Since gaining independence from British colonial rule in 1960, Nigeria has struggled to translate its vast human and natural resources into sustainable socio-economic development. Despite its enormous potential, the country has been plagued by persistent challenges including pervasive corruption, ineffective leadership, weak institutions, and socio-political instability. The discovery of crude oil in Oloibiri in 1956, which promised prosperity, has instead contributed to what is widely described as the “Resource Curse.” This phenomenon has seen billions of dollars in oil revenue squandered or misappropriated, leaving Nigeria lagging behind countries like Singapore, Malaysia, Vietnam, South Korea, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE), which were at similar developmental stages in the late 1950s and early 1960s. In Africa, countries such as South Africa, Rwanda, Ghana, Mauritius, and Seychelles have made significant strides in good governance and development, outpacing Nigeria in key indicators like infrastructure, human development, and economic stability.
This report examines Nigeria’s governance challenges, contrasts its trajectory with that of selected African and global countries that have successfully enthroned good governance, and explores the role of Nigerian youths in driving transformative change. It also analyzes the systemic issues hindering Nigeria’s progress, including leadership failures, electoral malpractices, and the failure to implement critical reforms like the Steve Oronsaye Report. The report concludes with recommendations for Nigeria to reset its developmental trajectory through credible elections, accountable leadership, and youth-led activism.

Nigeria’s Governance and Development Challenges
Historical Context:
At independence in 1960, Nigeria adopted the Westminster parliamentary system, which showed early promise under the leadership of figures like Sir Tafawa Balewa, Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe, Dr Michael Okpara, Sir Ahmadu Bello, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Dr. Dennis Osadebe and Chief Ladoke Akintola.

The country inherited functional infrastructure, a vibrant civil service, and a relatively stable economy driven by agriculture (cocoa, groundnuts, and palm oil), in the four healthy competing regions of the federation. However, the military coups of 1966, followed by the Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970), and subsequent military interventions disrupted this trajectory, ushering in decades of instability.
The oil boom of the 1970s brought unprecedented wealth, but rather than catalyzing development, the oil boom went into consumption and importation of sundry luxury goods which fueled corruption, misplaced priorities, mismanagement, and a dependency on oil revenues. Nigeria’s adoption of the U.S.-style presidential system in 1979, coupled with the creation of 36 states and a bloated federal structure, increased governance costs and inefficiency.

Today, the Tinubu administration (2023–present) oversees a cabinet of about fifty ministers, some with overlapping roles between ministries and agencies, despite the long standing recommendations of the Steve Oronsaye Report (2012) to merge or scrap some redundant entities.

The Resource Curse:
The discovery of oil in 1956 transformed Nigeria into one of the world’s major oil producers, yet the wealth did not translate into broad-based development. According to the World Bank, Nigeria’s GDP per capita in 2023 was $1,596, compared to $11,379 for Malaysia and $33,121 for South Korea, both of which were at similar developmental levels in the 1960s. The Resource Curse manifests in several ways:
• Corruption: Billions of dollars in oil revenue have been siphoned off by political and military elites. Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) 2024 ranked Nigeria 140 out of 180 countries, with a score of 26/100.
• Economic Mismanagement: Over-reliance on oil has led to the neglect of agriculture and manufacturing, leaving the economy vulnerable to global oil price fluctuations.
• Inequality: Despite oil wealth, 38% of Nigerians (approximately 83 million people) lived below the poverty line in 2024, according to the National Bureau of Statistics.

Leadership Failures:
Chinua Achebe’s assertion in his book, The Trouble with Nigeria (1983) that “the trouble with Nigeria is simply and squarely a failure of leadership” remains relevant. Successive administrations have lacked the vision, discipline, and commitment to prioritize development. Key issues include:
• Electoral Malpractices: Nigeria’s elections are often marred by violence, voter intimidation, and rigging. The 2023 general elections, for instance, were criticized by some international observers for logistical failures and allegations of manipulation.
• Judicial Compromise: The judiciary, meant to uphold electoral integrity, has been accused of compromising justice, thereby undermining public trust.
• Policy Inconsistency: Frequent policy reversals and failure to implement reforms, such as the Oronsaye Report, have hindered progress.
Current Challenges
Nigeria faces multifaceted challenges that stifle development:
• Insecurity: Militant attacks in the Niger Delta, Boko Haram insurgency in the Northeast, and widespread kidnappings deter investment and disrupt economic activities.
• Infrastructure Deficits: Erratic electricity supply, with an average of 4,000 MW for a population of over 200 million, contrasts sharply with South Africa’s 50,000 MW for 60 million people.
• Unfriendly Business Environment: Nigeria ranks 131 out of 190 countries in the World Bank’s 2023 Doing Business Index, reflecting bureaucratic bottlenecks and corruption. It must be mentioned that the current Tinubu government took some bold and positive decisions to remove the corruption-laden fuel subsidy, which had corruptly enriched some oil marketers and deprived the country of savings for other sectors of the economy. The administration also harmonized the hitherto multiple foreign exchange rates at the Central Bank of Nigeria. Although this came with the usual pain of structural adjustment as a result of the devaluation of the local currency, however, if properly managed and the savings there from channeled to alleviate the sufferings of the populace to would be understandable. Based on a people-centric initiatives that the administration should embark upon, the long run effects would be positive for the country.
• Debt Burden: Nigeria’s external and domestic debt stock as at Q1 2024 stood at $91.46 billion, with debt servicing consuming a significant portion of revenue.

Countries with Good Governance and High Development
To understand Nigeria’s shortcomings, it is instructive to examine countries that have successfully enthroned good governance and achieved significant development. Following are examples from Africa (South Africa, Rwanda, Ghana, Mauritius, Seychelles) and globally (Singapore, Malaysia, South Korea, UAE, Vietnam), highlighting their governance models, policies, and outcomes.
African Countries
1. Rwanda
• Governance Model: Rwanda, under President Paul Kagame since 1994, has adopted a technocratic, centralized governance model emphasizing accountability, anti-corruption, and performance-based leadership.
• Key Policies:
• Vision 2020 and Vision 2050: Long-term development plans focusing on economic diversification, technology, and human capital development.
• Anti-Corruption Measures: Rwanda ranks 49 on the 2023 CPI with a score of 53/100, the highest in Africa. The Rwanda Governance Board enforces strict anti-corruption laws.
• Digital Transformation: Rwanda has invested heavily in ICT, with initiatives like the Kigali Innovation City and widespread broadband access.
• Outcomes:
• GDP per capita grew from $206 in 2000 to $1,071 in 2024.
• Rwanda ranks 38 in the 2023 Doing Business Index, reflecting a business-friendly environment.
• Universal healthcare coverage and a 98% primary school enrollment rate.
• Example: The transformation of Kigali into a clean, modern city with efficient public services contrasts with Nigeria’s urban decay in cities like Lagos.
2. Ghana
• Governance Model: Ghana has maintained a stable democracy since 1992, with peaceful transitions of power and a vibrant civil society.
• Key Policies:
• Economic Diversification: Investments in agriculture (cocoa, gold) and services have reduced reliance on single commodities.
• Electoral Integrity: The Electoral Commission of Ghana is widely respected, ensuring credible elections.
• Education Reform: Free senior secondary education introduced in 2017 has boosted literacy rates to 80%.
• Outcomes:
• GDP per capita of $2,363 in 2023, higher than Nigeria’s.
• Ghana ranks 70 on the 2023 CPI, with a score of 43/100.
• Stable electricity supply and growing tech hubs like Accra’s Silicon Valley.
• Example: Ghana’s handling of the 2016 and 2020 elections, with minimal violence and transparent results, contrasts with Nigeria’s contentious electoral processes.
3. Mauritius
• Governance Model: Mauritius operates a parliamentary democracy with strong institutions, rule of law, and a meritocratic civil service.
• Key Policies:
• Economic Diversification: Transition from sugar-based economy to financial services, tourism, and ICT.
• Ease of Doing Business: Mauritius ranks 13 in the 2023 Doing Business Index, the highest in Africa.
• Social Welfare: Free healthcare and education have reduced poverty to 10.6%.
• Outcomes:
• GDP per capita of $10,256 in 2023, among the highest in Africa.
• High Human Development Index (HDI) score of 0.802.
• Stable political environment with no history of military coups.
• Example: Mauritius’ Port Louis is a global financial hub, attracting foreign investment, unlike Nigeria’s struggling ports.
4. Seychelles
• Governance Model: Seychelles combines democratic governance with a focus on sustainability and tourism-driven growth.
• Key Policies:
• Environmental Sustainability: Policies to protect marine ecosystems and promote eco-tourism.
• Human Capital: High investment in education and healthcare, with a literacy rate of 96%.
• Anti-Corruption: Seychelles ranks 20 on the 2023 CPI, with a score of 70/100.
• Outcomes:
• GDP per capita of $17,879 in 2023, the highest in Africa.
• HDI score of 0.802, reflecting high living standards.
• Stable and secure environment, ideal for tourism.
• Example: Seychelles’ focus on sustainable tourism has created a resilient economy, unlike Nigeria’s oil-dependent model.
5. South Africa
• Governance Model: South Africa’s post-apartheid democracy is anchored by a robust constitution, independent judiciary, and active civil society.
• Key Policies:
• Industrialization: Investments in mining, manufacturing, and renewable energy.
• Social Programs: Extensive welfare programs, including child grants and housing subsidies.
• Anti-Corruption: The Public Protector and anti-corruption agencies, though challenged, provide oversight.
• Outcomes:
• GDP per capita of $6,766 in 2023.
• Advanced infrastructure, including Africa’s largest port (Durban) and reliable electricity grid.
• HDI score of 0.713, higher than Nigeria’s 0.548.
• Example: South Africa’s renewable energy program, which added 6,000 MW of clean energy by 2023, contrasts with Nigeria’s persistent power shortages.
Global Countries
1. Singapore
• Governance Model: Singapore’s meritocratic, technocratic governance under the People’s Action Party (PAP) emphasizes efficiency, anti-corruption, and long-term planning.
• Key Policies:
• Anti-Corruption: The Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau (CPIB) enforces zero-tolerance policies. Singapore ranks 5 on the 2023 CPI (score: 83/100).
• Economic Diversification: From a trading post in the 1960s to a global financial and tech hub.
• Education and Innovation: Heavy investment in STEM education and R&D, with 2.6% of GDP spent on research.
• Outcomes:
• GDP per capita of $91,794 in 2023, among the world’s highest.
• HDI score of 0.949, reflecting exceptional living standards.
• World-class infrastructure, including Changi Airport and efficient public transport.
• Example: Singapore’s transformation from a resource-scarce nation to a global economic powerhouse contrasts with Nigeria’s mismanagement of oil wealth.
2. Malaysia
• Governance Model: Malaysia’s parliamentary democracy, though imperfect, has prioritized economic development and social cohesion.
• Key Policies:
• New Economic Policy (NEP): Promoted industrialization and poverty reduction in the 1970s–1990s.
• Vision 2020: Aimed to make Malaysia a developed nation by 2020, achieved in part through technology and manufacturing.
• Anti-Corruption: The Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) has prosecuted high-profile cases.
• Outcomes:
• GDP per capita of $13,382 in 2023.
• HDI score of 0.810, reflecting strong human development.
• Advanced manufacturing sector, producing electronics and automobiles.
• Example: Malaysia’s Penang tech hub, a global leader in semiconductor production, highlights the success of targeted industrial policies, unlike Nigeria’s neglected manufacturing sector.
3. South Korea
• Governance Model: South Korea’s transition from military rule to democracy in the 1980s was accompanied by strong state-led development policies.
• Key Policies:
• Chaebol System: Government support for conglomerates like Samsung and Hyundai drove industrialization.
• Education Reform: Universal education and focus on STEM produced a highly skilled workforce.
• Anti-Corruption: South Korea ranks 32 on the 2023 CPI (score: 63/100), with ongoing reforms.
• Outcomes:
• GDP per capita of $35,146 in 2023.
• HDI score of 0.925, among the world’s highest.
• Global leader in technology, with brands like Samsung and LG.
• Example: South Korea’s rapid industrialization, from one of the world’s poorest nations in the 1950s to a tech giant, underscores the power of visionary leadership, unlike Nigeria’s policy inertia.
4. United Arab Emirates (UAE)
• Governance Model: The UAE’s monarchical system combines traditional leadership with modern governance, prioritizing economic diversification and innovation.
• Key Policies:
• Vision 2021 and 2071: Long-term plans to diversify from oil to tourism, finance, and technology.
• Zero-Tolerance for Corruption: The UAE ranks 26 on the 2023 CPI (score: 67/100).
• Infrastructure Investment: World-class projects like Dubai International Airport and Burj Khalifa.
• Outcomes:
• GDP per capita of $53,916 in 2023.
• HDI score of 0.937, reflecting high living standards.
• Global hub for trade, tourism, and finance.
• Example: The UAE’s transformation of Dubai into a global city contrasts with Nigeria’s underutilized economic potential in cities like Lagos.
5. Vietnam
• Governance Model: Vietnam’s single-party communist system emphasizes economic liberalization and anti-corruption.
• Key Policies:
• Doi Moi Reforms (1986): Shifted from a centrally planned economy to a market-oriented one.
• Foreign Investment: Attracted multinationals like Samsung and Intel through tax incentives and infrastructure.
• Education: High literacy rate (95%) and focus on vocational training.
• Outcomes:
• GDP per capita of $4,623 in 2023, double Nigeria’s.
• HDI score of 0.726, higher than Nigeria’s.
• Global leader in electronics and textile exports.
• Example: Vietnam’s rise as a manufacturing hub, producing 20% of Samsung’s global output, highlights the success of pragmatic reforms, unlike Nigeria’s stagnant industrial sector.

Comparative Analysis: Why Nigeria Lags Behind
1. Leadership and Vision:
• Countries like Rwanda, Singapore, and South Korea have benefited from visionary leaders (Kagame, Lee Kuan Yew, Park Chung-hee) who prioritized long-term development over personal gain. In contrast, Nigeria’s leaders have often pursued short-term, self-serving agendas.
• Example: Rwanda’s Vision 2020 was meticulously implemented, while Nigeria’s Vision 2020 (launched in 2009) was abandoned due to policy inconsistency.
2. Anti-Corruption Measures:
• Singapore, Mauritius, and the UAE enforce strict anti-corruption laws, with independent agencies like Singapore’s CPIB and Mauritius’ ICAC. Nigeria’s Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) is often politicized, undermining its effectiveness.
• Example: Singapore’s prosecution of ministers for corruption contrasts with Nigeria’s frequent pardons of corrupt officials.
3. Electoral Integrity:
• Ghana and Mauritius have credible electoral systems, ensuring peaceful power transitions. Nigeria’s elections are marred by violence and manipulation, discouraging competent candidates.
• Example: Ghana’s 2024 election saw the opposition win without violence, while Nigeria’s 2023 election faced widespread allegations of rigging.
4. Economic Diversification:
• Malaysia, Vietnam, and the UAE have diversified their economies, reducing reliance on single commodities. Nigeria remains heavily dependent on oil, which accounts for 90% of export earnings.
• Example: Malaysia’s shift to electronics contrasts with Nigeria’s neglect of agriculture, once a mainstay of its economy.
5. Infrastructure Investment:
• South Africa, Singapore, and the UAE have invested heavily in infrastructure, boosting economic growth. Nigeria’s infrastructure, particularly power and transport, remains inadequate.
• Example: South Africa’s Gautrain rapid rail system contrasts with Nigeria’s dilapidated rail network.
6. Youth Engagement:
• Rwanda and Ghana have empowered youths through education and tech initiatives. Nigeria’s youths, despite comprising 70% of the population, are marginalized by unemployment (33% in 2023) and lack of political voice.
• Example: Rwanda’s YouthConnekt program engages young people in governance, while Nigeria’s youths are often excluded from decision-making.

The Role of Nigerian Youths in Driving Change
With over 70% of Nigeria’s population under 35, the youth demographic represents a powerful force for change. However, their potential has been stifled by systemic barriers, including unemployment, poor education, and political exclusion. To reset Nigeria’s trajectory, youths must take the following steps:
1. Voter Education and Participation:
• Youths must educate themselves on the electoral process and actively participate in elections. The #EndSARS protests of 2020 demonstrated their organizational capacity, which can be channeled into voter mobilization.
• Example: Ghana’s youth-led voter education campaigns in 2024 contributed to high turnout and credible elections.
2. Demanding Electoral Reforms:
• Youths should advocate for electoral reforms, including electronic voting and independent oversight of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).
• Example: Rwanda’s use of technology in elections ensures transparency, a model Nigeria could adopt.
3. Holding Leaders Accountable:
• Through social media and civic organizations, youths can monitor government performance and expose corruption. Platforms like BudgIT and Tracka provide tools for tracking public spending.
• Example: South Africa’s #FeesMustFall movement forced government concessions on education funding.
4. Running for Office:
• Young Nigerians must contest elections at all levels, challenging the dominance of older, entrenched politicians. The Not Too Young to Run Act (2018) lowered age limits for political office, creating opportunities.
• Example: In Mauritius, young leaders like Joanna Bérenger have risen to prominence in parliament.
5. Embracing Technology:
• Nigeria’s tech ecosystem, with startups like Flutterwave and Paystack, shows the potential of youth-led innovation. Youths must leverage technology for advocacy, entrepreneurship, and governance.
• Example: Rwanda’s tech hubs have empowered youths to drive economic growth.

Recommendations for Nigeria
1. Implement the Oronsaye Report:
• Merge or scrap redundant agencies to reduce governance costs and improve efficiency. This would free up resources for critical sectors like education and healthcare.
2. Strengthen Anti-Corruption Institutions:
• Grant full autonomy to the EFCC and ICPC, and ensure prosecution of high-profile cases without political interference.
3. Electoral Reforms:
• Introduce electronic voting and real-time result transmission to enhance transparency. Strengthen INEC’s independence to prevent manipulation.
4. Economic Diversification:
• Revive agriculture through subsidies and mechanization, and invest in manufacturing and tech to create jobs and reduce oil dependency.
5. Infrastructure Development:
• Partner with private investors to improve power, transport, and digital infrastructure. Adopt South Africa’s public-private partnership model for energy projects.
6. Youth Empowerment:
• Expand access to quality education and vocational training. Create platforms for youth participation in governance, similar to Rwanda’s YouthConnekt.
7. Judicial Independence:
• Insulate the judiciary from political influence through transparent appointment processes and adequate funding.

Conclusion
Nigeria’s failure to achieve its developmental potential since independence is a story of missed opportunities, rooted in leadership failures, corruption, and systemic inefficiencies. In contrast, countries like Rwanda, Ghana, Mauritius, Seychelles, South Africa, Singapore, Malaysia, South Korea, the UAE, and Vietnam have demonstrated that good governance—characterized by visionary leadership, anti-corruption measures, and inclusive policies—can transform nations within decades. Nigeria’s youths, with their demographic advantage, hold the key to resetting the country’s trajectory. By demanding credible elections, holding leaders accountable, and actively participating in governance, they can ensure that Nigeria fulfills its promise as the true “Giant of Africa.” The time for change is now—Enough is Enough.

Nigeria’s failure to achieve its developmental potential since independence is a story of missed opportunities, rooted in leadership failures, corruption, and systemic inefficiencies. In contrast, countries like Rwanda, Ghana, Mauritius, Seychelles, South Africa, Singapore, Malaysia, South Korea, the UAE, and Vietnam have demonstrated that good governance—characterized by visionary leadership, anti-corruption measures, and inclusive policies—can transform nations within decades. Nigeria’s youths, with their demographic advantage, hold the key to resetting the country’s trajectory. By demanding credible elections, holding leaders accountable, and actively participating in governance, they can ensure that Nigeria fulfills its promise as the true “Giant of Africa.” The time for change is now—Enough is Enough.

My dear Caleb,

My aide just briefed me about your response to me and though I did not have time to read it he briefed me about its contents.

I am glad you read my short note to you about the Israeli Ambassador's visit to your state & I trust that you got my point.

I kept it simple, short, polite & sharp because I really didn't want to hurt your feelings.

However given the fact that you have evidently not learnt your lesson, I will dedicate more time to you in the future, write a full essay on the topic and endeavour to be much more clinical.

Your people in Plateau state are being slaughtered & you are busy writing feeble rejoinders to me? Don't you think you have bigger problems than that?

Let me reiterate my position: you are a weak & cowardly man who does not know his left from his right.

 When Sen. Lalong was Governor of your state the killings were minimised because he understood the nature of the terrorists & he knew what to do & what not to do.

 He also recognised the danger in associating with foreigners that are more interested in dividing us than uniting us.

 Since you got there all you have done is whine, blame everyone else for your woeful failure, welcome the enemies of humanity that are killing women & children in Gaza to your table & behave as if you are infallible.

 I have now come to the firm conclusion that your are not only incorrigible but also beyond redemption. This saddens me & frankly I pity you.

Outside of that it is my view that you are a disgrace to Plateau state, to Christianity & to Nigeria.

 I suggest you focus on bringing peace to your state rather than worry about me.

 I will always pray & support those that are ready to confront & kill terrorists but I cannot abide those that treat them with kid gloves, cry like babies before them & quiver in their prescence.

 Kindly stand up like a man, do something about the terrorists that have plagued your state & stop inviting the representatives of evil foreign Governments with blood on their hands to your domain. Is that too much to ask?

As I wrote in my note you inflicted a spiritual wound on yourself by welcoming genocidal maniacs & child-killers to your table.

Regardless of your protests & lamentations I stand by my words.

Those who kill Palestinians & occupy their land illegally can hardly be trusted to bring peace to the land of others.

That was my point which you clearly chose to ignore or did not have the mental virility & intellectual fortitude to comprehend.

Now you have made the whole thing worse by knuckling down & attempting to rationalise your shameful behaviour.

One day you will discover that I am not an enemy but a friend because only friends tell you the truth no matter how bitter.

Let us hope that by that time it will not be too late.

Take the money of the Israelis in the name of them helping you with agriculture & irrigation but never trust them & know that such support from such evil men comes at a high price & with consequences.

Those that sell their soul to satan never win & always end badly. If you doubt it I recommend that you read Christopher Marlow's great literary work titled Dr. Faustus. You have much to learn from it.

I believe the people of Plateau state deserve far better and as a Nigerian and particularly as one who, despite the attendant risks and relentless persecution that it attracted, has spoken up for your people on numerous occassions over the last 15 years when they were under siege, I believe I have every right to be concerned and to express my views.

Despite all my prayer is that God opens your eyes sooner than later because I do not wish you ill.

As you know I love Plateau state & it's people & what is going on there breaks my heart.

May the Lord open your eyes, may He deliver, lead & guide you, may He bring you back to your senses and to an expected end and may He restore peace to Plateau state.

This is and will always be my prayer despite your obvious weaknesses.

I wish you well.

Shalom.

The nation has once again been drawn into heated discourse this time over the alleged lopsidedness in President Bola A. Tinubu’s administration and the implications such imbalances may have on the upcoming national population census and the 2027 presidential election.

The first major outcry came from Sen. Ali Ndume, representing Borno East Senatorial District, who publicly accused President Tinubu of favoritism in his federal appointments. According to Ndume, the President has consistently favored individuals from the Southwest, creating a glaring imbalance in the composition of key government positions. His remarks sparked widespread public reaction and ignited a national debate on equity, inclusion, and the structure of power within the current administration.

Further compounding the controversy, Sahara Reporters revealed that the Chief of Staff to the President had inaugurated an eight-member committee to review the strategic framework for the upcoming population census. According to the report, six of the committee members hail from the Southwest, while the remaining two come from the Northwest and North Central. The South East and South South regions were notably excluded. Although the Presidency later issued a statement asserting that the committee reflected representation from relevant ministries, departments, and agencies, many critics remained unconvinced, viewing the composition as yet another example of deliberate regional bias.

In northern political circles, suspicions have begun to mount. Some argue that the administration is positioning itself to manipulate the census in a way that diminishes the North’s population figures thereby dismantling the long-held notion of northern demographic dominance. Such an outcome, they contend, would not only reduce the number of electoral constituencies in the region but also weaken its political influence in future elections. In their view, this is part of a calculated strategy to undermine the North’s leverage and force it into accepting President Tinubu’s bid for a second term.

Others interpret this differently. They believe the upcoming census is central to redrawing the political map of Nigeria, especially in terms of constituency delineation. If the figures favour southern regions, it could significantly diminish the North’s historical advantage in national elections altering the power dynamics ahead of 2027.

These permutations underscore a growing belief that the Tinubu administration is more preoccupied with the politics of re-election than with the core responsibilities of governance. The urgency to secure 2027 appears to overshadow the pressing need to deliver credible leadership, rebuild public institutions, and restore public trust.

Meanwhile, efforts to consolidate power have not gone unnoticed. The growing momentum of a proposed opposition coalition has reportedly triggered fears within the ruling party. In response, opposition governors are allegedly being pressured and intimidated to deter them from aligning with the coalition an attempt to ensure it crumbles before it gains full traction.

To manage internal discontent within the ruling party, a narrative has emerged: that over 7,000 federal appointments remain unfilled and will be used to correct the current imbalances in the administration. This promise seems less about equitable governance and more about pacifying party loyalists and preventing further defections.

Ultimately, the current trajectory raises serious questions. Is the Tinubu administration committed to delivering transformative governance, or is it merely laying the groundwork for political survival? The 2027 elections are still two years away, but the groundwork being laid today will determine whether Nigeria moves forward as a united, inclusive nation or fractures further under the weight of power plays and exclusionary politics.

If charity, as they say, begins at home, then accountability as a governance virtue must also be shown first at home before being trumpeted to the world.

Since last month, when his administration clocked three years, the Governor of Anambra State, Professor Chukwuma Charles Soludo, CFR, has been regaling Ndi Anambra with reports of his scintillating performance.

From Awka to Lagos and Abuja, the tireless governor has been reporting and giving transparent accounts to the good people of Anambra State, whom he has always respectfully referred to as his employers

In a continuation of his transparent, accountable governance, Governor Soludo has now taken his administration’s progress report directly to Anambra citizens abroad. The Easter Monday town hall meeting in London marks the culmination of a strategic Diaspora engagement tour that has already impressed audiences in Lagos and Abuja.

What makes this approach remarkable is not just the governor’s willingness to face his constituents directly but his emphasis on fiscal responsibility. Just as he told the London audience, at a time when many Nigerian states are drowning in debt, Governor Soludo proudly highlighted his administration’s achievements without resorting to potentially crippling World Bank loans. This prudent financial stewardship deserves attention, especially as some governments struggle with mounting repayment obligations.

The London gathering also represents more than a mere political exercise. It was spontaneously interactive. Critical questions were asked, and satisfactory answers were given. By actively courting Diaspora participation, Governor Soludo taps into a powerful resource: the intellectual and financial capital of Anambra citizens abroad. These professionals and business leaders possess networks, expertise, and investment capacity that could accelerate development back home, and the governor beckoned them to think home.

By and large, the governor’s methodical outreaches, from state capital Awka to economic hub Lagos to political centre Abuja and now to international Diaspora, demonstrates strategic thinking about stakeholder engagement. By framing development as collective ownership rather than government largesse, Governor Soludo challenges the traditional patron-client relationship that has hindered sustainable progress in many Nigerian states.

As Governor Soludo continues pursuing his Anambra smart megacity ambitions, this Diaspora dialogue and more such productive engagements may prove the critical difference between lofty plans and concrete achievements, going forward into his anticipated second term. For now, his model of accountability, fiscal discipline, and Diaspora partnership keeps Anambra rising on the wings of One State, One People, One Agenda.

The most topical political issue this Easter weekend is Gov. Umo Eno’s public endorsement of President Tinubu for a second term and the discussions it’s generated across the country. Eno is a PDP governor who has not hidden his affection and support for the President and the Senate President, Godswill Akpabio, and has succeeded in building bridges across political divide in his state. On many occasions, he has asked Akwa Ibom people, irrespective of party leanings, to rally around the two leaders; but this week, he took the platitude a notch higher. At the flag off of the Akwa Ibom section of the controversial Lagos-Calabar coastal road on Tuesday, the governor announced to the assembled crowd of APC and PDP chieftains that ‘’President Tinubu will be reelected for a second term and I will support him’’. APC members applauded and cheered him, while PDP chieftains looked stunned in disbelief.

At another event the following day at Ikot Ekpene township stadium, the governor repeated the same pro-Tinubu message, this time with additional flavour. ‘’I will tell you the reason when the time comes and you will see with me why we should support him so that he can complete what he started. You will see what he’s doing for our state and you will know why we should not go elsewhere’’, he said. APC supporters and members in the audience, which included Senator Akpabio’s wife, applauded; but PDP stalwarts appeared nonplussed. In return, Mrs Akpabio, apparently speaking the husband’s mind, also endorsed the governor and asked the people to support his reelection ‘’irrespective of the party you belong to’’ ,noting that the governor has performed well in office. She was essentially returning a favour the governor has extended to Akpabio since he was elected Senate President in 2023.

Since he assumed office two years ago, the governor has kept a safe distance from partisan controversies, but this is the first time he’d be in the news for openly rooting for his opponents. For being the first PDP governor to break rank with his party and openly campaign for the reelection of the President, Eno has created a stir in PDP and upended political calculations in some quarters. If this were in the Second Republic when political parties were managed almost like a military formation, the governor would be accused of anti party activities, but this is Nigeria of 2025 when indiscipline is writ large in the parties and rules, norms and traditions are obeyed in the breach. The PDP itself has been systematically weakened by its own internal contradictions. After all, a former governor and PDP chieftain is serving in Tinubu’s cabinet as a prominent minister, and he’s using his position to further undermine the party. So, Eno is justified to chart his course.

Speculations are rife on the possible reasons behind the governor’s decision not to support his party in the next election. Many even conjecture that it’s a somewhat quid pro quo strategy to cement his own reelection. But the governor waved that off. ‘’I support the president’s re election because I’m convinced that the South must complete eight years in the presidency, just as the North did’’, he said in an exclusive interview with me on Good Friday evening. ‘’My party (PDP) must do the right thing, and we must put our house in order. Can you show us a credible alternative to President Tinubu at this moment? The President is doing his best and we should support him’’, he said, stressing, however, that he is not planning to defect from his party.

Gov. Eno’s romance with APC has many implications. He is essentially taking a dig at Atiku Abubarkar who is clearly looking to contest again in 2027. The 78-year-old former Vice President was the standard bearer of PDP in the last two presidential elections, even going against the rotation between North and South in 2023. Many PDP leaders have asked him not to run again so as to make way for fresh hands to lead the party. But Atiku seems adamant and there are indications that his entry into 2027 race may further divide the party. APC leaders in Akwa Ibom are understandably excited at the turn of events. Chief Don Etiebet, former Petroleum Minister and APC leader, praised the governor for endorsing the president and commended Senator Akpabio for backing the governor for a second term.

But some PDP leaders are not sure of what to make of their governor’s position. Some like State Party Chairman Emmanuel Akpan and Emmanuel Enoidem, SAN, who was the chairman of the governor’s election political group, refused to comment when I called. But a few are quite clear-headed about it. Says Isantim Kenneth Okon, Chairman of Ibom Community Watch, the state’s security outfit: ‘’the governor is our leader; when he speaks, we listen; and when he moves, we follow. But in this case, the governor should ensure that we get something in return from the president. President Tinubu will have to return the favour by supporting the state government’s desire to develop a deep sea port. The port will change the economy of Akwa Ibom forever and it’s very dear to our people’’. I agree with Okon on this, and it’s a point Gov. Eno also emphasized when we spoke.

The governor rejects the assumption that he’s supporting Tinubu in order to secure the president’s backing for his own re election. He told me: ‘’By the grace of God, I am a contented man. I will forever remain thankful to God, my political father Udom Emmanuel and Akwa Ibom people for their trust. I will always follow my conscience. I have my conviction to support this president to succeed. If God is for me, what can man do for me?’’

Meanwhile, Eno deserves some credit for building cross-party political alliance between PDP and APC in the state. If it is firmed up and implemented, he and Akpabio would be returned unopposed and President Tinubu will go beyond the 30% threshold APC has scored in the last two presidential elections in the state. It will also bring an end to the gubernatorial ambitions of folks like Senator Ita Enang and Senator Bassey Albert who have been warming up to run again in 2027. The loser would be the PDP which scored over 50% of the vote in the 2023 presidential race. But if this alliance fails, a big political battle will ensue in the state.

The progressive signature of Pope Francis on the Vatican was unmistakable from the beginning of his papacy. Since the Catholic pontiff died on Easter Monday the remarkable positions taken by the Bishop of Rome on many socio-economic and political issues have been amply acknowledged in tributes from diverse quarters. The Pope stood for world peace. He preached compassion. He opposed the widening inequality and social injustice which define the world. He cautioned against irresponsibility in matters of climate change. He appointed women to positions of responsibility in the Vatican. He condemned the suffering of women and children as Israel bombed the occupied territory of Gaza just as he rejected anti-Semitism.  With his immense moral authority, the Pope took many other steps in solidarity with the poor and the weak. Expectedly, the difference that Pope Francis was making attracted the attention of observers globally.

It could be a fitting farewell to Pope Francis to reproduce a tribute that this reporter paid to the pontiff on this page on Christmas Day 2013. It was entitled “Pope Francis, Truly of the People.”

Below is the piece:    

“As Pope Francis celebrates his first Christmas today in the Vatican as the leader of Catholics all over the world, it may be apposite to draw attention to the emerging character of his papacy.

“At least one discernible trait in the doctrinal development taking place in the Vatican is quite relevant to the message of Christmas: Pope Francis has reinvigorated the message of compassion which is at the heart of Christianity and other great religions.

“In other words, it is important to spare a thought about the social relevance of evangelism. It is on this point that Pope Francis is a leader to watch.

“Take a sample.

“On his twitter page last Thursday, the Pope said: ‘Let us pray that God grant us the grace of knowing a world where no one dies of hunger’.

“Now that is a great departure from the sort of evangelism that blames the victims of hunger; some other leaders of faith would say the hungry man is suffering from the consequence of his sins. Doubtless, the pontiff is carrying out a reform of the message issuing from the church. Some would even call what is taking place a revolution of sorts. There is no way you could be honestly critical of the world in which millions of human beings live in abject poverty without being critical of the dominant ideology of the age. It is such a case that mass poverty is what global capitalism has got to show for its so-called ideological triumph in the cold war. “Hence, Pope Francis has been unequivocal in his criticism of the recklessness of neo-liberal capitalism, which has wreaked havoc in the economies of even the developed capitalist societies. He has condemned the growing inequality in the global economic system.  He has never assumed the posture of a technical expert; he has only demonstrated a social conscience in his faith. This is the lesson other religious leaders should learn from the Pope. The Pope has been reported as posing this sobering question: ‘How can it be that it is not a news item when an elderly homeless person dies of exposure, but it is news when the stock market loses two points?’ It is a question that those who glibly proclaim the end of ideology should sometimes ponder.

“On another occasion, he said: ‘People continue to defend trickle-down theories which assume that economic growth … will bring about greater justice in the world. This opinion expresses a naive trust in the goodness of those wielding economic power.’ The matter is put more explicitly when the Pope argues as follows: ‘As long as the problems of the poor are not resolved by rejecting the absolute autonomy of markets … no solution will be found for the world’s problems or, for that matter, to any problems.

“By the way, these random quotations from the statements that the Pope has made in the last few months are merely to illustrate the clarity of purpose in his message. More significantly, the fact that these statements are made by the Pope makes them to be weighty in global terms. After all, there was a Pope who was reputed to be a member of the ideological tripod that facilitated the ‘collapse of communism’. This is a frequent reference to the ideological roles of former American President Ronald Reagan, former British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher and Pope John Paul in the days of the cold war. Similarly, the message of Pope Francis is resonating today in liberal and conservative quarters. However, unlike Pope John Paul, Pope Francis does not appear destined to be a hero of the Right. Members of the Tea Party in the United States already see something red about the Pope, which the rest of the world is, perhaps, not seeing yet.

“Little surprise that those who are cocooned in the extreme right corner of the ideological spectrum are quick to dub the Pope a ‘Marxist’ for his message of compassion for the poor in a Christ-like manner.  Interestingly, the Pope has defended himself unambiguously against the charges of ‘Marxism’. He said: ‘Marxist ideology is wrong. But in my life I have met a lot of Marxists who are good people, so I do not feel offended… That does not mean being a Marxist.’ It is also instructive that as an Argentine, the Pope has lived under the regime of neo-liberal orthodoxy in economic management with its socially destructive consequences.

“He is no stranger to the effects of global capitalism on the quality of life of the poor. Yet he is no liberation theologian. If anything, he is on record to have been critical of the leftist liberation theologians in Latin America in those days.

“Pope Francis is only reminding the Church of the primary question of compassion in its origins; this is a question that market forces do not yet have an answer. You don’t have to be a communist to appreciate this fact about humanity. All that is needed is to be socially sensitive to the widening inequality in the world today. This is the point that the conservative segment of the Pope’s audience should always bear in mind, as they are wont to assail him with ideological criticisms. It is cheery news that not a few observers across the ideological spectrum are   watching the doctrinal direction in the Vatican with keen interest.

“The TIME Magazine seems to capture the essence of the new direction of the Pope when it declared him ‘Person of the Year’ last week for ‘pulling the papacy out of the palace and into the streets, for committing the world’s largest church to confronting its deepest needs and for balancing judgment with mercy…’ Besides, he has made a forceful case for a ‘greater presence’ of women in the church. There is a lot of truth in the observation which the magazine puts like this: ‘These days it is bracing to hear a leader say anything that annoys anyone. Now liberals and conservatives alike face a choice as they listen to a new voice of conscience: Which matters more, that this charismatic leader is saying things they think need to be said or that he is also saying things they’d rather not hear?’

“It is refreshing to know that the message from the Vatican is not only about abortion and homosexuals. While he maintains the fundamental views of the church on these largely social and biological issues, he is nudging the church away from getting fixated on the issues. On homosexuality, he once asked: ‘who am I to judge?’  Now, this is far from being rhetorical. It is a possible call for a rethink.

“What is, however, not in dispute is that poverty and inequality are doing a greater havoc to humanity. In words and action, the Pope is reminding the world of this material reality.

“The Pope exudes humility and prefers a simple life. Some other men of God do not see the contradiction between their lives of opulence (sometimes bordering on obscenity) and the poverty of the majority in the congregation. By rejecting the burgeoning inequality in the world today and making compassion a focus of evangelism, Pope Francis truly belongs to the people.”

Yes, the foregoing was just a humble observation of Pope Francis nine months after his papacy began. From the tributes now being paid across the globe to his memory since he died two days ago, the beautiful story of Pope Francis has been that of “morning shows the day.” Some of the great things being said today about Pope Francis were already manifest 12 years ago when he became the head of the Catholic Church.

He held on to his faith to the last minute.

May the compassion, justice and peace about which Pope Francis consistently preached to the world come to pass.

In a time when most religious homilies have been reduced to performative sermons void of national relevance, Bishop Matthew Hassan Kukah of the Catholic Diocese of Sokoto continues to remind Nigerians that the pulpit can still be a place of truth, courage, and accountability. His 2025 Easter Message, delivered during the Holy Saturday Service, is not just a homily, it is a clarion call that holds a mirror up to the Nigerian state and its leadership. In a country plagued by hypocrisy and muffled truths, Bishop Kukah’s sermon is, indeed, worth digesting and ruminating over.

His message, rich in metaphor and grounded in the harsh realities of Nigeria, forces us to reckon with the nation’s spiritual and socio-political condition. Using the cross as a metaphor, Kukah paints a grim yet honest portrait of a country bleeding from every corner, crippled by insecurity, hunger, and poor governance. He doesn’t mince words, and in doing so, he does what many in positions of influence fear: he speaks truth to power.

Kukah opens his homily by drawing a parallel between the crucifixion of Christ and the suffering of Nigerians. He refers to the nation’s current situation as being akin to dangling on a cross, innocent, tortured, and abandoned. “Mr. President, Nigeria is reaching a breaking point. The nation is gradually becoming a huge national morgue,” he warns.

This metaphor is not poetic exaggeration, it is brutally accurate. From Sokoto to Enugu, Maiduguri to Lagos, families wake up unsure of whether they or their loved ones will fall victim to the day’s dose of savagery. Kidnappings, killings, and general insecurity have become so normalized that the announcement of tragedies barely elicits shock anymore. Nigeria, Kukah rightly notes, is hanging on a cross constructed by decades of political recklessness, but now, the nails are being driven deeper by a government that seems increasingly detached from the agony below.

One of the boldest elements of the homily is Kukah’s direct address to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. “Mr. President, we all admit that you neither erected this cross nor did you effect our collective crucifixion,” he says, acknowledging that Tinubu inherited a mess. But that is where the understanding ends. The bishop swiftly pivots to reality: Nigerians are tired of hanging on this cross.

Kukah demands action, not explanations, not excuses. His tone is firm but not disrespectful, clear but not confrontational. In a country where sycophancy has become a norm among many religious leaders, his audacity to call on the President to “bring us down from this cross” is not only refreshing but necessary.

Kukah does not dwell only on physical suffering. He expands the discussion to the moral and psychological torment of Nigerians. He highlights the culture of cynicism, hopelessness, and loss of faith in leadership. The bishop reminds Christians, however, that Easter is fundamentally a season of hope, hope that defies logic and endures beyond pain.

This is a critical spiritual and philosophical insight. Nigerians have endured so much pain that many no longer expect improvement, they merely hope to survive. And this is dangerous. A nation that no longer expects progress that no longer believes in its future is on a fast track to implosion. Kukah is essentially saying: reigniting hope is not just spiritual, it is political. It must be backed by tangible action.

In what could be described as one of the most piercing portions of the homily, Kukah calls out the futility of palliative-driven policies. He rightly points out that “mere palliative distribution diminishes the dignity of citizens.” Nigeria has become a nation where government handouts are presented as policy achievements, and Kukah is having none of it.

He presses the President to make food security a fundamental right, not a seasonal handout. His challenge goes beyond hunger. It speaks to the heart of a broken governance system, one that has mastered the art of temporary relief but fails at sustainable solutions.

Kukah’s homily takes a darker turn when he reminds Nigerians that some of today’s bandits were once political tools. “Some of our public officers confessed that they brought our current killers into our country as a strategy for upstaging the government of the day.” This is a chilling revelation, and one that indicts the political class across board. It lays bare the reality that Nigeria’s insecurity is not an accident, it is, in part, a consequence of calculated greed and a hunger for power.

Now, these political tools have mutated into monsters. They no longer take orders, they issue them. Kukah warns that Nigeria’s very foundation is under threat from these “ravenous predators.” If these threats are not dismantled immediately, Nigeria risks becoming a failed state in both function and soul.

Kukah ends his message with a dire warning: that government inaction is beginning to look suspicious. He questions whether the persistence of insecurity is due to incompetence or whether those in power are benefiting from the chaos. “Are Nigerians lambs being sacrificed to an unknown god?” he asks. That’s not just a rhetorical question; it’s a haunting accusation.

This is perhaps the most damning part of the homily. It questions the very moral fiber of the nation’s leadership. Is the state merely overwhelmed, or is it compromised? Are our leaders simply helpless, or are they profiting from our helplessness?

Even as Kukah critiques and challenges the nation’s leaders, he does not lose sight of the essence of Easter. He reminds Christians that Christ’s resurrection is the ultimate emblem of hope. This is not a message of despair, it is a call to action, a spiritual charge to believe again, act again, and reclaim our country.

Kukah’s sermon is what a prophetic message should be: bold, honest, faith-filled, and politically aware. It is a message that should make leaders uncomfortable and citizens reflective. It is a sermon that forces us to think, not just about what is, but about what ought to be.

In a country starved of sincerity, Bishop Kukah’s 2025 Easter message serves as both mirror and map. It reflects the nation’s failings with unapologetic clarity, and at the same time, offers a roadmap for renewal. This is no ordinary sermon, it is a national document of conscience.

Nigeria needs more leaders like Kukah, who are not afraid to tell uncomfortable.

Rivers State, one of Nigeria’s most strategically important states politically and economically, has lately become a theatre of absurdity, where the rules of democratic governance have been replaced with the treacherous tactics of a chessboard. The unfolding drama, characterized by betrayals, power tussles, underhanded moves, and calculated silence, raises a pertinent question: Who is really playing Rivers State like a political chessboard to satisfy his selfish ambition?

From the outside, it may look like a mere clash between Governor Siminalayi Fubara and his predecessor, Nyesom Wike, now the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT). But look deeper and you will see a more sinister power play, one where the state is being treated like a pawn in a much larger, more dangerous game.

Rivers State was not always like this. Known for its rich oil resources and vibrant people, the state used to stand as a symbol of strength in the Niger Delta. However, in recent years, it has become increasingly evident that political godfatherism has entrenched itself in the corridors of power. At the center of this debacle is the unresolved tension between Wike and Fubara, an embarrassing soap opera that has eroded the state’s dignity.

Governor Fubara was supposedly Wike’s protégé. He emerged as the governorship candidate under controversial circumstances, allegedly handpicked by Wike himself to serve as a placeholder for the minister’s extended influence. But like many political godsons who suddenly find themselves in power, Fubara is now resisting the overbearing hand of his godfather.

Let’s be brutally honest, no political chess game is played without a grandmaster. Someone is holding the strings, someone with a national ambition, someone who sees Rivers State not as a place of people and culture, but as a stronghold to consolidate power. The state’s politics are being manipulated, not for development or peace, but for raw political gain. Wike, known for his brash and confrontational style, has refused to let go of power, and his desperation for political relevance, perhaps as a future presidential or vice-presidential hopeful, has led to the current debacle.

His hand is seen in every move, covert and overt. From the sudden defection of lawmakers loyal to him, to the persistent impeachment plots against Fubara, and his eventual suspension as a state of emergency was declared, to his unguarded utterances while chaos brews, Wike appears to be orchestrating every move, like a general moving pieces on a board. The question is: to what end?

This is not the first time Nigeria is witnessing a fallout between a political godfather and a godson. From Lagos to Kano, this unholy arrangement has always ended in disaster. But the Rivers State case is particularly worrisome because it appears the state’s interest is not even a factor in the equation. Developmental concerns, governance, and the welfare of the people have all been sacrificed at the altar of ego and ambition.

The 2023 elections were meant to mark a turning point for Rivers. Instead, the elections handed the state back to a shadowy cabal determined to hold it hostage. The current rift has paralyzed governance. Projects have stalled. The civil service is in limbo. Tensions are so high that even security agencies are reportedly taking sides. Is this what Rivers people voted for?

Let’s not romanticize Fubara as an innocent victim either. He knew the game he was getting into. He knew he was handpicked for a reason, to be loyal to Wike. But the moment he attempted to assert his independence, the game changed. This is a classic case of a pawn trying to become a king. His newfound resistance, though commendable in democratic terms, appears reactive rather than strategic. He has failed to build the kind of political coalition necessary to withstand a force like Wike, and his political naivety is becoming more apparent by the day.

However, one cannot entirely blame him. He was placed in office under the illusion of loyalty and expected to dance to a tune that was never his. When he tried to compose his own music, the conductor cut him off.

The most tragic part of this game is the suffering of the ordinary people of Rivers State. While political elites are busy plotting their next move, ordinary citizens are grappling with poor infrastructure, worsening insecurity, environmental degradation, and a dwindling economy. The recent destruction of public properties, factional loyalist violence, and breakdown of legislative functions are telltale signs that the state is dangerously teetering on the edge of anarchy.

The question, then, is not just who is playing the game, but why the people of Rivers are allowing themselves to be played.

We must also look at the wider political implications. The All Progressives Congress (APC), which now counts Wike as one of its strongest backers at the national level, is watching this crisis unfold with keen interest. Wike’s crossover from PDP to APC, in all but name, has allowed him to leverage the federal structure in his favor, putting Governor Fubara in a precarious position. It is as though the state is being offered as a political dowry to the APC in exchange for Wike’s ambitions down the line.

This political chess game is not confined to Rivers alone. It is a dangerous template that, if left unchecked, will spread to other states. What Wike is doing in Rivers today, others will replicate tomorrow. The presidency’s silence over the entire saga is even more troubling. Are they tacitly approving this method of control?

Nigeria’s democracy is still growing, and this growth is being stunted by political desperadoes who believe in power for power’s sake. The Rivers State situation is a clarion call for political maturity. It is time for Rivers leaders, both past and present, to rise above personal ambition and put the state first.

Civil society groups, traditional rulers, and respected elders in the Niger Delta must intervene. The National Assembly should not be silent while a federating unit is being torn apart by a selfish political feud. And Rivers people must rise and demand better. Their state should not be reduced to a mere pawn in someone’s ambition.

So, who is playing Rivers State like a political chessboard? The signs are clear. The moves are obvious. The ambition is evident.

It is time for Rivers people to say, “Enough is enough.” The state deserves better than being reduced to a political playground for personal ego trips. Until Rivers is allowed to breathe, grow, and function without the suffocating grip of self-styled godfathers, its future will remain uncertain, just another pawn in a never-ending game of political chess.

And just like in chess, when pawns are carelessly played, they are easily sacrificed. The people of Rivers must not allow themselves to be sacrificed. Not this time.

The new terrorist group, Mahmuda, has intensified its attacks at various communities in Kwara and Niger States.

Suspected members of the new terrorist group, Mahmuda, were said to have attacked communities in Ilesha Baruba and Kemaanji, Baruten and Kaiama local government areas of Kwara State on Sunday night.

They had on Friday reportedly killed some vigilantes in the state.

Daily Trust gathered that the assailants, who were on military camouflage riding motorcycles, stormed a market square at 9:30 pm and opened fire on the residents before they zoomed off.

Four Fulani, a vigilante and a 19-year-old teenager, who was hit by a stray bullet reportedly lost their lives during the attack.

According to a resident of the area, the fresh incident is coming in the wake of a similar attack the same day in neighbouring Kaiama where a vigilante was killed.

Speaking to Daily Trust yesterday on the Baruten incident, the source said: “We suspect that they came with a premeditated motive because they fired at the Fulani at close range shooting them in the head. The vigilante was holding a dane gun and they saw him as a threat. But the boy was hit by a stray bullet.

“The place is a very popular trading spot with a lot of business and commercial activities. It was a sudden attack believed to be a reprisal over alleged collaboration with the security agencies against the terrorists”, the resident said.

The new terrorist group was said to have been killing and kidnapping people at Kemaanji, Tenebo, Baabete, Nuku, and Nanu villages in Kaiama Local Government Area of Kwara State and communities in Yashikira District of Baruten LGA, also in Kwara as well as in Babana and Wawa districts of Borgu LGA of Niger State.

Despite the successes which the federal government said it had recorded in containing the attacks, security and intelligence experts say the escalated attacks by terrorists, especially the emergence Mahmuda, indicate that the fight against terrorism should be intensified.

Some of the experts, who spoke to Daily Trust, alleged that the emergence of the new terrorist group casts a doubt on the credibility of the country’s intelligence system.

Non-state actors targeting vigilantes in reprisal attack – Gov AbdulRazaq

Kwara State Governor AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq yesterday led a delegation that comprised top military and intelligence chiefs to visit Kaiama to assess the security concerns and reinforce inter-agency collaboration across border communities.

Speaking during the “strategic security interface” with the Emir of Kaiama, Alh Muazu Shehu Omar and other critical stakeholders, said the incident was a reprisal attack by non-state actors targeting vigilantes.

He assured the state government was working with the military and other relevant agencies to bring peace to the affected communities and dislodge the terrorists.

“What we are seeing today is the non-state actors targeting the vigilantes in a reprisal attack and this will come to pass. This is because we are working with the military who have visited the place, made contact and had robust engagement”, he said.

The governor said the state government would ensure that peace returned to the Kainji National Park axis.

How Mahmuda emerged

Mahmuda was said to have migrated from Mokwa in Niger State and had visibly occupied the Kainji Lake National Park over five years ago when they raided the park and chased out the Range Guards.

Some reports have claimed that the Mahmuda group is another breakaway faction of the Shekau-led Boko Haram but with “moderate” ideology and connection to other groups in Benin/Niger Republic. They referred to themselves as the Mahmuda Group or Mallam Group, their leader’s name.

But the Kwara State Police Command had, in a statement by its spokeswoman, Adetoun Ejire-Adeyemi, denied the existence of the Mahmuda terrorist group and the reported killing of 15 vigilantes by the group.

“Our comprehensive and continuous threat assessments, intelligence surveillance and tactical reconnaissance operations in these areas have yielded no evidence of insurgent activity, coordinated terrorist formations, or mass casualty incidents as described.

“The claim of 15 vigilantes being killed is entirely false and devoid of any factual basis”, she added.

Residents of Kwara State said the Mahmuda terrorist group had been operating in the affected communities of Yashikira district of Baruten including Kemaanji, Wajibe, and Nuku among others in Kaiama for over five years.

They said the group started as a religious body, giving sermons about their form of Islam.

Locals said the group had attracted many teenagers as fighters and informants.

“Before now, we had called the attention of the authorities and security operatives to their growing influence and it was only recently that the military led a major onslaught against them which included aerial bombardments, killing many of them,” a resident, Alhaji Haruna Idirissa, said.

Adequate security deployment in place – Police

The Kwara State Police Command assured residents of the affected communities that adequate security deployments were in place and being reinforced to forestall any threat to peace and order.

“Citizens are urged to go about their lawful activities without fear, while remaining vigilant and cooperative with law enforcement.

“Let it be clearly stated that any individual or group attempting to undermine the safety of our communities will be decisively dealt with in accordance with the law”, the spokeswoman, SP Adetoun Ejire-Adeyemi, said in a statement on Tuesday.

We’re living in fear – Kwara monarch

The Emir of Yashikira Alhaji Umaru Seriki, yesterday said his subjects were living in fear over attacks by the new terrorist group.

“The attacks are not only in Baruten and Kaiama local governments of Kwara State, but also Borgu Kingdom in Niger State.

“Last week, the terrorists destroyed the security vehicle bought by the people for operations by the vigilantes”, he said.

Senate’s alert on Mahmuda in 2022

The Senate had, in 2022, alerted the military over terrorists’ hideouts in communities in the three local government areas of Kwara and Niger States.

The Senate had, at that time, specifically urged the military to carry out a detailed onslaught of bandits and criminal elements within Kainji Lake National Park and the identified communities.

This followed the consideration of a motion on the “worsening insecurity in Kainji Lake National Park and existential threat to communities in Kaima, Baruten and Borgu Local Government in Kwara and Niger States.”

The motion was sponsored by the lawmaker representing Kwara North Senatorial District, Senator Sadiq Umar and co-sponsored by the Deputy Whip, Senator Aliyu Abdullahi, representing Niger North.

Last month, a media report quoted a security expert, Zagazola Makama, as alleging that a detained militant arrested in Kaima community by vigilante forces provided critical intelligence regarding the group’s latest movements and operational structure.

From 1 terrorist group to 5

Nigeria is currently grappling with deadly activities of five terrorist groups: Boko Haram, the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP), Lakurawa, Ansaru and Mahmuda.

Boko Haram

The Jamā’at Ahl as-Sunnah lid-Da’wah wa’l-Jihād, popularly known as Boko Haram, began in Niger State but is now domiciled in Borno after the split that produced the late Abubakar Shekau.

The Boko Haram fighters have also attacked villages in Yobe and Adamawa States. Boko Haram is said to be also active in Chad, Niger, northern Cameroon and Mali. Since the insurgency started in 2009, the group has reportedly killed tens of thousands of people in frequent attacks against the police, armed forces and civilians.

The activities of the sect were said to have resulted in the deaths of more than 300,000 children and the displacement of 2.3 million people from their homes according to a UN report by Al Jazeera in June 2021.

The Boko Haram sect gained global notoriety when it reportedly kidnapped more than 200 school girls from Chibok village in Borno State in 2014.

Lakurawa

The Lakurawa militant group emerged within Sokoto and Kebbi states in north-western Nigeria and across the border with Niger. It initially promised to help the government tackle banditry but later became deadly with affiliations to groups in Mali and Niger. It was recently declared a terrorist organisation by the Nigerian government and banned across the country following several attacks in local communities. It has killed several people in many North West states.

ISWAP

The Islamic State’s West Africa Province (ISWAP), is said to be an offshoot of Boko Haram with which it has a violent rivalry. Until March 2022, ISWAP had reportedly acted as an umbrella organisation for all IS factions in West Africa, including the Islamic State in the Greater Sahara (IS-GS) which gave it access to resources and technical assistance. It recently deployed four armed drones carrying locally made grenades in an attack on the Forward Operating Base in the Wajikoro area of Borno, reportedly leaving about five soldiers injured. Their ISWAP’s fighters’ use of weaponised drones marked a significant shift in the group’s tactics. The military had reportedly thwarted plans to establish bases in Plateau and Bauchi States from its base in the North East just like Boko Haram.

Ansaru

Ansar is observed to be active in the North-West and the North-Central where bandits and kidnappers also operate. It is reported to be a former faction of Boko Haram that rejected Shekau leadership after the death of Yusuf. The group announced in 2012 that it had pledged allegiance to al-Qaeda and was independent. Despite this, Ansaru and other Boko Haram factions continued to work closely together until the former increasingly declined and stopped its insurgent activities in 2013. Unlike Boko Haram, which is largely based in Borno State in the North East, Ansaru operated in and around Kano State and some parts of North Central and its environs. It claimed responsibility for a prison break at the Special Anti-Robbery Squad headquarters in Abuja in November 2012 among several other kidnapping activities that involved foreigners.

‘Convert forests occupied by terrorists into productive centres’

A retired director of the Department of State Security (DSS), Dr Abdulsalam Bolakale Suleiman, the Nigerian government must be strategic and proactive in dealing with the situation, saying it is beyond throwing troops at the terrorist groups.

He said unless the government converts the large swathe of forests which the terrorists occupy in Sambisa and Kainji Lake, among others, into productive centres, it will be difficult to make progress.

“These vast forests with boundaries linking several states and countries must be occupied otherwise it will be difficult. They should also look towards engaging and equipping forest guards, many of whom have abandoned the forests now and most importantly the government should look seriously into the issue of human security in food, economy, health, community and environment among others.

“These terrorists are luring and enticing recruits and even locals in some instances with money. Taking troops to them who are not even well motivated will not help us”, the retired DSS director said.

‘NSA Office, security agencies have questions to answer’

An intelligence and counter-terrorism expert, Abdullahi Garba, in an interview with Daily Trust, wondered why there was no intelligence about Mahmuda group before it emerged.

“I think the DSS, DIA and NIA have questions to answer regarding how the new terror group penetrated the country, because their coming is not spontaneous.

“Why do we have intelligence agencies if we can’t determine this type of scenario in our country? In countering terrorism, intelligence agencies need to do more. They should ensure that no stone is left unturned.

“There is a way DSS and other intelligence agencies can get this type of information before it boomerangs if they want to genuinely get it. I won’t reveal this strategy, they also know,” he said.

Security agencies mum

When contacted, the spokesman of the Nigeria police Force, Olumuyiwa Adejobi, directed our correspondent to the military for a reaction.

One of our correspondents contacted the Director, Defence Media Operations, Major-General Markus Kangye and the head of the National Counter-Terrorism Centre (NCTC), the Centre, Major-General Adamu Garba Laka, but they neither answered several calls nor replied to messages sent their mobile telephone lines.

But a highly-placed source in the NCTC, who did not want to be mentioned, said the police and the DSS had swung into action to contain the activities of the new terrorist group.

He said, “As it stands now, the police and the DSS operatives are working round the clock to ensure that the activities of the new terror group are curtailed.

“It is not an external stuff, it is already an internal thing, and the police as a lead agency in maintaining internal security have taken over. The results will be obvious soon.”

‘Constitute intelligence expert committee’

A retired Assistant Commissioner of Police, Saka Fagade, urged the federal government to “constitute a proper committee comprising of experts that have worked in intelligence outfits in the private and government sectors whether serving or retired on security issues that should be saddled with the responsibility of tackling the situation.”

“Security issues are very complex but Nigeria can handle this situation. If I have the best idea now, I will also have to be very conscious of my safety too but in an enclosed environment with no fear of exposure, I will be able to talk.

“Insurgents are intelligent people, whether we want to accept it or not. How are we sure that some of these officials are not their financials, these are the issues and it’s not something that we should handle with kid gloves otherwise, it will continue to get worse”, Fagade said.

On his part, Ajayi Okasanmi, one of the longest serving police Public reaction officers in the country before his retirement last year, told Daily Trust that the situation needs a holistic approach.

According to him, “70 percent can be attributed to political calculations and mechanisations.

“About 70 percent of the reason for this can be attributed to political calculations and machinations among the political gladiators.

“When this present government came on board, the security situation like kidnapping and banditry which Nigerians were not hitherto known for went down and all the security agencies collaborated. Suddenly as we get to the period of politicking again, we have started to experience the issue in various forms.

“What we can do as a nation is to put aside our political inclinations and unite as Nigerians to defeat this scourge. The federal and state governments are doing their best but there appears to be some people hellbent in making sure that the country does not have peace.

“While I want to believe the police that there is no terror group in Kwara, that does not say the security agencies should go to sleep with the belief that it cannot not happen.

“Rather they should put more effort into ensuring that the state remains peaceful. The moment it is planted in Kwara State, it may be very difficult to treat just as we are witnessing in Borno, Adamawa, Kebbi and the rest of the places. More importantly, this is a collective responsibility and everybody must unite to defeat it”, Okasanmi, who is not a security consultant, added.

Nigerians are worried as the security situation in Benue State worsens, particularly with regards to the herders-farmers conflict, banditry, kidnapping, gangsterism, and cult violence.

DAILY POST gathered that since the administration of the immediate past governor, Samuel Ortom and the coming on board of Governor Hyacinth Alia, the state has been faced with a plethora of security challenges.

The state has experienced a significant decline in farming activities due to the activities of bandits and terrorists, who attacked farming communities, abducted, and killed several farmers and dislocated many communities.

At least fifty-six people have been confirmed dead in Gbagir, Ukum Local Government Area and Logo Local Government Area, both in the Sankera axis of Benue state.

The state governor, Hyacinth Alia made the disclosure after confirming earlier that seventeen people were killed in the attack.

Also, the state police command in a statement, noted that while the Gbagir operation was ongoing, another group of militia simultaneously attacked the neighbouring Logo Local Government Area, killing scores of people.

DAILY POST reports that the governor had urged residents of the state facing attacks from suspected Fulani herdsmen not to resort to self-help.

“The prompt response in Ukum was made possible by early intelligence, which helped prevent an even more devastating outcome.

“The state government, in conjunction with the Office of the National Security Adviser, is developing a strategic plan to end the killings by suspected invaders. Remain vigilant and volunteer timely information to security agencies,” he said.
Unidentified gunmen suspected to be Fulani herdsmen have been launching attacks on the Otobi Akpa community in Benue State.

The recent one left at least 13 people dead, several others injured or missing, and over 50 houses destroyed.

The violence started around 6:00pm on the ill-fatted day near Otobi Junction when armed herdsmen launched an assault on the town, shooting sporadically.

“Otobi Akpa has historically been a peaceful part of Idoma land and had coexisted with herding communities for many years. However, tensions have risen in recent times over open grazing and related security concerns,” a community elder, Adikwu Ogbe said.

DAILY POST reports that the state’s Commissioner for Agriculture and Food Security, Professor Moses Ogbaji, had noted that the criminal activities of bandits before now had severely impacted food security in the state and the country, as many farmers were unable to return to their farms due to fear of attacks.

“Nipping the ugly trend in the bud, the State government established the Benue State Civil Protection Guards, which is aimed at complementing the conventional security agencies and ensure the safety of communities and farmers,” Ogbaji said.

Lending his voice, the paramount ruler of the Tiv nation and chairman of the state traditional council, His Royal Majesty, Prof. James Ayatse, the Tor Tiv, supported the adoption of non-kinetic solutions to the crisis, including massive repatriation of displaced persons back to their homes.

According to him, the effort has aligned perfectly with the vision of Governor Hyacinth Iormem Alia’s administration of protecting the lives and property of all residents of Benue State.

DAILY POST reports that the Senator representing Benue South Senatorial District, Abba Moro, condemned in strong terms the attack on Otobi-Akpa community in Otukpo Local Government Area of Benue State, describing it as an unprovoked and unacceptable act of violence.

“My thoughts and prayers are with the people of Otobi-Akpa community in Otukpo LGA. The unprovoked attack on them remains condemned,” the Senator stated.

“The attack and several others before it on Benue South communities by killer herdsmen are unacceptable,” he said.

He added that the people of Benue South have the right to live and do their business peacefully without fear, threats, or harm.

Speaking to DAILY POST, the lawmaker representing Otukpo/Akpa State Constituency in the Benue State House of Assembly, Hon Angbo Kennedy, lamented the persistent bloodshed and called on security agencies to urgently intervene.

“It’s sad that innocent people are being slaughtered in their own homes. Our people cannot continue to live in fear in their ancestral homes.

“Residents should resort to self-defense since the needed help is not coming from the relevant authorities,” he opined.

Meanwhile, former Senate President, David Mark, has strongly condemned the recent wave of violent attacks by suspected armed herdsmen on several communities across Benue State.

Mark, who expressed deep concern over the spate of killings and destruction of property worth billions of naira in the affected areas, appealed for restraint and unity, warning against ethnic profiling or retaliatory violence.

A visibly distressed Senator Mark, however, acknowledged some progress by security operatives in addressing the crisis, stating:

“It is heartwarming that some of the beasts involved in the dastardly acts have been apprehended by security agents.

“I urge all concerned to do a diligent investigation and ensure that all the people immediately and remotely involved should be made to face the full wrath of the law.”

“I also call on the youths in our various communities to ensure vigilance and report any suspicious behaviour of people and their movements to law enforcement agencies to prevent reoccurrence,” he concluded.

Speaking to DAILY POST, the senatorial candidate All Progressives, APC, in the 2023 general elections, Comrade Dan Onjeh, frowned at the spate of insecurity bedeviling the state, especially, Benue south whose occupation is majorly farming, calling on the state and the federal government to expedite action and nip in the bud the ugly trend being perpetrated by the marauders and blood-sucking Fulani herdsmen.

Comrade Onjeh urged the people of Benue State to unite against rising insecurity and support Governor Hyacinth Alia’s administration, emphasizing that insecurity thrives in division.

Onjeh, a former Chairman of the Governing Board of the Project Development Institute (PRODA) Enugu, cited disturbing evidence of collusion between marauding herdsmen and unscrupulous elements within Benue communities.

“The testimony of a recent kidnap victim reveals the chilling reality: ‘his abductors were a mix of Fulani herdsmen and Idoma youths who brazenly seized him from his home in front of his family,” he said.

He lamented the fact that despite the Idoma people accommodating herdsmen in their communities for decades, the herdsmen brazenly perpetrate heinous crimes against their kind host.

“We least expect this from them. It’s akin to welcoming a guest, providing shelter and having them betray your hospitality by setting your house ablaze,” he stated.

[DailyPost]