The Shareholders of Seplat Energy Plc yesterday approved a total dividend of US$ 16.5 cents per share (N253.33 per share) for the 2024 financial, a 10% increase on 2023. 

They gave their nods to the dividend at the energy firm’s 12th Annual General Meeting held in Lagos on Wednesday.

Speaking with newsmen shortly after the AGM, the Chairman of Seplat Energy, Senator Udoma Udo Udoma, stated that the dividends reflected the outstanding performance of the firm in 2024.

Udoma said, “Yes, the performance of the business met the Board’s expectations. We delivered a year of strong production, with revenues over one billion dollars, at $1.116 billion. This was achieved through safe and reliable operations, with 11 million man hours without any lost-time injury (LTI).”

He described 2024 as a transformational year for the development of the business due to the completion of the acquisition of Mobil Producing Nigeria Unlimited (MPNU) on the 12th of December, 2024.

“Merging the business, which we now call Seplat Energy Producing Nigeria Unlimited (SEPNU), with Seplat Energy has created a Nigerian energy powerhouse. I am especially pleased to report that the closing cash consideration of $800 million at completion was funded entirely from cash, new and available debt facilities, with no dilution of shareholdings,” he said. 

On his part, Roger Brown, CEO, Seplat Energy Plc said, “The increased reserves and production that the Seplat Energy Producing Nigeria Unlimited (SEPNU) assets add to Seplat Energy’s operations is significant, making us to consolidate on our position as the leader, and this is a significant responsibility of stewardship of Nigeria’s natural resources, which we do not take lightly.”

Speaking on the dividends, Mrs Eleanor Adaralegbe, Chief Financial Officer, said 

“The Board approved/recommended a core dividend of US$ 3.6 cents per share (N55.27 per share) for the final quarter of 2024 subject to appropriate withholding tax (WHT). 

“This brings the total core dividend declared for 2024 to US$ 13.2 cents per share (N202.66 per share), a 10% increase on 2023.

“In addition, following a review of Seplat’s operational performance and business outlook, the Board has decided to declare an additional special dividend of US$ 3.3 cents per share (N46.06 per share) (subject to appropriate WHT).

“The 4Q 2024 and special dividends will be paid to shareholders whose names appear in the Register of Members as at the close of business on 9 May 2025 (LSE) and 12 May 2025 (NGX). This brings the total dividend declared for 2024 to US$ 16.5 cents per share (N253.33 per share), a 10% increase on 2023. The payment of the special dividend reflects the Board’s continued confidence in the outlook for the Company and is underpinned by a strong balance sheet.”

[DailyTrust]

Nigerians, particularly northerners are reeling in anguish following the recent hike in telecom tariffs.

Recall that the Nigerian Communications Commission, NCC, has recently approved 50 percent tariffs increment for service providers amid nationwide hardship.

This development has continued to attract condemnation among Nigerians, especially some northerners whose businesses depend on telecom industry to survive.

For Zainab Idris, a single mother and food vendor in Kano, every order she takes and every payment she receives is powered by data. But since the recent 50 percent hike in telecom tariffs, staying connected now costs her more than she can afford.
“I use my phone to take orders and do mobile banking. Now I spend twice as much for half the access,” she said, frustration lining her voice.
“We’re being punished for being connected,” she said.

Zainab’s experience reflects a wider national struggle following the Nigerian Communications Commission’s (NCC) approval of a 50 percent increase in telecom tariffs in January 2025. The decision, driven by demands from telecom operators grappling with inflation, rising diesel costs, and foreign exchange instability, has left millions of Nigerians grappling with the cost of staying online.

Many have raised concerns that NCC under the current leadership has failed the Nigerian Telecom users by defending the interests of the few operators at the expense of Nigerians.

From students and small-scale vendors to office workers and rural traders, the hike has disrupted daily routines and access to essential services. The cost of 1GB of data, once around ₦300, now exceeds ₦500—a painful leap in a country where more than 60 percent of the population lives in multidimensional poverty.

Fatima Yusuf, a final-year student at Bayero University, says the increase is affecting her academic performance.

“I’m working on my final project and rely heavily on online research,” she explained.

“But since the price increased, I’ve had to cut down. Sometimes, I go days without internet. How are we supposed to learn like this?”

“We’re used to adjusting,” said Fatima.

“But this one hurts. Communication is not a luxury—it’s how we live, learn, and earn.”

Telecom providers have defended the increase, citing operational pressures, with inflation rates above 33 percent and soaring energy costs. While operators had initially sought a 100 percent tariff hike, the NCC settled on a 50 percent adjustment.

But consumer rights groups and civil society organisations say the timing couldn’t be worse. The Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) has filed a lawsuit against the NCC and the Federal Government, describing the move as a violation of citizens’ rights to information, education, and communication.

The Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) also staged protests across major cities in March, urging the government to reverse the decision. The NCC responded by defending the hike as “inevitable for service continuity,” while hinting at possible relief packages for vulnerable users.

Fadhila Nurudeen, a digital rights activist based in Kano, argues the decision undermines Nigeria’s digital development goals.

“The government should be promoting affordable access, not strangling it,” she said. “This hike widens the digital divide, especially between urban and rural populations.”

Even small-scale data resellers are not spared. “People come to buy data and when they hear the new prices, they just walk away,” said Hajara Isah, who runs a roadside airtime kiosk. “It’s affecting our own business too.”

As economic realities collide with digital needs, many Nigerians are forced to ration their internet use or fall back on SMS and traditional voice calls. But for a country where more services—education, commerce, communication—are moving online, this shift threatens to leave millions behind.

Unless urgent measures are taken, experts warn that access to data could soon become a luxury in Nigeria’s increasingly unequal digital landscape.

[DailyPost]

Pastor Bolaji Idowu of Harvesters International Christian Center (HICC) has cautioned against dating while jobless, believing that financial instability can limit one’s options and distort what they find attractive in a partner. 

Speaking to his congregation, he said relationships formed during times of financial struggle may be driven by necessity rather than genuine love.

According to him, when individuals eventually gain financial stability, they may realise that the relationship wasn’t truly fulfilling. 

Idowu attributed this to a “crumbs mentality,” where people settle for less than they deserve due to financial limitations. 

He encouraged individuals to shift their thinking towards abundance, prioritising personal growth and financial stability before entering into relationships.

He said: “Don’t date when you are jobless. There are some relationships that are attractive not because they are attractive, it’s because you have no money. 

“When you have your own money, you will be surprised how you should have not fallen in love with some people. It’s not love induced; it was hunger induced. 

“Never negotiate on an hungry stomach, youl will get a bad deal. Crumbs mentality – when you are poor, small things satisfy you easily. One of the signs of crumbs mentality is that you settle for less so easily. 

“Shift in your thinking. I’m saying you need to think in abundance. I hang around people and when I hear the things that they used to talk about – ‘if I can just travel to America’. How can traveling to America be a goal.”

You must have read the news that philanthropist Bill Gates plans to give away his wealth within the next 20 years. His charity foundation, which has been making various interventions in global public health, now has till December 31, 2045, to spend down about $200bn to facilitate health and human development. Even more fascinating is that Bill Gates wants the money to offset some of the imbalances caused by the Donald Trump administration’s abrupt cutbacks to health and development agencies, such as USAID and PEPFAR. Many of us are familiar with the Biblical narrative of a rich young ruler who came up to Jesus to ask what he needed to do to secure eternal life. He was asked to give up his wealth and follow the Saviour. We were told that the young ruler “went away sorrowful, for he had great possessions”. Few things in the world can be as hard for the truly rich to give up as their wealth. It must be relatively easier to give from little than to shrink the vast reserves of riches by as much as an inch.

Bill Gates is not only giving money to the world sorely in need of capital to develop, but it is also impressive how much he has committed to learning about issues of health and development in the world. In the interview he gave to the New York Times, he came across as having studied the scale of the problem well enough. This is a man seeking to attain eternal life by helping the most vulnerable people in the world to live.

Ordinarily, I am ambivalent about philanthropy. While I am not against charity, it appals me how the enterprise of giving can reinforce what it seeks to displace. The problem is worse in Nigeria, where faux philanthropy overtakes governance. The leaders who should provide basic amenities, public infrastructure, and a well-coordinated social safety net for the vulnerable will abjure their responsibilities and flaunt charity. You will see Governor So-and-so “empowering” this and that community by dashing them cartons of noodles or Keke Marwa or wheelbarrows! There is perhaps no word in the Nigerian lexicon that has been serially abused by our visionless leaders more than “empowerment”. What Nigerian leaders call “empowerment” is often an exhibition of the poverty of the people they have socially disenfranchised.

In the end, I took a few things away from reading about Bill Gates’ motivations for setting a 20-year clock for human development. One is his optimism that the world we live in can be better. You can see that ethic of hope in his conviction that longstanding problems like malaria can be permanently eliminated in Africa; that maternal mortality can be significantly reduced; that childhood mortality can become a thing of the past; and that the world can live far more prosperous lives. Years ago, I learned the value of hope from reading Olufemi Taiwo’s Africa Must Be Modern. In the book, he argues that hope necessarily propels society towards modernity and development.

Until then, hope was just an abstract idea for me. But reading through that book, I started to understand hope differently. Hope is what galvanises people even when the odds are demonstrably against them. From the field of science where people immerse themselves in experiments that might fail hundreds of times before they succeed to the arena of politics where leaders fight to pull their people from the brink of disaster and set them on the path of prosperity, the hope that what we are doing ultimately matters is what makes all the difference. Without hope, we cannot muster the self-discipline necessary for success. I am of the firm belief that our leaders’ lack of optimism about the ability of their country to make it is one of the reasons they imagine their actions are not consequential. Corrupt African leaders are not just mere thieves bent on despoiling their people; their wantonness expresses their deep cynicism about people’s chances. In his interview, Bill Gates seemed to express more hope for the future of poorer countries to live healthier and prosperous lives than you are likely to hear from their own leaders. He can afford to be detached from reality, but if the world changes, it is also because someone was naïve enough to be optimistic.

The second thing that struck me about Bill Gates’s commitment to alleviating poverty is his understanding of the subject, and that is why I think our renowned prosperity preacher, Pastor David Ibiyeomie, can learn something from him. Recently, a clip from a sermon he preached went viral. In the sermon, he proclaimed “God hates poverty” and “God hates poor people”. His subsequent attempts to clarify his message only further unfolded his mindset as someone who is superstitious about poverty. He proof-texts the Bible by overlooking every divine promise of reprieve for those who have been beaten by the hardships of life to select a few verses that support his prejudices. In a country where about 90 per cent (or more) of people live in the extreme conditions of multi-generational poverty and multi-dimensional poverty, it takes a lack of self-awareness to declare that even God hates poor people. If God hates poverty and the materially poor, then he must hate Africans!

Bill Gates, on the other hand, approaches poverty like a scientist. He sees the condition as a mere physiological one that can be treated if one rightly diagnoses it and applies the correct principles. One side is pessimistic and chooses to mythologise what is essentially a treatable condition; the other is optimistic enough to want to facilitate a world where capital investment and the principles of science can produce flourishing for humankind. The difference between the two is not merely the distinctions between “science” and “religion,” but about their respective moral visions. Please note that both religion and science are knowledge means that can be applied to engineer ethical solutions in the world. In the hands of a person who despairs about the fate of humans, the technologies of religion and science will produce nothing but death. The person who is invigorated with hope for humankind will apply principles from either science or religion to produce more life.

Finally, it is also ironic that the same Bill Gates, against whom some churches prayed during the COVID-19 pandemic, is also the person looking out for the good of the majority. It was funny, but churches, where pastors give annual prophecies, were blindsided by the global pandemic, while Bill Gates, who relied on scientific principles, accurately predicted its possibility years before it happened. I guess some of the preachers got envious because they gathered their ignorant flock and asked them to pray against Bill Gates as the “anti-Christ” or the “globalist”. Today, it is the same Bill Gates who is looking out for the good of the world. If Jesus were called to judge between the preachers who say we will be locked out of eternal life because of tithes and Bill Gates, who is demonstrating the ethics of generosity, empathy, and humanity, who do you think he would say practices true religion?

The students of Tai Solarin University of Education have cried out over recent robbery attacks in their host communities by some unknown criminals in Ijebu-Ode, Ogun.

PUNCH Online learnt that the rampant criminal activities in areas like Ijele, Abapawa, Imaweje, among other localities where students reside, have posed a serious threat to their lives.

This was disclosed in an open letter addressed to the Governor of Ogun State, Dapo Abiodun, co-signed by the Students’ Union President, Tomide Abidakun, and General Secretary, Kehinde Olalekan, on Thursday.

They called for the state government intervention, noting that this insecurity has caused fear, and it is affecting their studies.

“This crisis began to escalate on Wednesday, May 8, 2025, with an armed robbery reported around 10:30 PM at the Council junction, a key route leading into our campus.

“That night, students were ambushed, beaten, and robbed of their mobile phones, ATM cards, power generators, and even had their accounts emptied at gunpoint.

“Since then, we have received daily reports of robberies and harassment, especially during the ongoing e-tests,” the letter partly reads.

According to the SU representatives, they alleged inaction from the state’s security agencies, including “Ogun Police Command, So-Safe Corps, and the Amotekun Security Network”.

They claimed that they get heartbreaking responses, despite multiple reports and cries for help, as there has been no consistent security patrol or visible protection.

“We are often met with disappointing excuses such as,” No fuel for the patrol vehicle”, “Our bike is faulty”, “Mobilise us first”.

“In several painful instances, students have been extorted by security personnel, turning victims into funders of their own safety.

“It is heartbreaking to witness law enforcement agencies switch roles, leaving students to organise their own local surveillance, while those officially responsible sleep or look away,” the statement noted.

The students acknowledged the concerns of the community leaders with the provision of local vigilantes, but they highlighted that the security men are poorly equipped and inefficient to combat the kind of armed threat in the area.

In the letter, they requested that the state government immediately deploy skilled security personnel, creation of a dedicated joint task force comprising Police, So-Safe, and Amotekun to conduct daily patrols.

They also demanded a declaration of a state of emergency on security until peace is restored, and disciplinary action on erring officers who neglect their duty or extort students.

The Ogun students also threatened to stage a mass protest if the silence from both the government and security agencies continue.

Efforts to contact the spokesperson for Ogun Police Command, Omolola Oguntola, was proved abortive as she neither responded to calls nor texts as at the time of filing this report.

[Punch]

Harvard president Alan Garber will take a voluntary 25% pay cut, as the elite university faces mounting federal funding reductions under U.S President Donald Trump’s administration.

U.S media reported on Thursday, citing the university.

The salary cut is set to take effect at the start of the new fiscal year on July 1.

Harvard presidents typically earn upward of 1 million dollar annually.

Harvard spokesman Jonathan L. Swain was quoted by several U.S. media outlets as saying that other Harvard leaders had also volunteered to accept changes to their pay.

The Trump administration has targeted several universities, accusing them of promoting a left-leaning agenda, pressuring them to shut down diversity initiatives and comply with new directives on admissions, campus conduct and hiring practices.

Harvard has refused to adopt many of these measures and has launched legal challenges against the federal government.

As the dispute escalated, multiple federal agencies announced plans to cut an additional 450 million dollars in grants, according to the U.S. government’s task force on combating anti-Semitism, adding to an existing freeze on 2.2 billion dollars in multi-year federal funding.

Officials had accused Harvard of failing to adequately respond to incidents of anti-Semitism on campus.

Garber rejected the allegations and said the university had already taken action to address the issue.

He warned that the administration was infringing on the constitutional freedoms of private institutions.

(dpa/NAN)

Yoruba socio-politcal-cultural organisation, Afenifere, has disowned a group which claimed to be its faction calling for the suspension of Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), George Akume, from office.

This is contained in a statement signed by Mr Abagun Omololu, the Organising Secretary of Afenifere, and made available to the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) on Thursday in Abuja.

Omololu described the statement, which he said was falsely attributed to Afenifere, as a mischievous, unauthorised communication, and categorically repudiated it.

According to him, Afenifere does not have factions, noting that there is only one Afenifere, which is under the leadership of Pa Reuben Fasoranti.

He said the authentic Afenifere leadership had never at any time authorised any of its officers, serving or retired, to issue what he called a prejudicial, defamatory or politically-motivated statement.

“The public is hereby advised to disregard the fraudulent individuals hiding under the name of Afenifere to pursue personal or partisan agendas.

“We are fully aware that certain members of the Labour Party in Yoruba land have continued to masquerade as speaking for Afenifere.

“These political opportunists, whose actions are driven by bitterness and selfish ambition, are hereby, sternly warned to desist from dragging the revered name of Afenifere into disrepute,” he said.

Omololu further said that the statement, which attempted to link the SGF to an EFCC investigation involving a private individual, was not only dishonest but a deliberate act of blackmail.

He said it was publicly knowledge that the said investigation was initiated on the strength of a complaint by Sen. Akume himself, upon observing some irregularities.

The Afenifere chieftain said that the attempt by the faceless group to twist available facts into an accusation of complicity was irresponsible, malicious and embarrassing to the Yoruba nation.

“We wish to reiterate that Afenifere stands firmly on the side of due process, justice and rule of law.

“The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) should be allowed to conduct its investigations without pressure, coercion or threats of orchestrated protests.

“Afenifere, as a non-partisan and principled socio-political-cultural body, will not be used as a vehicle for any political vendetta,” he further said.

Omololu emphasized that Afenifere would continue to defend the integrity of its name, the unity of Nigeria, and the dignity of Yoruba leadership.

NAN reports that one Andrew Uchi, initially thought to be an aide to the SGF, was arrested by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission in March over alleged multibillion naira bribery and money laundering.

Uchi was accused of acquiring properties in Abuja; Jos, Plateau State; Makurdi, Gboko, and Tarka Local Government Area in Benue.

Additionally, two Bureau de Change operators are under investigation for their alleged involvement in the money laundering scheme linked to him.

However, the SGF’s office has since distanced itself from Uchi, saying he was never an aide to Akume.

The office urged the public not to speculate or draw conclusions as investigations were still ongoing, adding that it appreciated the understanding and support of the public on the issue.

“It is imperative to state categorically that the office’s leadership is not in any way involved in the alleged misconduct.

“It has always maintained a strong commitment to transparency, accountability, and integrity.

“We recognise the efforts of the EFCC to ensure that those found culpable are held accountable,” it said in a statement.

In spite of the clarification, the unknown ‘faction’ of Afenifere called on President Bola Tinubu to suspend Akume in order to mitigate his undue influence in the investigation.

The group gave EFCC a 7-day ultimatum to update the public on the status of the investigation or risk a massive nationwide protest, somehow portraying it as having a partisan political interest in the matter.

Reacting to the development, a coalition of civil society organisations described the attempt to link Akume to the alleged fraud by all means as prejudicial, devoid of evidence, and driven by malicious political motives.

“For the avoidance of doubt, the accused person, Mr Uchi, is not an appointee of Mr President, or on the payroll of the SGF, nor does he work in the office of the SGF, or is related to the SGF, beyond being an opportunistic hanger-on around, who specialises in name-dropping, as against the claims in their statement.

“It is also on record and noteworthy that the investigation being carried out by the EFCC is at the instance of His Excellency, Sen George Akume, after noticing the extravagant lifestyle of Mr Uchi, and has since publicly distanced himself from the suspect.

“The surreptitious coercive attempt by the so-called factional Afenifere group to manipulate the EFCC’s findings or incite public opinion to cast aspersions on the character and person of the SGF with the intent to sway public opinion against him is a direct affront, discriminatory, offensive, obnoxious, distasteful, and disrespectful,” the CSOs said.

The coalition added that it did not support or encourage any act of corruption from any quarters, but would resist any attempt to manipulatively slander or smear the nation’s leaders with unprofessional conduct.

(NAN)

JAMB undertook an early review of the 2025 Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination (UTME) that uncovered how a major technical error compromised 379,997 results across 157 exam centres.

The board’s registrar, Ishaq Oloyede, delivered a speech on May 14 where he disclosed that the affected candidates will have the opportunity to retake the examination between May 16 and May 19, 2025.

Here is the full text of JAMB’s speech:

Press Conference Address on the Complaints about the 2025 Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examinations (UTME) Results by the Registrar, Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB), Prof. Is-haq Olanrewaju Oloyede, CON, FNAL, at the Boardroom of JAMB National Headquarters, Bwari, Abuja, on Wednesday, May 14, 2025

MAN PROPOSES, GOD DISPOSES

1.0 First of All

Gentlemen of the press, it is with deep feelings and a high sense of responsibility that I address you today on the subject of the 2025 Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination (UTME) results, which have generated some traction in public discourse and social space. I want to begin by appreciating you for gathering here today, especially the press, whose extensive coverage has highlighted the release of the 2025 Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination (UTME) results, formally announced on Friday, 9th May 2025. Similarly, we appreciate all those who have lent their voices to the strident complaints on the results we released because you all did so out of concern. I appreciate our critics immensely because they could have chosen to be indifferent. I agree with the person who said that the opposite of love isn’t hate, it is indifference; the opposite of art is not ugliness, it is indifference; the opposite of faith is not heresy, it is indifference; and the opposite of life is not death, it is indifference. By not being indifferent to JAMB, we are grateful.
Today marks a moment we shall not soon forget – a day that should have been filled with celebration for what was, until recently, regarded as our most successful UTME exercise. Regrettably, this joy has been overshadowed by an easily avoidable error by one or two persons.
Without equivocation, there has been a lot of hoopla since the results of the 2025 UTME were released last Friday, 9th May 2025. Despite the fact that JAMB is a responsive organisation, the unusual level of public concerns and loud complaints has prompted us to do an immediate audit or review of what happened, which we ordinarily would have done in June. I want to make it clear that our review and investigation reveal that there are grounds for the complaints about our 2025 UTME results, and this press conference is convened to unveil the bitter truth of our findings openly and objectively. We are all human after all but before any other thing, it is imperative that I shed light on the extent that JAMB goes to ensure quality in its processes and activities.

2.0 JAMB and Quality Assurance

Gentlemen of the press, quality assurance is cardinal to the operations of JAMB. I can assure you that we scale all heights, fathom all depths and traverse all horizons to ascertain that quality assurance mechanisms permeate all our operations from the take-off point to the finish line. We burn the midnight oil and we set our standards high. This is why we have guidelines, checklists and protocols guiding our activities right from the time of registration to the points of monitoring and supervision to the processing of results.

As we know, we cannot clap with our sole hand as a single entity, we have several committees in place that are part of our quality assurance system. There are Peace Monitors, of 41 women of substance who are or have been Principal Officers of Nigerian universities; we have Chief External Examiners (CEEs), who are Vice-Chancellors, Rectors and Provosts of universities, polytechnics and Colleges of Education. Each state also has Chief Technical Adviser, a reputable professor who is an expert in computing and cybersecurity. We have Peace Monitors, Civil Society Group, Equal Opportunity Group, the General Monitors Group, High-powered Opinion Leaders, the Roving Group, Technical Advisors Group and the Virtues Vanguards. All of these groups play critical roles and complement our staff in ensuring quality and troubleshooting challenges.

Furthermore, we also have an in-house consultant and expert in software development and cybersecurity. Besides, we have introduced mock examinations since 2017 as primarily a quality assurance measure to test our systems and intervene where necessary prior to the time of our examinations, knowing the nature of technology. Our Technical Officers annually take tests before the successful ones are deployed to the field so that at no point would incompetence set in. All our examination officials are profiled with their NINs to ensure efficiency and accountability. We also have a robust team of in-house electronic testing experts led by a renowned professor of Software Engineering.

We deploy our systems to the use of high-profile organisations within and outside Nigeria as part of the broader strategy of ensuring that everything works well when we need it to work. As part of our preparations for this year, we upgraded our system from form-based to the single item-based examination, the latter of which is the international standard now. We simulated this system, streamlined our Autobot and Autotest systems and still went ahead to develop our own JAMBTEST, a software innovated in-house by a small team led by own staff, Dubem. We improved on the examination system, simulated everything end-to-end before the examinations and we thought everything was perfect. All the layers, including using dummies, were deployed this year but despite that, an error happened. It is a classical manifestation of the axiom that man proposes but God disposes.

3.0 Between KAD and LAG

Let me disclose part of how we operate in JAMB for the first time in public. Conscious of the fault lines of Nigeria, we use two operational ‘vehicles’ to traverse Nigeria under the code names of KAD and LAG. The KAD vehicle contains the Northern states excluding Kano, Katsina, Jigawa, Niger, Kogi and FCT but it includes the six South South states. The LAG vehicle, on the other hand, consists of Southern states excluding the 6 South South states but it includes Kano, Katsina, Jigawa, Niger, Kogi and FCT. These ‘vehicles’ are deployed to serve Nigerians as a whole, the South being part of the North and the North being part of the South. So, there is no distinct North or South.
After the mock examinations this year, we reviewed our LAG (which includes South West and South East states as earlier indicated) and KAD examination engines. We realised that in the LAG category, options to the items of our examinations were not shuffled. We insisted that the shuffling must be effected. After this was done, we tested the update as usual and we were satisfied. We thereafter still did what we call dummy, a simulation, a day before the examinations and everything seemed to be okay. In other words, we believed we were ready to deploy the items after some layers of testing the processes.

However, on the second day of the examinations this year, which was Friday, April 25, 2025, we discovered that there was some omission in the items within the LAG category. An update for correction and grading adjustment was instantly made and it was tested on Saturday, Sunday and Monday. The update was applied after 12 a.m. on Tuesday morning and it was successful. That was why all the examinations from Tuesday till the end of UTME had no problem. To correct and re-upload the responses (i.e. results) from LAG for the pre-Tuesday glitch, the service providers concerned with LAG were deployed to effect the patch but there were patch errors in some centres (servers) for the first three or four days in only two locations. In simple terms, while 65 centres (206,610 candidates) were affected in Lagos zone (comprising only Lagos state), 92 centres (173,387 candidates) were affected in Owerri zone, which includes the South East states. In clear terms, in the process of rectifying the issue, the technical personnel deployed by the Service Provider for LAG (Lagos and South-East zones) inadvertently failed to update some of the delivery servers. Regrettably, this oversight went undetected prior to the release of the results.

Recall that last year, we overhauled our reporting system, which made obvious what has not caught much public attention and thus sparked significant backlash from the Nigerian public. In response to widespread concerns about what many referred to as a “failure rate,” we made adjustments this year. Only professional educators who know the difference between achievement test and selection test (which UTME ranking test is) were not concerned, we felt with adjustment made during the preparation, better performance of statistics will emerge. We were therefore not surprised when the best score in 2025 (374) was the best highest in the last one and half decades as shown below.

The examinations were concluded on Wednesday and the results were ready. By the time the results were generically analysed, they did not depart radically from the tradition of the previous 12 years except that we gladly noticed improvement in the highest scorer. But contrary to our prediction, there was none in the overall as the performance was sadly poorer than that of last year; yet everything fell within the range of the existing pattern.

Between Friday and Monday, the uproar could be said to have reached the highest decibel and it was coming from some respected voices in the society. Though JAMB usually responds to every complaint based on its merit, the nature of the clamour this time made us to fast-track the review process, a post-mortem analysis of the results that we would have done next month.

4.0 A Meeting of Minds

On the morning of Monday, May 12 2025, we issued a tentative press statement which includes “… If it is determined that there were indeed glitches, we will implement appropriate remedial measures promptly, as we do in the case of the examinations themselves.” Apart from officials of JAMB and other Government agencies, such as, Nigeria Education and Research Development Council (NERDC), we also summoned some experts and professionals who graciously responded to us, including a renowned professor of psychometrics and esteemed expert in Test and Measurement, who is from Imo state, Prof. Boniface Nworgu; a technical advisor and expert from the Computer Professionals Council of Nigeria (CPN), Prof. Adenike Osofisan; a CPN Representative, Mr Bayo Onimode; the President of the Nigerian Academy of Education, Prof. Kabiru Isyaku; the National Parent-Teacher Association of Nigeria, the National Association of Nigerian Students, among others. We immensely appreciate them for heeding our distress call.

Within 24 hours of rigorous work, we were able to isolate where the problem emanated from. It happened in 65 centres in Lagos and 92 centres in Owerri zone. In these centres, the patch was not properly applied in some centre servers by the service provider and that failure disrupted the upload of the candidates’ responses within the first three or four days, as applicable to Lagos and Owerri zones. The 2025 UTME that could have been our finest yet, were it not for the carelessness, negligence, and lack of concern exhibited by the agents entrusted with this crucial yet straightforward function. Immediately we realised this, we summoned the Chief External Examiners of Lagos, Imo, Anambra, Oyo, Abia and Ebonyi, the six states affected. Fortunately, they all swiftly responded to join the group. We also invited Prof. Bashir Galadanchi, a leading expert in Computer Science; the National Association of Proprietors of Private Schools (NAPSS), which was represented by a leading voice in public advocacy, Dr. (Mrs) Bukola Dosumu. A number of our vocal critics were also invited to the interaction such that we could jointly and sincerely examine the situation.

Despite being able to identify the source of the problem and the affected centres, we are conscious of the painful damage it has inflicted on the reputation of JAMB. As Registrar of JAMB, I hold myself personally responsible, including for the negligence of the service provider, and I unreservedly apologise for it and the trauma that it has subjected affected Nigerians to, directly and indirectly. Once again, we apologise and assure you that this incident represents a significant setback for the Board’s reputation. We remain committed to emerging stronger in our core values of transparency, fairness, and equity. It is our culture to admit error because we know that despite the best of our efforts, we are human, we are not perfect. The only consolation we have in this case is that it is just one of the two service providers that did not do well by uploading improperly, but it was not a case of glitches or sabotage.

By Tuesday morning, with the CEEs, the experts and Mr Osita Chidoka (a former Minister of Aviation) of Athena Centre, we selected samples of responses and reviewed. We compared the results and we are finding interesting correlations except in the 157 centres where distortions had occurred. We unanimously agreed that each state of the Federation be sampled. No sign of any abnormality so far has been detected in any centre outside the ones mentioned and the laborious exercise is ongoing.

5.0 No Problem without a Solution

We have decided that all the candidates affected in the 157 centres out of 882 centres will be contacted to retake their examinations starting from Friday, May 16, 2025. These candidates are to be contacted through text messages addressed to their registered phone numbers, their email addresses, their profiles and phone calls by JAMB. They are directed to reprint their Examination Slips for the rescheduled examination dates.

While not oblivious of the fact that WAEC examinations are ongoing, we have contacted WAEC and in an unprecedented show of solidarity, the Council has graciously decided to as much as possible accommodate us within the WAEC time slot. Any candidate with a clash of timetable, particularly for Agricultural Science on Friday, would be rescheduled. However, we have endeavoured to ensure that no such thing exists. Most, if not all, such candidates are scheduled for Saturday. Fortunately, the prescribed texts for SSCE are also the prescribed texts for UTME, apart from the reading text of the UTME, which carries just 10 marks in our Use of English test.

6.0 Appeal, Appreciation and Apology

I understand that there are three powerful expressions which contain one word, two words and three words respectively. They are please, thank you and I am sorry. So, I appeal to the candidates and those affected by the error of our system to accept this explanation as the truth of the matter without embellishment, PLEASE. I apologise and take full responsibility not just in words.
Then, I want to say a big THANK YOU to the Honourable Minister of Education for his unwavering belief in JAMB and what the Board stands for. I also appreciate all officers and officials who believe in us for their goodwill in the face of this challenge. We have vowed to uphold integrity as the abiding philosophy of JAMB, and we won’t waver or depart from it despite the fact that we are not infallible. I am equally grateful to all stakeholders who have lent us their support and expertise in arriving at the logical conclusion that we have arrived at. And for the inconveniences, once again, on behalf of JAMB, I say, I AM SORRY to all Nigerians.

Thank you, and I can now entertain your questions.

When I was ushered into his office at about 5pm on Monday after what had been a long day for him, President Maada Bio was still treating files on his table. But I was curious to know more about something I had seen in the documentary of his life that had been aired during the ceremony to mark his 61st birthday earlier in the day. That is, his meeting with Foday Sankoh, the late Sierra Leonean commander of the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) rebel group who, together with Charles Taylor of Liberia, wreaked havoc on the subregion in the nineties. Bio’s recollections turned out to be another lesson in leadership, a continuation of the conversation begun at the colloquium.

But first the background. At age 27 in 1990, Bio and other Sierra Leonean military personnel, including then Captain Valentine Strasser and Lt Solomon Musa, were deployed to Liberia as part of the country’s contingent to the Economic Community of West African States Monitoring Group (ECOMOG). At that period, most of the Liberians fleeing from war in their country were trooping to the neighbouring Sierra Leone in a manner that exerted economic pressure and a serious security challenge that was being mismanaged by the civilian administration of President Joseph Saidu Momoh. It therefore came as no surprise that the ECOMOG returnees formed the nucleus of the military that toppled Momoh’s government on 29 April 1992. Strasser, then 25, was named Chairman of the National Provisional Ruling Council (NPRC) and Head of State. Bio started with the Information portfolio before becoming Deputy Chairman of the NPRC and de facto second in command in Sierra Leone. On 16 January 1996, following disagreements over how to handle the Sankoh-led RUF and the process of proceeding with the multi-party election then scheduled for March 1996, Bio upstaged Strasser in a bloodless palace coup.

As Head of State, Bio stayed true to his three-month deadline for the transition from military to civil rule in Sierra Leone. But from what he shared with me on Monday, the story was not as straight-forward as it seemed. Intent on ending the civil war before leaving office, Bio decided to meet Sankoh. By his account, two leaders played critical roles in that regard: Then Nigerian Head of State, the late General Sani Abacha and then President JJ Rawlings in Ghana. “I got along very well with General Abacha and President Rawlings, and both provided guidance for me on the politics of the subregion at the time. I remember Rawlings telling me that the person who could help in the peace process was President Blaise Compaoré of Burkina Faso because he had access to Sankoh. But he also warned me to ‘prepare for disappointment because Compaoré is not a reliable person.’ And President Rawlings turned out to be right.”

Eventually, it was President Henri Konan Bedie of Cote D`Ivoire whose men brought Sankoh from the Sierra Leonean bush. A Red Cross helicopter lifted Sankoh to a chartered aircraft that flew him and his team through Guinea for the negotiations that preceded the one-on-one meeting with Bio in Yamoussoukro. By then, Bio had delivered on a credible multiparty election in Sierra Leone that produced a President-elect in Teejan Kabbah. But shortly before the duo were locked in for three hours, Sankoh questioned Bio’s commitment to ending the war in Sierra Leone in a rambling speech that lasted 16 minutes. “Why did you come in combat uniform?” Sankoh asked. “This was supposed to be a peace conference.”

Notwithstanding, Bio said he had a very candid session with the notorious rebel leader who warned him that the only way peace could be guaranteed in Sierra Leone was for him (Bio) to remain in power to execute the agreements. “I saw sense in many of the points Sankoh was making about the need to consolidate the agreements and I felt if we extended the transition programme, we could find lasting solutions to many of the issues. I recall my conversations with General Abacha who told me there was no point in any hasty arrangement to hand over power. But it was a delicate thing, as I didn’t want to be seen as wanting to hang on to power. That was not my intention. So, I decided to call a big conference of all stakeholders in Sierra Leone. I laid my cards on the table. I explained the dilemma of the moment and that I had no personal wish to stay in power beyond ensuring a lasting peace. The opposition was instant and vehement.”

Following the meeting, Bio decided to go with the consensus that he should hand over power and leave. But deep down, as he told me on Monday, he knew the peace he was leaving behind in Sierra Leone was that of the graveyard and that it would not endure. He felt that the political leaders at the time were too obsessed with the trappings of powers to see the dangers. Not surprisingly, the ‘Yamoussoukro Accord’ collapsed shortly after Bio left office and the country again descended into violence until the intervention of world powers in January 1999 which led to the ‘Lome Accord’ in Togo. That temporary truce resulted in Sankoh being offered the vice presidency and control of Sierra Leone’s diamond mines in return for a cessation of hostilities. But despite the deployment of a United Nations Mission in Sierra Leone (UNAMSIL) peacekeeping force to monitor the disarmament process, the brutal war erupted again and did not end until 2002.

Although Bio’s decision not to renege on handing over power in 1996 as promised may have helped him when seeking the votes to be Sierra Leonean President two decades later, he believes the country paid a heavy price for it. With an estimated 2.5 million people displaced in a country that was then about five million in population and no fewer than 50,000 people killed, the ‘Diamond War’ in Sierra Leone remains one of the biggest humanitarian disasters on the continent. My Pastor, Evaristus Azodoh, a consultant urologist and retired army colonel, was Commander of the ECOMOG Task Force Field Hospital in Freetown between April 1998 and August 1999 and he has on several occasions shared gory stories of that war in which many Nigerian soldiers also perished.

After handing over power and leaving Sierra Leone, Bio spent the first six months in Paris learning French (he shared the reasons with me) before heading to the United States where he was offered political asylum. He did not return to his country until 2005. Eventually, Bio joined the Sierra Leone Peoples Party (SLPP) and in 2012 contested the presidential election. He was defeated by then incumbent President Ernest Bai Koroma. In a second attempt in 2018, Bio was elected President and was in 2023, re-elected for his second and final term.

Meanwhile, I arrived Sierra Leone on Sunday on the same flight from Abuja with former Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, the Director General of the Shehu Musa Yar’Adua Centre, Amara Nwankpa and former Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) chairman, Abdulrasheed Bawa. Osinbajo was the keynote speaker at the ‘Julius Maada Bio Leadership Colloquium’ with the theme, ‘From Vision to Impact: The People-Centered Leadership Model.’ Incidentally, as we milled around the hall on Monday, waiting for the colloquium to commence, Bawa dragged me to meet someone. “This is Francis Kaifala, head of the Sierra Leonean anti-corruption agency, a very good friend and former colleague.” Smiling, Kaifala said to me, “Yes, he was my colleague until he left me.” To this, Bawa interjected, “I didn’t leave you, I was sacked,” and we all laughed.

Bawa and I were seated together and that provided another story of its own. During the programme, Bawa nudged me to read a message he had just received on his phone. It’s the link to a news report where a group, ‘Citizens Forum for Transparency and Integrity (CFTI)’ alleged “a coordinated and sinister plot” by Bawa and others to derail the 2027 re-election bid of President Bola Tinubu. “See me, see trouble! How do I respond to this now?” asked Bawa, who had earlier told me he was working on his PhD. and soon to release a book on the downstream sector of the petroleum industry in Nigeria titled, ‘The Shadow of Loot and Losses: Uncovering Nigeria’s Petroleum Subsidy Fraud’.

On a lighter note, when introducing Osinbajo, Vice President Mohammed Jalloh of Sierra Leone joked that our former vice president attended the University of Lagos and not a ‘great’ Nigerian university like his. Jalloh obtained his master’s in political science from the University of Ibadan before his doctorate at the University of Bordeaux in France. In his keynote speech, Osinbajo said elections alone do not constitute democracy. “True democracy delivers dignity—food on the table, education for children, safety in our streets, and hope for the future,” said Osinbajo who urged African leaders to adopt people-centred governance, “a development paradigm that places the needs and voices of the vast majority—particularly those at the bottom of the pyramid—at the heart of policymaking.” This, he said, “is a call to reimagine leadership—not as the power to rule, but as the duty to serve.

Citing a 2023 perception survey by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) on the preferred option for governance on the continent, Osinbajo said about 89 percent opted for democracy. “So, the issue is not democracy, it is how the political practitioners of democracy can ensure that the government of the people by the people for the people does not forget the aches and pains of the people”, Osinbajo said. “To make people-centred governance work we must move decisively from top-down elite focused strategies to bottom-up, inclusive development.”

In his own address, Bio highlighted his primary goals in leadership to include improving human capital development, promoting gender equality, and strengthening democratic institutions. He also promised that the colloquium would be an annual event to provoke conversations on how to anchor leadership on good governance and the rule of law – not only in Sierra Leone but across the African continent. “As a young soldier answering the call to duty during one of the darkest chapters in our nation’s history, I learned that leadership might begin in crisis, but it must endure beyond it,” Bio said while drawing from his experiences both in the military as a ‘dictator’ and now as an elected civilian president. “Every negotiation with political and military leaders, and every conversation with concerned civilians, taught me one immutable truth: leadership is not conferred by rank or title, but by the bond of trust between those who lead and those they serve.”

Leadership that does not require a title or recognition is the one that counts the most, according to Bio. And they can be found in most places, especially on the continent: “In the midnight vigil of a nurse attending to sick people, in the steady hands of a miner delving into the earth’s depths, in the tireless journeys of a motorcyclist linking remote villages, in the patient guidance of a mother who gathers her children to read beneath a fading lamp light.” These men and women, Bio says, “are the silent heroes whose dedication sustains our daily lives.”

In his fireside chat with Kingsley Okeke, a brand and communication strategist, Bio shared insights as to why democracy remains the best option for governance. He also recounted what happened after he and other young soldiers toppled President Momoh on 29 April 1992. “We were young men, we didn’t know all the processes, we didn’t consider that when you remove a government, you had to replace it with something,” said Bio who admitted that their principal mission was to dismantle the one-party arrangement that had made democracy a joke in the country and remove from power a government they believed was not serving the interest of the people.

There are many lessons from my conversation with Bio that will serve us in Nigeria. But let me highlight just two. One, the contagious nature of crisis, as we saw in how the war in Liberia moved quickly to Sierra Leone—which is being replicated in the challenge of terrorism in the Sahel. This compels our leaders to adopt the motto of the Boys Scout by being always prepared. The inability of the political leadership in Sierra Leone to read the situation correctly in the early nineties led to the war that shattered their country. The second lesson is about Bio himself: The courage of conviction that led to the choices he made at the time, even when they were not necessarily cost-free. 

That precisely happened to be the Kernel of my point to Bawa about the ill-fated 2022/2023 Naira confiscation policy of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), in which he played a principal role as EFCC chairman. That decision was neither justified by the moment nor vindicated by its outcomes. The hardship it imposed on millions of Nigerians remains fresh. And yet, just like Bio’s experience has shown, history has a way of reconsidering its judgments. Depending on what may yet transpire, even that decision by Bawa and confederates might one day be viewed through a more forgiving lens.

Overall, the conversations in Freetown were candid but it is on the story of the Sierra Leonean war that I have had to reflect. Could it have been averted? Bio believes it could have, and I tend to agree with him. And that’s where leadership comes in. For, as Anders Eklung, a Swiss leadership mentor and coach reminds us, when we look at ‘war zones’, whether on the battlefield or in an office, “we can see the painful consequences of leadership falling short, missed opportunities, and big egos placed above improvement, empathy, and compassion.”

At the end, my main takeaway from the engagements during the colloquium to my private audience with Bio and informal chats with other stakeholders—including Osinbajo and immediate past ECOWAS Parliament Speaker, Dr Mohamed Sidie Tunis—is that the attention of African leadership discourse must shift from mere elections to the concerns of the ordinary people. Until those issues are constructively addressed, our continent will continue to project to the rest of the world an image of poverty, disease, ignorance, disasters and wars.

In Biblical times, the “City of Refuge” was a sacred place, a safe haven designated for those who had unintentionally committed manslaughter. These cities amalgamated into one, and known as City of Refuge were not established to protect the guilty, but to preserve justice and prevent mob vengeance before due process.

For the sake of clarity, it is germane to explain that as recorded in the Old Testament that the six designated cities of refuge were Golan, Ramoth, Bezer, Kedesh, Shechem, and Hebron. As earlier elucidated, these cities served as places of asylum for someone who had unintentionally killed another, allowing them to escape the avenger of blood.

They were temporary shelters, pending fair trial, not permanent hideouts from consequences. To buttress this view, kindly read Numbers 35:10-11 (NIV) which says, “When you cross the Jordan into Canaan, select some towns to be your cities of refuge, to which a person who has killed someone accidentally may flee.”

In Nigeria’s modern political theatre, however, the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) is increasingly being viewed by the public as a contemporary version of such cities, not for the innocent, but for political heavyweights with tainted records or waning relevance in their original parties.

When a politician’s sins begin to stink, whether through corruption allegations, electoral fraud, abuse of office, or public backlash, many find their way to the APC. And, like clockwork, the ruling party offers not only refuge but rehabilitation, often handing these political transgressors a microphone and a ministerial portfolio.

Aptly put, it is like the transformation of politicians found wanton from sinners to saints by mere party switch. It is not surprising as the former governor of Edo State and former APC national chairman, Senator Adams Oshiomhole once famously said; “Once you join APC, your sins are forgiven.”Though uttered half-jokingly, this comment reflects the dangerous truth that switching to the APC has become an unofficial ritual of absolution in Nigerian politics. Politicians who were previously roasted in the court of public opinion, or even formally charged, suddenly reappear in the limelight, rebranded, and praised, their pasts washed away under the banner of the party in power.

Take the case of former Abia State Governor Orji Uzor Kalu, who was convicted of N7.65 billion fraud in 2019 and sentenced to 12 years in prison. Though his conviction was later nullified by the Supreme Court on technical grounds (not acquittal), Kalu not only retained his Senate seat but continues to enjoy prominence within the APC. Similarly, the list of political figures with EFCC or ICPC cases who defected to APC and saw those investigations slow down or vanish is lengthy and deeply troubling.

And now, former Rivers State Governor Nyesom Wike, once a fiery opposition figure, is comfortably serving as Minister of the Federal Capital Territory under the APC-led government. The same Wike who vowed never to join the APC has become its most visible figure in Abuja. To crown it all, he recently praised his once-sworn political rival, Dr. Ifeanyi Okowa, the former PDP governor of Delta State, for allegedly “doing the needful” by aligning with APC interests.

The message this sends to the Nigerian public is stark: to escape judgment, switch jerseys. Integrity is negotiable; relevance is currency.

In fact, the unarguably retrogressive trend is nothing but politics without principles. This is as the wave of defections from opposition parties into the APC is not fueled by ideological realignment. Rather, it is driven by opportunism, survival instincts, and fear of retribution. Once a politician begins to lose grip on their political base, or when the EFCC knocks, they simply cross over to where power resides. In return, they are rewarded, not reprimanded.

Unfortunately, the APC leadership has embraced this trend. Instead of subjecting new members to a vetting process or insisting on internal reform, the party often celebrates these defectors with elaborate ceremonies, parading them as trophies. The moral implication of such open arms is damning as it puts Nigeria’s democracy at risk.

In fact, when political parties cease to function as vehicles for policy development and nation-building, and instead operate as shelters for the politically endangered, democracy loses its meaning. The electorate becomes confused. Young Nigerians, already disillusioned by the blatant hypocrisy in politics, withdraw further from civic engagement. Voter apathy grows. Trust in governance collapses.

Without a doubt, a political party should be a platform for service, not a safe house for the compromised. Ironically, the APC came to power on the promise of “change.” It accused the PDP of being corrupt and rudderless. But today, the very individuals it condemned have found a second home under its roof. In fact, many of those now leading the APC were once PDP stalwarts. The lines have blurred so completely that Nigerians no longer differentiate between the two parties, only between who is in power and who wants to be in power.

In fact, the concept of a “City of Refuge” was grounded in justice. But APC, as it stands, offers sanctuary without accountability. No repentance, no trial, no reform. Just a change of uniform. The result is a political culture where wrongdoing is recycled, not rejected.

Without any scintilla of hyperbole, this climate emboldens corruption. It demoralizes honest politicians. And it leaves Nigerians at the mercy of leaders whose only qualification is their willingness to serve the interests of the ruling class, not the people.

On the way forward, it is germane to opine that if the APC wants to salvage its image, it must begin to apply the same anti-corruption rhetoric it used to ride to power internally. Defection should not automatically confer political sainthood. The party must establish a mechanism for screening incoming members, particularly those with pending cases or a history of misconduct.

More broadly, Nigeria must reform its political structure to make defections less attractive. The National Assembly should revisit the laws around floor-crossing, party loyalty, and the role of ethics in public office. Political Education must also be prioritized, so that future leaders are guided by values, not vengeance.

Ultimately, the Nigerian people must become the ultimate “city of judgment.” Through civic activism, the ballot box, and constant public scrutiny, they must hold leaders accountable, no matter the party they belong to.

At this juncture, it is expedient to ask, “Is APC a City of Refuge for Nigerian politicians?” Right now, the answer seems to be yes, but not in the redemptive sense. Instead, it has become a shelter from justice, a comfort zone for the compromised, and a political hospice for those fleeing relevance and repercussions. Yet, no matter how long politicians hide behind party affiliations, the truth remains: “Be sure your sin will find you out.” Numbers 32:23 (KJV). And when that day of reckoning comes, no party flag will be strong enough to shield them from the judgment of history.