibom, and parts of Bayelsa, are characterized by wetlands, creeks, and swampy terrain. These difficult geographies complicate infrastructure development, especially road construction, which is vital for connectivity and economic growth.

In contrast, states like Abia, Imo, Edo, Ondo, and Cross River are situated on firmer ground, making them relatively better positioned for infrastructure expansion.

Despite these differences, the entire region grapples with a similar set of environmental, economic, and social hurdles. To effectively address these challenges, governors in the Niger Delta must embrace holistic, strategic, and citizen-centric approaches. Priority areas include:

 • Environmental Remediation: Governments must lead aggressive clean-up campaigns in oil-impacted areas, while also putting in place measures to prevent future ecological damage.

 • Infrastructure Expansion: Robust investment in roads, bridges, hospitals, and public utilities is critical to improving quality of life and boosting commerce.

 • Diversified Economic Growth: Moving beyond oil dependency, leaders must invest in agriculture, aquaculture, small businesses, and innovation-driven sectors to build resilient local economies.

 • Community Participation: Engaging local populations in governance through consultation and inclusion helps foster trust and ensure policies align with grassroots realities.

 • Security and Peacebuilding: Addressing insecurity requires a blend of conflict resolution strategies, dialogue, and inclusive peacebuilding initiatives tailored to local dynamics.

 • Enforcing Accountability: Governors must ensure both public agencies and private corporations adhere to environmental and human rights standards, with strong regulatory systems in place to uphold these obligations.

Pathways to Sustainable Development in the Niger Delta

For governance to be truly transformative, it must also focus on long-term, sustainable outcomes. This includes:

 • Community-Led Development Projects: Emphasizing initiatives that support local needs while preserving the environment.

 • Youth Empowerment: Equipping young people with education, vocational skills, and employment opportunities to reduce restiveness and foster economic inclusion.

 • Improved Service Delivery: Strengthening access to quality education, healthcare, and basic services will significantly raise living standards.

Ultimately, the path to real transformation in the Niger Delta lies in confronting entrenched structural issues and deploying practical, people-oriented solutions. If these priorities are pursued with vision, commitment, and transparency, the region can unlock sustainable development and lasting prosperity.

Midterm Governance Review: Are Niger Delta Governors Delivering?

At the halfway mark of their four-year tenure—reached on May 29—the performance of governors in the nine Niger Delta states is now under the spotlight. This review examines whether they have delivered on their promises using key benchmarks for democratic dividends and good governance.

When President Bola Tinubu assumed office in 2023, he implemented sweeping economic reforms, including removing the long-standing petrol subsidy and unifying the naira’s exchange rate. These policies freed up considerable funds, resulting in significantly increased federal allocations to state governments.

Many states are now estimated to receive up to 60% more from the Federal Accounts Allocation Committee (FAAC). For the oil-rich Niger Delta, this financial windfall raised expectations for accelerated development, improved infrastructure, and better living conditions.

One of the most immediate and tangible outcomes of this revenue boost is the clearing of civil servant salary backlogs. Many states that previously owed up to two years’ worth of wages are now current on salary payments—offering much-needed relief to workers and their families.

Assessing Progress Without Standardized Tools

Nigeria currently lacks a uniform, institutionalized system for evaluating subnational governance performance—unlike the way inflation or poverty is tracked by the Nigerian Bureau of Statistics, or GDP by global rating agencies. In this gap, the media has stepped in to measure progress.

Platforms like ThisDay and Arise News have focused on the Niger Delta, assessing governors’ achievements based on public perception and editorial judgment, though not always using data-driven metrics.

These reviews, while informal, have highlighted standout governors and shed light on leadership trends across the region.

Delta State Leads the Pack

Delta State has emerged as a top performer under Governor Sheriff Oborevwori. His administration has made clear strides in various sectors, earning him the title of Governor of the Year in some media assessments.

Key accomplishments include:

 • Sports: Hosting major events like the National Youth Games and National Sports Festival.

 • Judiciary: Upgrading court infrastructure and enhancing support for judicial personnel.

 • Human Capital Development: Offering grants and support for artisans, small business owners, and traders.

 • Security and Peace: Establishing the Delta State Advisory and Peace-Building Council to mediate conflicts.

 • Education: Improving school facilities, awarding scholarships, and strengthening higher institutions.

Beyond these, Oborevwori’s administration has made major investments in roads, bridges, healthcare, and agriculture. His infrastructure drive—facilitated through contractors like Julius Berger—has positioned Delta not just as a regional leader, but arguably one of Nigeria’s best-performing states.

Akwa Ibom Close Behind

Akwa Ibom, led by Governor Umo Eno, ranks next in terms of development. Through a weekly television program featuring the governance activities in the state, and other structured media reports, public opinion acknowledges his steady progress across multiple sectors.

A more thorough, data-backed evaluation from transparency-focused organizations like BudgIT, Statista, or Nairametrics would give a clearer picture of the impact of how the 36 governors and the Federal Capital Territory, (FCT) minister nationwide have fared in their administration at the subnational level.

Currently, Delta and Akwa Ibom are viewed as the most progressive states in the Niger Delta based on visible governance efforts and citizen engagement.

The Power of Media Visibility

One thing both Delta and Akwa Ibom have in common is their effective communication strategies. Through sponsored programs on platforms like Arise News and collaborations with media influencers (tv anchor persons ,columnists and journalists, these states have maintained strong public visibility.

This strategic communication has helped them control the narrative, highlight successes, and stay connected to their citizens. As a result, media coverage has favored their administrations.

Conversely, the remaining seven Niger Delta states—Abia, Bayelsa, Imo, Ondo, Cross River, Rivers, and Edo—have suffered from poor communication, making their governance efforts largely invisible to the public. As the saying goes, “Governing without communicating is like winking at a pretty lady in a dark room. The man knows what he’s doing, but the lady doesn’t.”

Special Focus: Rivers and Edo States

In Rivers State, Governor Siminalayi Fubara began with high visibility but soon found his administration overshadowed by political conflict.

In Edo State, Governor Monday Okpebholo only assumed office six months ago due to the state’s off-cycle election. Despite the short time in office, he has made bold moves to tackle the state’s current biggest challenge in terms of insecurity—cracking down on cultism, removing traditional rulers involved in crime, and demolishing properties tied to illegal activities.

He has also initiated the construction of a major flyover at Ikpoba Hill to alleviate severe traffic congestion. Once completed, this project will improve traffic flow between eastern and western Nigeria, easing movement from Delta and Edo to Lagos.

Agriculture: A Neglected Sector

One major area where all Niger Delta governors need to improve is agriculture. With food prices rising due to subsidy removal and currency devaluation, food security is now a pressing concern.

While civil servants’ national minimum wages have risen—from ₦30,000 to about ₦70,000,commendably in all Niger Delta states it is higher than the national level —there has not been a commensurate increase in investment in farming. This is troubling, as agriculture remains the largest employer in Nigeria. So, without creating an enabling environment for agricultural activities to thrive in the rural areas, significant poverty alleviation may not be recorded in the hinterland as food insecurity will continue to be a source of hardship for the masses.

Despite ongoing challenges like farmer-herder clashes, flooding, and coastal erosion, Niger Delta state governments must prioritize agriculture to reduce hunger and boost rural livelihoods.

Conclusion: Unlocking the Region’s Potential

The takeaway is clear: with at least 60% higher inflow of funds to states from FAAC account,money is no longer the biggest or primary constraint to development in the Niger Delta and states nationwide.

That is because the state governors now have the resources to uplift their people—if managed wisely.

The real test is in vision, planning, and prioritizing projects that directly benefit the population. Governor Oborevwori has set a strong example by combining smart resource use with visible public engagement.

Advice to Other Governors

To governors whose performance remains under the radar, now is the time to act. Learn from Delta and Akwa Ibom—meet the real needs of your people and use the media as a governance tool.

If not, you risk being the proverbial man “winking in the dark”—your good efforts may go completely unnoticed.

With the 2027 election season approaching for all but Edo, this midterm point is an opportunity to turn things around, show leadership, and earn the people’s trust for a possible second term.

Magnus Onyibe, an entrepreneur, public policy analyst, author, democracy advocate, and development strategist

Mr Basejè Lalaçe

The story of Nigeria and her States, is like that of Mr Basejè (Yoruba word for Spoiler) Lalaçe (the Hausa word for Spoil), who imported an almost new second-hand car from abroad. It had one or two fundamental problems which appeared to have been fixed before it was exported to Nigeria, and the Owner’s Manual was there in the glove compartment, complete with maintenance details and milestones for the different types of car service appointments, from oil and filter change to the first service, to checks on specific components like the brakes, major service, periodic service and so on. Mr Lalaçe had several drivers, and mostly, they were not particularly skilful drivers; some were reckless, while others were not concerned about the condition of the car - just as long as it moved!  

Over the years, Mr Lalaçe failed to continue with the maintenance of the vehicle after the first major service, and eventually the car started breaking down regularly. Each time the car broke down, no matter how many parts were affected and required replacement, Mr Lalaçe would either buy a ‘Tokunbo’ (second hand) part to replace the part that was most seriously affected, or replace only the one which the car couldn’t function without, or simply tell the Mechanic to manage it if he could get away with it! Eventually, aside from the body of the car being battered as a result of a series of accidents, the car engine knocked, amongst other serious faults, including the prior fundamental ones that appeared to have been repaired before the car was imported, and Mr Lalaçe was given a huge bill to overhaul the car to get it back on the road. 

The blame for this misfortune was then heaped on Ali, the current driver of the car who was employed months before it finally broke down completely. Of course, everyone ignored/forgot Mr Lalaçe’s total neglect of the car, and the role the string of careless drivers had played, as major contributors to the car’s complete breakdown; they blamed it all on Ali! How could that be?!!!

In this scenario, the car is Nigeria; Mr Lalaçe is successive Governments; the drivers are the various leaders, be it from the First Republic, or the Military, down to the Fourth Republic. Ali is the incumbent, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. The story of the car, is also replicated in the case of the States and Governors, lest we forget them as we always do when it comes to accountability and scorecards. Though the car can be fixed, the repairs would be extensive and possibly time consuming, not just an oil change that will only take a few minutes. Obviously, the services of a capable Engineer/Mechanic is required, or it would be impossible to get the car up and running properly, reasonable fair wear and tear excepted. 

The Fourth Republic 

Interestingly, even previous drivers, who didn’t drive the car properly and were careless with it, have become the greatest critics of Ali! The other day, I couldn’t help but laugh and snigger, when Abubakar Malami, SAN, who goes down in history as one of the worst Attorneys-General of the Federation, joined the circle of critics, after such an inglorious career! Their criticism resembles a variation of the Self-Enhancement Theory in Psychology; where people run others down in order to boost themselves, their self-esteem, or to cover up their own failures, or simply make themselves feel better about themselves. While Nigerians have every right to show their displeasure about the state of the nation, I don’t think that contributors to the failure are in any position to complain or give advice that they themselves didn’t take when they were in office! 

One cannot say for sure when the first major service of the car was done, but, by the inception of the Fourth Republic in 1999, the civil service had become a shadow of its former self, corrupt and inefficient; there were hardly any functioning manufacturing industries and Nigeria had become highly dependent on imports, while many institutions like NEPA (National Electric Power Authority, subsequently, Power Holding Company of Nigeria, and now, GenCos, TCN and DisCos) and the Oil Refineries were broken. Over the years, Electricity Generation capacity hadn’t been significantly expanded, despite the population explosion and consequent rise in demand for electricity, nor were the existing facilities properly maintained. Even at the time late President Shagari was campaigning for his second term in 1983, he promised electricity for all towns and villages, which means that, even as at then, electricity supply was inadequate. Nigeria had been importing fuel since the 1970s, as right from the start, her refineries’ capacity had never been enough to satisfy the rising demand for fuel. Fuel subsidy was introduced during the regime of General Obasanjo in 1977 or so, to control the price of fuel in light of the sharp increase in oil prices, and this subsidy policy was subsequently converted into a criminal enterprise from which government officials and business men made obscene illegal profits at the expense of Nigeria, as we were also subsidising neighbouring African countries since our fuel was being smuggled out and sold cheaply to them. 

Rule of law? That didn’t really exist under the Military, and unfortunately, it hasn’t fared too much better during the Fourth Republic. The 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended)(the Constitution) and the laws of the land, are often observed in their breach by Government and the people.

President Tinubu: Two Years On

And so, when we are looking at President Tinubu’s 2 years scorecard, we cannot look at it in isolation, without taking into consideration the context of Mr Lalaçe’s broken down car, and all that needs to be done to repair the country. President Tinubu’s performance comprises of ‘the good, the bad and the ugly’. I usually use the things that affect the everyday life of the people, to make my evaluations that creates my scorecard. Today, I find myself writing similar things to what I wrote in the past about Government’s scorecard. The driver before Ali was Yinka (President Buhari). 

In President Buhari’s January 2018 new year message, he had stated inter alia that, as at December 8, 2017, 5,155 MW of Electricity had been delivered to consumers, the highest amount that had ever been achieved. When I googled for an update on this information, the AI Overview stated that as at May 2023, Nigeria’s power generation capacity reached 5,313 MW, and on May 31, 2025, “Nigeria’s power grid recorded a peak generation of 5,372.30 MW at 4pm….”. This means that there has been no significant improvement in power generation, in the first two years of the Tinubu administration, and the very low amount of electricity being generated is shameful. See for example, South Africa, with a population of less than 70 million, over 58,000 MW of electricity is generated! What’s Nigeria’s excuse? Though the national grid has collapsed a good number of times since the inception of the Tinubu administration, the records show that in the first 2 year period of President Jonathan, President Buhari and President Tinubu, it has collapsed the least number of times under President Tinubu. Yet, it’s still an F9 in the electricity sector. 

While Ali has a better understanding of cars, and is a more skilful driver than his predecessor, Yinka; he also has more focused goals, and some may say President Tinubu is recording better achievements in the area of the Economy, the effects of some which may not be immediately felt, things still seem pretty grim for the average Nigerian - this is one of the bad and ugly parts. This has been attributed to bringing an end to the criminal fuel subsidy scam with its removal, and the simultaneous unification of the Nigerian foreign exchange regime, carried out without any proper preparations for the inflationary after effects on the people, which plunged Nigerians into severe economic hardship. Food prices are still relatively high, and majority of Nigerians are still finding it hard to survive. The high level of corruption, unemployment, lack of accountability and exorbitant cost of governance, are also part of the bad and ugly. The common man is not happy with this administration and indeed, APC, as their living conditions have suffered rather badly since they took over the reins of leadership in 2015. However, Nigeria that was declared the poverty capital of the world in 2018, with highest number of people living in abject poverty, has since moved up during the Tinubu administration. For this, in this sector, we can move from F9 to a low pass of between P8 and P7. When Nigerians start to see the positive impact of the economic reforms in their daily lives, then the score will improve. 

The Security situation in the country, which seemed to be improving during the first year of the Tinubu administration, also appears to have deteriorated again, at least in some parts of the country. See Section 14(2)(b) of the Constitution, on the security and welfare of Nigerians being the primary purpose of government. Though incidents of mass kidnapping seem to have declined, newer terror groups such as Lakurawa have emerged, and many are still being slaughtered, particularly in North Central zone. Even though President Tinubu’s approval of the establishment of Forest Guards, is a step in the right direction, as Nigeria’s expansive forests have become a haven for criminal activities - terrorists live there and most kidnap victims are kept in the forests, I am unable to give the Tinubu administration a pass mark for security. From an F9 in the Buhari administration, Nigeria is still hovering between an F9 and P8, as far as security is concerned. So much more needs to be done.

There is still a huge Infrastructure deficit, and for instance, regularly, we see videos in which communities showcase their dilapidated roads which haven’t received attention in decades. And so, there is the argument that the infrastructure development going on in Nigeria, is one of ‘eye service’, in which it is only in the most visible areas that some improvement is noticeable. The new Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway project, has also generated a great deal of controversy. While some argue that it would have made more sense and cost much less to repair all the existing major connecting highways and roads in Nigeria first, instead of embarking on this new project which may not be completed in the foreseeable future, in which the bidding process was opaque and the cost of completion, allegedly inflated, Government has insisted that this coastal highway is a game changer that will boost job creation and economic growth. This is left to be seen.

There is an improvement in the Health Sector, and I can’t help but feel that the current Minister of Health, Professor Ali Pate could do much more if he received necessary, adequate funding. There has been a shortfall between the budget allocation for healthcare and the actual amount received. The Nigerian Doctor-Patient ratio of about 1:4,000/5,000 instead of the WHO’s recommendation of 1:600, is extremely low. Due to the harsh working conditions, many Doctors have left the country to seek greener pastures. Additionally, the less privileged are also having serious challenges, as they cannot afford to pay the bills of even Government Hospitals, and price of medication is prohibitive. Unfortunately, even if we give Professor Pate A3 for effort, he needs more than the P8 support of Government to achieve better results. 

The educational objectives listed in Section 18 of the Constitution, are far from being achieved. Nigeria has over 18 million out-of-school children, possibly the highest in the world. President Tinubu’s administration has instituted the ‘DOTS’ Policy to overhaul the Education Sector in Nigeria. Millions of out-of-school have already benefited from this programme; there are also Teacher Training Programmes and the NELFUND Student Loan Scheme for indigent students attending Tertiary institutions. Again, even if we give the Minister of Education, Dr Tunji Alausa, C4 for effort, he also requires more than the P8 support of Government to achieve optimum results. 

Conclusion

Though President Tinubu’s administration, in pushing his Renewed Hope Agenda may have recorded some positives, the truth of the matter is that, their performance still leaves a lot to be desired. The performance of many Governors, is below par, and this, particularly that of the APC Governors who belong to the same party as the President and should have some type of cohesive joint agenda, necessarily reduces President Tinubu’s overall score. Apart from a handful of States, we don’t know what most Governors are doing. 

From the point of view of the masses, if they are not enjoying a decent dose of security and welfare, nor are they seeing enough dividends of democracy, they won’t believe that an administration is doing well, whether or not the administration has taken ‘bold’ steps to reform the economy for the benefit of all and so on. The living conditions of today, which are extremely harsh, must necessarily be a determinant of the scorecard. The truth must be told, so that Government will see things in the right perspective and do more of the needful. 

Unfortunately, instead of the truth being told, we have a mounting political unification driven by politicians’ self-interest and sycophancy, the height of which we are seeing with the mass defections to the ruling APC, not because of any ideology or APC’s wonderful performance, but to keep and get positions, and to make money. Even though we all love a bit of flattery here and there, I see President Tinubu as one who is too smart and experienced to be deceived by insincere glowing reports of ‘Yes Men’. He also said, ‘power isn’t served à la carte’; now that he has it, President Tinubu must appreciate the opportunity he was able to get to serve, a feat he was able to achieve as a result of his struggles to get there, by putting more effort into governance, and ensuring that the Governors do the same. Many believe that, he can do better. As an Economist by training, I can understand some of this administration’s initiatives, but on behalf of Nigerians and their current living conditions, my overall mark, can only hover between a P7 and C6.

The Kogi State Executive Council has reaffirmed its commitment to grassroots development, economic sustainability, and infrastructural growth following its latest meeting held at the EXCO Hall, Government House, Lokoja.

Governor Ahmed Usman Ododo charged government officials to remain close to the grassroots and ensure constant engagement with the people, noting that such connection is key to responsive governance.

“We are in government to serve the people, and that means staying connected to their needs and aspirations,” the Governor was quoted as saying during the meeting.

As part of efforts to boost the local economy, the Governor also directed all government officials to wear Made-in-Kogi fabrics as a show of support for indigenous industries. He encouraged Kogites to take pride in local products and lead a cultural and economic renaissance from within.

Briefing journalists after the meeting, the Commissioner for Information and Communications, Hon. Kingsley Femi Fanwo, said the administration is committed to making governance more visible and impactful.

“Governor Ododo is driving a government that listens, learns, and leads from the grassroots. His directive on Made-in-Kogi fabrics is a strategic move to grow our economy and export our identity,” Fanwo said.

On infrastructure, Fanwo disclosed that perimeter fencing at the Confluence University of Science and Technology (CUSTECH), Osara is 90% completed, while both male and female hostels have been completed and are already housing students. Similar projects at the Kogi State University, Kabba, are progressing satisfactorily.

To improve public safety, the Council also approved a bill to restrict the movement of heavy trucks during peak hours. Another bill was approved for the establishment of the Kogi State Agency for Climate Change as part of a forward-thinking response to global environmental challenges.

In a separate briefing, the Commissioner for Finance, Budget and Economic Planning, Mukadam Asiwaju Asiru Idris, announced that the Ododo administration has fully liquidated N98.8 billion in debts inherited from previous administrations within just 15 months.

The breakdown includes:

 • N8 billion in bonds from the Idris Wada administration.

 • N50.8 billion salary bailout from the last administration.

 • N10 billion ECA-backed infrastructure loan.

 • N15 billion infrastructure loans from Zenith Bank and another N15 billion from UBA Plc.

“This is a landmark achievement. His Excellency Governor Ododo has demonstrated fiscal discipline and commitment to economic recovery. Within 15 months, we have cleared N98.8 billion in inherited debt,” Idris said.

He added that Fitch Ratings has upgraded Kogi State’s credit rating from ‘B-’ to ‘B’, with a stable outlook, citing prudent financial management. As of September 30, 2024, the state’s debt profile stands at N40.5 billion, placing it on a strong path to debt sustainability.

My generation met him famous. His first novels he wrote as an undergraduate. One of them is the hugely popular ‘Weep Not, Child’; another is ‘The River Between.’ He was James Ngũgĩ, then he became James Thiong’o Ngũgĩ, then he stepped out fully and became Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o.

The African writer from Kenya who died last week worked really hard to repudiate everything that he thought oppressed him. He took out his scalpel and cut open the name he bore. He dropped the foreign and picked a labyrinthine label from his ancestral pouch. The language of his art was next. With the English language, he wrote himself to fame, then he dropped English and started writing in Gikuyu. If you thought Gikuyu wasn’t global enough, you could translate his works to English or whatever European language you wanted. Ngugi was rigid in his conviction. Was his muse playing with irony or contradiction or what figure of speech best describes his experiment with life? He dropped everything the oppressor brought to Africa. Yet, when death came last week, it met him in the very land that epitomises those things he ran away from – the United States.

Some forty-something years ago, ‘Weep Not, Child’ was prescribed for our school certificate exams. Some of us soon found in it much more than what WAEC said it was. It is a book of light; a writ of struggle and liberation. We ate and chewed and swallowed and digested it. From that story and the next and the next, I read in Ngugi an optimistic soldier of justice. He believed in the inevitable victory of light over darkness. ‘Weep Not, Child’ took its title from Walt Whitman’s ‘On The Beach At Night’. It is in that poem that the challenged child is told not to weep because “The ravening clouds shall not long be victorious” and “shall not long possess the sky.” But how long is not long enough? That book was written over 60 years ago. The sky is still possessed by the clouds.

The writer loved his country and gave it his all. But his ‘free’ country soon showed him the taste of pepper. ‘Independence’ has remained what it parades: an exchange of foreign oppression for domestic repression. Jomo Kenyatta is knighted in ‘Weep Not, Child’ as the hope of the oppressed. He became president and blighted the tall and the short who placed their hope in him. Ngugi was a victim. His recollections say: “writers were not spared. In 1969, a leading poet, Abdulatif Abdalla, was imprisoned for writing a pamphlet entitled Kenya twendapi? (‘Kenya, where are we heading to?’) It was my turn in 1977 for my play, ‘I Will Marry When I Want’, and novel, ‘Petals of Blood’. I was in a maximum security prison in 1978 when Kenyatta died and his vice-president, Daniel Arap Moi, took over. Though I was happy that Moi released me three months after his ascension to power, I soon realized that he had emptied the jails of hundreds of Kenyatta’s political prisoners to make room for thousands of his own. Where Kenyatta had imprisoned me for my writing, Moi sent three truckloads of armed policemen to raze to the ground the community theatre where I worked, eventually forcing me – and many others – into exile.”

That was his Kenya; and it was not just his Kenya. It was and is Africa. Dark Africa has “Two laws. Two justices. One law and one justice protects the man of property, of wealth and the foreign exploiter. Another law and another justice silences the poor, the hungry, our people.” No darkness could be darker than what is described here by Ngugi in ‘The Trial of Dedan Kimathi’. Yet, throughout his life, the man kept talking about light defeating darkness.

Even as dusk approached and he was going, going, Ngugi still wrote optimism in 2020. He said that Wanjikũ, his Gĩkũyũ mother, used to tell him: Gũtirĩ ũtukũ ũtakĩa: No night is so Dark that, / It will not end in Dawn, / Or simply put, / Every night ends with dawn./ Gũtirĩ ũtukũ ũtakĩa…”

Language frees and can also enslave. Ngugi said it contains the seed of life. It is a sword of freedom and can be a tool in the hand of the oppressor. The writer believed so and I agree with him. He says: “If you know all the languages of the world and you do not know your mother tongue, the language of your culture, that is enslavement. On the other hand, if you know your mother tongue, the language of your culture and you add all the languages of the world to it, that is empowerment.” He also spoke about labels. Addressing a group of young Africans, he interrogated ‘tribe’ as a lexical item of racial interest. “Tribalism is a colonial invention”, he said, and asked: “Why would 250,000 Icelanders be called a nation and ten million Yorubas are called a tribe, and not a nation?”

Ngũgĩ wrote seven novels, at least five plays, more than four memoirs, over eight collections of essays, and several children’s books. You are very familiar with ‘Weep Not, Child’ (1964), ‘The River Between’ (1965), ‘A Grain of Wheat’ (1967) and ‘Petals of Blood’ (1977). Yet the man almost denied us the benefit of some of his critical stories. His ‘Devil on the Cross’, published in 1980 was originally in Gikuyu as Caitaani Mutharaba-Ini. ‘Matigari’, another novel published in 1986 was also written originally in Gikuyu; the same with ‘Wizard of the Crow’ originally in Gikuyu as ‘Mũrogi wa Kagogo’. Why did he do that? “When you use a language, you are also choosing an audience …. When I used English, I was choosing an English-speaking audience…” He said in a February 1996 interview in India. A global citizen sits in the US and writes in a Kenyan language! What kind of rebellion informed that? What Kikuyu audience was the writer targeting in America? I wished I could ask him to provide answers to those queries.

The challenges he faced were matched by the sheer strength of his character, his resilient spirit. To him, “Life, struggle, even amidst pain and blood and poverty, seemed beautiful.” His life mirrored the blistered feet on Africa’s sherd roads, stubborn and untired. In ‘The River Between’, we encounter Ngugi’s river, the Honia, which he says, “meant cure, or bring-back-to-life.” That river never dried and “seemed to possess a strong will to live, scorning droughts and weather changes. And it went on in the same way, never hurrying, never hesitating.” I think that says something prophetic of the tardy black man as he soon became marooned between the drought of the past and the pestilence of the present. For most of his 89 years, Ngugi stood at the bank of River Africa watching “as it gracefully, and without any apparent haste, wound its way down the valley, like a snake.”

‘Darkness Falls’ is the title of a critical part of ‘Weep Not, Child’. For Ngugi Wa Thiong’o, writer of light, dusk dawned last week. As he ebbed away, one could imagine the horror in his eyes as he watched Africa’s inheritors do what the rains did in ‘The River Between’: “Carrying away the soil. Corroding, eating away the earth. Stealing the land.”

Africa’s predators are audacious; they do their thing right in the open marketplace. He cried out: “How do you satirise their utterances and claims when their own words beat all fictional exaggerations?” He asked in his ‘Decolonising the Mind: The Politics of Language in African Literature.’ But he was still full of hope that light would drive out darkness.

Hope appears to me his greatest asset. Till his canary stopped chirping, he never stopped asking the African child not to weep. He insisted that kisses of spoken and written words would soon birth a dawn of justice. In spite of all the death and destruction we see all over, he still believed that “This darkness too will pass away” and that “We shall meet again and again /And talk about Darkness and Dawn / Sing and laugh, maybe even hug…In the light of the Darkness and the new Dawn.” I do not know the peg on which his optimism was anchored. What we see is every new decade bringing darker misery. But we must listen to him. He was an elder who saw far even while seated. So, I ask him: Ngugi, before you cross the river, tell us: when is the new Dawn? And, where is the light you predicted? May your soul Rest In Peace.

If you think there are too many beggars on your street, please take heart. A trending video is showing a massive throng of Nigerian children and women being deported from Ghana where they were found doing street begging. They are said to be part of thousands of West Africans on Ghanaian streets. About 10,000 are said to be involved. Is there anything too shameful that we can’t and won’t export? 

The person who ran the commentary spoke in Hausa, a hint at where the beggars hailed from. I took a few minutes to read the video. I do not speak and do not understand Hausa, but I can read the face of sorrow when I see one. I saw exactly that in the worn-out faces and the sunken eyes of girls and women in that video. For them, living is obviously a punishment. 

It looks like what we see today is generational and a proof that Nigeria failed its people yesterday and today, and will likely do so tomorrow. 

A Ghanaian academic visited Zaria some 50 years ago and wrote of his shock at the swarm of child beggars on the street. His report, published in 1984, reads as if it speaks of today: “The stranger from another cultural milieu visiting Zaria for the first time may, depending on his historical experience, wonder or even be shocked at the sight of so many little children going about begging in the town. But as time passes, and with increasing familiarity with the sight, the critical thoughts which followed the initial shock are likely to give way to a gradual acceptance of the unusual experience as a normal condition.”

The study of the begging population throws up the following statistics: “Nearly half (45.5 %>) of the sample of beggars indicated that their parents were not beggars, for quite a sizable proportion (39.7 %>) both parents could be shown to be themselves beggars like their children. In a few cases, only fathers (6.2 %) or only mothers (2.8 %) of beggars were reported as being beggars as well. In much the same way, in 35.2 % of the cases, brothers and sisters of beggars were reported to be also beggars…” Those beggars of the 1970s and 1980s, where are they today? Could they be the parents of today’s beggars, including those traumatised kids deported from Ghana? 

‘Child Beggars in Nigeria’ is the title of a July 2022 report by Germany’s international broadcaster, Deutsche Welle (DW). The report starts with the personal tragedy of an 11-year old Amina who was forced to beg on the streets because of insecurity in her village. It then dwells extensively into “how northern Nigeria’s economic crisis is bringing more children to large cities such as Lagos, where they end up asking for money on the streets.”

In February 2022, the newspaper I edit carried the story of some women and children from the North who migrated to Ibadan to make a living for themselves and their families through begging. Nafisa Shehu and her mother were among the beggars found on the Ojoo Bridge. Nafisa sat among other begging children and from that point calmly told the reporter that her dream was to become a medical doctor. Nafisa’s story was published, it went viral, and a school in Ibadan contacted the reporter and offered Nafisa a scholarship from primary to medical school. 

If you thought her dream of becoming a medical doctor was becoming real, you missed it. It never happened. A meeting was arranged between the school and Nafisa’s mother, with the reporter present in Moniya, Ibadan. Some meddlesome interlopers who called themselves local Hausa leaders made sure they were present also. Proceedings were very positive. But the tragedy started from that point: Nafisa and her mother disappeared from the street shortly after the meeting. The only condition the school gave Nafisa was that she would be a full-boarding student. That was a huge problem for her mother who wanted her to beg while in school.

We still thought we could help. I told the reporter not to give up on that girl. And she did not. After several follow-ups, the reporter was told that Nafisa and her mother had travelled back to Katsina State where they came from. Fourteen-year-old Nafisa was being prepared to be married off. She must be a mother somewhere now, and possibly begging. 

So, you can see that shame of deportation from Ghana and harassment elsewhere won’t prevent the begging population from growing. There are rivers feeding the dam; the dam feeds the flood. Until we tackle the source of the disaster, it will continue to question the humanity of Nigeria, particularly northern Nigeria and its leaders. 

The Basic Health Care Provision Fund (BHCPF), established under Section 11 of the National Health Act (NHAct) of 2014, is a foundational pillar of the country’s healthcare system. The Fund was designed to deliver a sustainable, decentralized, and accountable trove of resources for citizens’ healthcare at the community level through a functional PHC system. Passage of the NHAct was expected to usher in new hope for the achievement of Universal Health Care and for expanded National Health Insurance coverage. Despite the efforts and investments of donors, government, and health advocacy civil society NGOs, the early years of the BHCPF have failed to deliver on expectations. Research by the dRPC identifies 12 core donor grants and loans from USAID, the World Bank, the Gates Foundation, and the FCDO aimed at improving the performance of the BHCPF. Fifteen NGOs in the dRPC’s anchored and Gates foundation-funded health advocacy project, PAS, worked tirelessly to monitor, track, and document performance gaps in the Fund’s early days.

Suboptimal, late, and ill-timed releases coupled with inefficient and ineffective use of disbursements were identified as some of the challenges to the Fund’s performance. As of August 2022, only N89 billion of the cumulative sum of N638.64 billion allocated between 2019-2022 was released, and only N56 billion or 63% was actually disbursed to 36 states and the FCT. In 2023, N51.64 billion was allocated and N37.00 billion released.

By 2024, however, change seemed to have come to the BHCPF architecture. Under the supervision of the Coordinating Minister of Health and Social Welfare, Prof. Muhammad Ali Pate, allocation to the BHCPF in 2024 increased by 143% from ₦52.6 billion in 2023 to ₦125.7 billion in 2024. This upward trend continued in 2025 with N298.42 billion or a 44% increase in allocation over the previous year, 2024. The story of releases in 2025 is also a good one. For the first 5 months of 2025, the release of ₦32.80 is almost as high as the total amount released in 2023, and more than the total amount allocated for the full year of 2020.

Basic Health Care Provision Fund Allocations and Releases 2014-2025

Sources: State of Health Reports; Budget Office; Official Reports of the FMoH

With increased funding to the BHCPF, PAS NGOs, still active in the space, framed new advocacy messages around the need for decisive action to address the challenge of effective and efficient utilization of funds. The government responded with the launch of the National Health Fellows program to foster sustained improvements within Nigeria’s healthcare system. Response also came with the rollout of the Performance and Financial Management Officers (PFMOs) program. The PFMOs initiative is implemented as part of the Nigeria Health Sector Renewal Investment Initiative using the SWAp of the Coordinating Minister of Health and Social Welfare. Consistent with the government’s decentralization logic, PFMOs were recruited through a rigorous selection process. They were then taken through a two-day (May 20-21, 2025), 5-module intensive training program. The training was followed by a week of technical tuition on the use of the PFMO Analytics Platform (PAP), a hand-held device for monitoring, checking, tracking, and surveying the whole value chain of funding flows, procurement procedures, processes, human resources, and systems in BHCPF facilities. From 2nd June 2025, PFMOs are expected to be turning up at BHCPF-supported facilities to capture data and evidence as a first step in an innovative blended model of health accountability, supportive supervision, and technical assistance.

For the PAS NGOs, in the trenches monitoring and advocating for accountability and transparency of the BHCPF for more than five years, the new model of the current government presents an opportunity for achieving the goals of the Fund, which they worked to operationalize in 2019. As PAS advocacy CSOs pass on the baton to the new PFMOs, the Project Directors (PDs) met to review experience and offer words of wisdom and encouragement to the PFMOs:

For Gen Obashina Ogunbiyi, mni rtd, PAS, PD, Lagos; Association of the National Institute Alumni, “The PFMO initiative builds on our many years of advocacy for transparency. Stay resilient, leverage community partnerships, and use data to drive impact.”

For Mr. Sarki Zakari, PAS PD, National, the Association of Community Health Practitioners of Nigeria: “We commend this forward-looking initiative that has recently been put in place. This change will come with challenges, but it will also support us on the frontline in achieving our desired health outcomes.”

For Hajiya Halima Ben Umar, PD, PAS/ Kano, Women in Media: “Be diligent because transparent systems empower communities to demand quality care and ensure no one is left behind.”

For Dr Stanley Ilechukwu, PAS PD, National, the South Saharan Development Organization, “Your role is important, especially as direct foreign investment funds dwindle; efficiency is needed now more than ever to help transition from donor dependency.”

For Alhaji Baba Shehu, PAS PD, Niger, Centre for Communication and Reproductive Health Services: “PMFOs should remember that accountability in health financing is not just a process, it is the foundation for trust and equity in healthcare delivery.”

Alhaji Mustapha Jumare, PAS PD, Kaduna, Initiative for Integrated Grass Root Empowerment and Support: “For effective services at the PHC level, particularly with the BHCPF…, strong capacity building for the PHC staff and management of PHCs is needed for accountability, transparency. Supervision is essential.”

The development Research and Projects Centre (dRPC), the Nigerian non-profit which mobilises knowledge on innovations-for-impact and also anchored PAS for 8 years, views this new model of health accountability, supportive supervision and technical assistance as a uniquely Nigerian innovation, with global public health resonance for countries challenged by the need to deliver high quality effective, efficient and responsive primary health services in a context of dwindling public revenue flows.

[DailyTrust]