The presidential candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, in the 2023 General Election, Atiku Abubakar, has announced the formation of a coalition of opposition political parties to unseat President Bola Tinubu in 2027.

The former Vice President of Nigeria, Atiku, made this known while responding to a question on behalf of the opposition leaders at an ongoing press conference at the Yar’Adua Centre in Abuja.

He said, “Yes, this is the birth of the coalition of opposition ahead of 2027.”

This announcement comes amid the chaos in Rivers State.

Recall that on Tuesday, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu declared a state of emergency in Rivers State.

Tinubu’s state of emergency declaration has sparked condemnations among Nigerians.

See full speech below:
JOINT PRESS CONFERENCE BY CONCERNED LEADERS AND POLITICAL STAKEHOLDERS IN NIGERIA ON THE UNCONSTITUTIONAL DECLARATION OF A STATE OF EMERGENCY IN RIVERS STATE BY PRESIDENT BOLA AHMED TINUBU

Fellow Nigerians,

We, a cross-section of leaders and political stakeholders from across the country, have come together to address the dangerous and unconstitutional actions taken by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR, on March 18, 2025—to wit, the declaration of a State of Emergency in Rivers State and the illegal suspension of the Governor, Deputy Governor, and the State House of Assembly.

This action is not only unlawful but a clear attempt to subvert democracy and impose federal control over a duly elected state government. We strongly condemn this development and call on all Nigerians of good conscience to resist this brazen assault on constitutional governance.

Seemingly, Mr President’s illegal and unconstitutional proclamation was driven by the protracted insidious political crisis in Rivers State, culminating in the recent ruling of the Supreme Court. Ordinarily, all parties involved would have been expected to follow laid-down procedures, motivated by good faith, to quickly implement the judgment of the highest court of the land. We note that Governor Fubara’s disposition is geared towards full implementation of the ruling of the Supreme Court, despite provocative statements from opposing quarters.

It is also notable that Mr President’s broadcast to the nation on 18th March 2025 betrayed his bias and is infra dig of the sophisticated communication expected from the highest office in the land. By so doing, the President dragged himself and his highly exalted office into the arena of the political brawl, thereby denigrating his high office through inelegant language, predisposed excessiveness and malignant deportment.

The Constitutional Violations

1.Illegal Removal of a Governor and State Assembly

The Nigerian Constitution does not empower the President to remove an elected Governor, Deputy Governor, or State Assembly under any circumstances. The procedure for removing a Governor is clearly outlined in Section 188 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended) through an impeachment process initiated by the State House of Assembly—not by presidential proclamation.

2. Misuse of Section 305 on State of Emergency

Section 305 of the Constitution allows the President to declare a State of Emergency only in extreme cases where public safety, national security, or Nigeria’s sovereignty is at serious risk. However, it does not grant him the power to suspend elected officials or to demolish democratic structures as is currently being attempted.

Furthermore, Section 305(1) states that any proclamation of emergency is subject to the provisions of the Constitution—meaning it cannot override the tenure and removal procedures of a Governor.

3. Failure to Meet Constitutional Requirements for Emergency Rule

The conditions under Section 305(3) for declaring a state of emergency include:

War or external aggression

Breakdown of public order and safety

Natural disasters or any other grave emergency threatening Nigeria’s corporate existence

None of these conditions exist in current circumstances in Rivers State. There is no war, no widespread violence, and no breakdown of law and order warranting emergency rule.

4. Failure to Follow Due Process

Even if an emergency declaration were valid (which it is not), it would still require a two-thirds majority approval of ALL members of the National Assembly—that is, at least, 72 Senators and 240 members of the House of Representatives. If this approval is not secured, the proclamation must automatically cease to have effect.

5.Alternative Legal Avenues Were Ignored

If the issue was the dysfunction of the Rivers State House of Assembly, the President could have encouraged the National Assembly to intervene under Section 11 of the Constitution. However, even under such an intervention, the Governor and Deputy Governor cannot be removed by any arm of government except through constitutional means, as the proviso to S. 11(4) clearly provides.

A Manufactured Crisis for Political Control

This State of Emergency declaration is not about security—it is about power. The disagreements within Rivers State stem from the defection of 27 Assembly members from the PDP to the APC, their loss of seats under constitutional provisions, and the subsequent political manoeuvring to undermine the Governor’s mandate.

Rather than allowing the law to take its course, the federal government has engineered a crisis to justify this unconstitutional action. The excuse of pipeline vandalism—an issue squarely under the control of federal security agencies and privately contracted security firms—is laughable. If security breaches are the concern, the first question should be: Who controls the police, the military, and the DSS? The Governor or the President?

Our Demand and Call to Action

1.Immediate Reversal: We call on President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to immediately revoke this unconstitutional proclamation and reinstate the elected Governor, Deputy Governor, and State Assembly of Rivers State.

2.National Assembly’s Rejection: We call on patriotic Senators and Representatives to vote against this illegal action when it comes before them for approval. The National Assembly must not be used to legitimise an unconstitutional power grab.

3.Judicial Intervention: We urge the judiciary to act swiftly in striking down this proclamation, as it sets a dangerous precedent that could be used to arbitrarily remove any Governor in the future.

4.Nigerians Must Defend Democracy: We call on all civil society organisations, political groups, and Nigerians of good conscience to stand firm in the defence of this democracy that we have all toiled to build. Rivers State is not a conquered territory, and Nigeria is not a dictatorship requiring the replacement of an ELECTED GOVERNOR with a MILITARY ADMINISTRATOR.

Conclusion

A peaceful Niger Delta is critical to the economic health and stability of Nigeria. The federal government should not manufacture political crises that could disrupt this fragile stability.

We must never allow personal political interests to override the principles of federalism, democracy, and constitutional governance. This is not just about Rivers State—it is about the future of Nigeria’s democracy.

We thank you all.

The President of the Nigerian Senate, Godswill Obot Akpabio and Senator Seriake Dickson were, on Thursday, locked up in a heated argument over the provision of Senate Rules in the handling of debate on the State of Emergency in Rivers State.

As the Senate convened for plenary, Leader Michael Bamidele Opeyemi moved a motion for the Order Paper to be re-ordered to enable the Senate to handle the debate on the state of emergency before any other motion itemized for legislative action.

As Bamidele stood to point out the relevant order, Seriake Dickson\, representing Bayelsa Central Senatorial District and former governor of Bayelsa State raised a point of order, to which Akpabio was hesitant to oblige.

The angry Akpabio reminded Seriake Dickson in a witty manner, how he watched him on television saying he would not go the way of the Senate on the state of emergency in Rivers, even as Dickson insisted on getting the Senate President’s attention through a point of order.

Akpabio said: “Senator Seriake Dickson, let’s not argue, if we argue it won’t be good for any of us.

“We are all distinguished people, you were a former governor, I was a former governor. Please turn off your mic and sit down. I watched you on television. You said, whatever the Senate does, the Senate will never go with you.

“I said you said whatever the Senate does, the Senate will never have your vote.

“I don’t know but if you have already made up your mind to go on television when the Senate has not done anything or considered any issue, I am not arguing with you, but I say, please allow me to preside.

Replying to the Senate President, Seriake Dickson said: “Mr Senate President, you know we must have mutual respect for all our colleagues, and I do have regard for you, particularly, as our presiding officer and I think that should be reciprocal.”

Dickson said the point of order he raised was to draw the attention of Senators to the provision on the need to first break into a closed-door meeting.

The motion to close the door was immediately raised by the Senate Leader and seconded by the minority leader, Senator Abba Moro and the Senate went into a closed-door session.

[DailyPost]

Gospel musician Testimony Jaga has shared testimony of how he gave his life to Christ after a life-changing experience in jail.

In 2011, Jaga said he was wrongfully arrested and jailed for a crime he didn’t commit.

Speaking with Pulse, Jaga said he had been living with a friend who promised to help his music career, but things took a drastic turn when some people came to their house and arrested him for stealing along with everyone else in the house, despite being innocent.

This experience made him realise the harsh reality of life, and he eventually found solace in his faith.

After spending six months in jail, Jaga was cleared of all charges and released.

This marked a turning point in his life, as he decided to give his life to Christ.

He said: “In 2011, I gave my life to Christ after I left jail. I found myself in jail, not because I was a thief or anything. I was in the wrong place at the wrong time.

“Some people wanted to go do something, you know, like stealing. They came to the house where I was staying. I was sharing a house with someone who had promised to sign me.

“I was there, and stuff like that happened. When the police came, they arrested everyone around. That was when I saw the reality of life. I got myself into that mess, but with God’s mercy, I was saved. After six months, I came out of jail and gave my life to Christ.”

[Nation]

Following the protracted political crisis in Rivers State, President Bola Tinubu declared a state of emergency on Tuesday. He suspended the embattled Governor Siminalayi Fubara, his deputy, Ngozi Odu, and all the members of the House of Assembly for six months. He also selected Vice Admiral Ibokette Ibas (rtd) as administrator to take charge of Rivers State’s affairs pending the suspension period. It is a crazy situation that culminates the months of crisis that has made Rivers State a centre of chaos and endless political sabre-rattling. Expectedly, there has been a legal debate about the constitutionality of the President’s actions and what is at stake for his political ambitions in the seemingly unending crisis. For the next couple of weeks, we can be very assured that we will be subjected to endless analysis of this development on various media platforms. The interpreters of all maladies will turn this development over and over, scrutinising it to death.

As military vans full of armed operatives head toward the Rivers State Government House in Port Harcourt following the President’s pronouncement, some of us are uneasy at this turn of events. One can only imagine what the spectacle of a military takeover even at a mere state level will mean for Nigeria’s fragile democracy. If armed personnel can be brought in to resolve the embattled Rivers State crisis, how many steps before people begin to make another plausible association between a military resolution at the federal level too? Yes, the Rivers crisis is overdue for a resolution, but a state of emergency and an appointment of a uniformed officer seems imprudent.

Unlike the previous instances where a state of emergency was declared, we had just passed a moment in our national life where people experiencing severe hardships made some rather loud and feverish calls for a military takeover. It was just this time last year. Those who dared voice out their desire to see the army return to power were scolded for their deliriousness. They said the military has no business in government anymore forever, and we should learn to stop casting nostalgic glances back to the time men in jackboots sashayed freely on the Nigerian political stage. A mere one year later, and it seems the possibility of them returning is not foreclosed.

In August, some 90 people were arrested because they had carried Russian flags during their demonstrations against strangulating economic hardship, and some misguided ones among them wanted a coup. In November, they were taken to trial although the authorities had to drop the charges of treason against them following the outcry that saw 30 minors among them being charged to court. These are all very recent developments where the present government demonstrated a high level of intolerance against any suggestion of military solutions to any of the crises facing Nigeria. Those who were looking for a coup might have been guilty of presuming that the military had anything better to offer Nigeria, but their agitation against a government that had grown too malicious against its own people was coming from nowhere.

During that protest, the police Inspector General Kayode Egbetokun swore that the demonstrations and the call for a military takeover were financed by some sponsors from “outside the country” and they must arrest those carrying flags to be able to get to the sponsors. He was so sure that “the sponsors of these protests, some of them, have a clear motive to subvert the government of the day; we are not going to allow that; we will defend our democracy”. The same government that promised to defend democracy against interlopers is using the military to subvert a fractious democracy in Rivers State. Do not get me wrong, even though I think the Rivers State crisis has reached a point where something needed to give, the sudden show of resolve on Tinubu’s part starkly contradicts the ethos of a democracy that corrects itself without the intervention of men in fatigues, which this administration has tried to project.

In October, Presidential Aide Bayo Onanuga went on a rampage against a media house that dared to give a voice to the agitation of Nigerians who were looking for a military solution to Nigeria’s economic crisis. Onanuga had said, “It is unacceptable…to incite calls for military intervention based on transient difficulties.” Why is it suddenly acceptable for soldiers to take over the Rivers Government House? Have they concluded that what is going on in that region is more than “transient difficulties”?

The second thing that comes to the fore is Tinubu’s record on a president’s declaring a state of emergency. Again, this is another instance where the bad faith politics that Tinubu has played for years catches up with him. Like his pre-presidency commentary on fuel subsidies and several other economic policies, Tinubu is once again being revealed as a blowhard with many opinions but very few moral convictions. Now that he is in power, his doublemindedness is being manifested when he takes the very actions for which he condemns his predecessors. From his poor record on human rights to the subversion of the ideals of democracy, Tinubu’s presidency has revealed him to be a man whose loudest pronouncements on issues were never more than cynically exploiting situations. For a man who once said that a state of emergency in Lagos would “kill” democracy, he has sure come a very long way.

In 2013 when former President Goodluck Jonathan declared a state of emergency in Borno, Yobe, and Adamawa, Tinubu condemned him saying it was a ploy to manipulate the 2015 election. Just 12 years later, the same Tinubu would go on to state in his speech about a state of emergency that the latest security reports made available to me show that between yesterday and today, there have been disturbing incidents of vandalisation of pipelines by some militant without the governor taking any action to curtail them….With all these and many more, no good and responsible President will stand by and allow the grave situation to continue without taking remedial steps prescribed by the Constitution to address the situation in the state, which no doubt requires extraordinary measures to restore good governance, peace, order and security.

So how did he move from reading Jonathan’s action as a ruse of self-perpetuation to now seeing a state of emergency as what a “good and responsible” president should do in a bad situation? It is tempting to think that he has evolved ideologically and politically, and that experience has taught him practical politics, but I am more inclined to believe he was just a loudmouth who never cared about Nigeria. His politics is, and has always been, self-serving. That is why, no matter where his heart might lie in this Rivers issue, it will be virtually impossible for him to convince anyone of his righteousness. His intervention in Rivers State is far more self-evidently about 2027 politics than his projection on Jonathan. Given how much the Rivers electoral figures tilted against him in 2023, he cannot risk losing that state again.

Yes, the politics of partisanship that makes people question the actions of a leader they did not vote for will definitely be at play in the cynicism that will greet Tinubu’s declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers, but that will not exhaust the reason people will read meanings in his action. It will also be because this man spent his political opposition years blowing ashes into gusts of wind to taint his opponents. Now that the wind of fate has suddenly reversed direction, he is accumulating the same dust and his true self is being revealed. The same measure with which he judged others is being used to find him wanting.

THE suspension of the Governor and House of Assembly of Plateau State and their replacement temporarily by an Administrator by President Olusegun Obasanjo are the greatest and most brazen illegality committed by any government in Nigeria, colonial, military or civilian.

Emergency powers comprise two distinct powers, viz (i) power to declare a state of emergency; and (ii) power to make laws and to execute them with respect to matters within exclusive state competence in normal time, and to overstep, with some exceptions, the limitations on power arising from the constitutional guarantee of fundamental rights in chapter IV. Section 305 of the 1999 Constitution, relied on by President Obasanjo for his action in Plateau State, grants only the first power, but not the second; it only empowers the President to declare a state of emergency in situations there specified. It is not intended for present purposes to go into the question whether or not the state of emergency in Plateau State was validly declared under section 305.

A state of emergency validly declared under section 305 does not by itself, bring into play the second power. It is a fundamental principle of the Rule of Law that executive acts must be authorised by law, at any rate, insofar as they affect the rights and interests of an individual, and that the Executive is not the one to confer the necessary legal authorisation on itself. The principle is well established by many authorities. As far back as 1921 in the celebrated case, Eshugbayi Eleko v. Government of Nigeria, the Privy Council applied it to invalidate the deportation of the then Oba of Lagos by the colonial Governor of Nigeria without authorisation by law, which as the sole legislature for the country at the time, he could have conferred on himself by simply issuing an Ordinance, but which he failed to do, relying instead on what he called his inherent authority as the Executive. In a judgement that has become a great constitutional landmark, the Privy Council, speaking through Lord Atkin, said that the Executive "can only act in pursuance of the powers given to him by law."

The section in the 1960 and 1963 Constitutions (section 65 and 70 respectively) authorising the declaration of a state of emergency also empowered Parliament to make "laws for Nigeria or any part thereof with respect to matters not included in the Legislative Lists as may appear to Parliament to be necessary or expedient for the purpose of maintaining or securing peace, order and good government during any period of emergency" (section 65(1) 1960; section 60(1) 1963; emphasis supplied.)

Pursuant to the power conferred by this provision, Parliament enacted the Emergency Powers Act 1961 authorising the Governor General-in-Council to make "such regulations as appear to him to be necessary or expedient for the purpose of maintaining or securing peace, order and good government in Nigeria, or any part thereof during any period of emergency." Altogether 12 regulations were made by the Governor General-in-Council under the Act. Of these the most far-reaching was the Emergency Powers (General) Regulations, 1962, which empowered the Prime Minister to appoint an Administrator for Western Nigeria (the emergency area.) The Administrator was authorised by the Regulations to administer the government of the Region, with power to legislate by means of orders for the peace, order and good government of the Region, and with full executive powers. He then suspended the Regional Governor, Premier, Ministers, and House of Assembly.

The Emergency Powers Act 1961 and the Emergency Powers (General) Regulations 1962 clearly went beyond what was contemplated by the enabling provision in Section 65(1) of the 1960 Constitution; they were a perversion of power, but they at least provided some measure of legal authorisation and basis for the appointment of the Administrator by the Prime Minister, and the suspension of the Regional Governor, Premier, Ministers and House of Assembly by the Administrator. The Act and the Regulations made under it lapsed by effluxion of time under Section 65(2) of the 1960 Constitution (section 70(2), 1963) that "any provision of law enacted in pursuance of this section shall have effect only during a period of emergency," so that they are not in force today as existing laws under Section 315 of the 1999 Constitution. They are not therefore reproduced in the laws of Nigeria 1990. Even supposing them to be existing law, they will be inconsistent with Section 11(4) and (5) of the 1999 Constitution, quoted below.

With the experience of the perversions of 1962 in mind, Section 305 of the 1999 Constitution (reproducing Section 265, 1979 Constitution) gives the Federal Government no emergency powers, legislative or executive, exercisable during a state of emergency declared under its provisions. It (i.e. Section 305) omits completely the power in Section 65(1) of the 1960 and Section 70(1) of the 1963 Constitution. The only provisions relevant upon the points are those in Section 11(3), (4) and (5) of the 1999 Constitution (same section number in the 1979 Constitution) which, again significantly, make no reference at all to an emergency declared in terms of section 305 (section 265, 1979 Constitution).

These provisions need to be reproduced in their precise wording in order to underline their underlying aim of avoiding the evil of perversion made possible by the 1960 and 1963 Constitution. Section 11:

(3) During any period when the Federation is at war, the National Assembly may make such laws for the peace, order and good government of the Federation or any part thereof with respect to matters not included in the Exclusive Legislative List as may appear to it to be necessary or expedient for the defence of the Federation"

"(4) At any time when any House of Assembly of a State is unable to perform its functions by reason of the situation prevailing in that state, the National Assembly may make such laws for the peace, order and good government of that state with respect to matters on which a House of Assembly may be necessary or expedient until such time as the House of Assembly is able to resume its functions, and any such laws enacted by the National Assembly pursuant to this section shall have effect as if they were laws enacted by the House of Assembly of the State.

Provided that nothing in this section shall be construed as conferring on the National Assembly power to remove the Governor or the Deputy Governor of the State from office."

"(5) For the purposes of subsection (4) of this section, a House of Assembly shall not be deemed to be unable to perform its functions so long as the House of Assembly can hold a meeting and transact business." (emphasis supplied)

The severest of the restrictions on the powers of the Federal Government under these provisions is that where a situation of an abnormal extraordinary nature is confined to the territory of one State and does not extend beyond its boundaries, then, even although a state of emergency has been declared in the state in terms of section 305, the National Assembly is not to assume power to make laws on matters within exclusive state competence unless the State House of Assembly is "unable to perform its functions by reason of the situation prevailing in that state" (section 11(4) - i.e. the situation prevailing in the state independently of, not one brought about by, a declaration of an emergency. Further, "a House of Assembly shall not be deemed to be unable to perform its function so long as the House of Assembly can hold a meeting and transact business" (section 11(5). Again, what is envisaged is inability to perform its functions arising from the situation prevailing in the State independently of, but not one brought about by, a declaration of an emergency.

Finally, the removal of a State Governor from office by reason solely of an emergency situation prevailing in the State, whether or not an emergency is formally declared under section 305, is completely and unequivocally procluded by the proviso in section 11(4), which declares that "nothing in this section shall be construed as conferring on the National Assembly power to remove the Governor or the Deputy Governor of the State from office." The Governor remains in office during such period with his executive powers undiminished, since by section 11(4) any "laws enacted by the National Assembly pursuant to this section shall have effect as if they were laws enacted by the House of Assembly of the State." He is the rightful authority to execute such laws by virtue of the provision in section 5(2) that the executive powers vested in him shall extend to "the execution and maintenance of the Constitution (and) all laws made by the House of Assembly." And if the National Assembly cannot, in the exercise of its power to make law under section 11(4), remove a State Governor, it cannot by law authorise the President to do so. The President has no inherent power to remove or suspend a Governor, anyway.

It follows that a State Governor elected into office under the 1999 Constitution cannot be removed from office by reason solely of an emergency validly declared under section 305 of that Constitution; in order words, there is nothing in the provisions of the 1999 Constitution relating to an emergency that can cause or be used to make a state Governor to "cease to hold office" within the meaning of section 180 of that Constitution.

All the military governments that have ruled Nigeria observed the Rule of Law at least to the extent of enacting laws (Decrees or Edicts) as a basis for their executive actions, especially executive actions affecting the rights or interests of individuals. There was seldom, if ever, an executive action of the military government not backed by law, a Decree or Edict, made normally prospectively, but sometimes retrospectively.

The suspension of the elected Governor and House of Assembly of Plateau State and their replacement by an Administrator by the democratic government of President Obasanjo without authorisation by law must rank as perhaps the greatest tragedy to befall the Rule of Law in Nigeria.`

Professor Nwabueze (SAN), a constitutional lawyer, is a member of The Patriots

culled from GUARDIAN, May 20, 2004

The Senate has entered a closed session to deliberate on President Bola Tinubu’s declaration of emergency rule in Rivers State and the suspension of Governor Siminalayi Fubara and other elected officials.

The closed session was announced after Senate President Godswill Akpabio read a letter from Tinubu at plenary on Thursday.

Senate leader Opeyemi Bamidele subsequently moved a motion for a closed session, pursuant to Order 135 of the Senate rules.

The motion was seconded by the Senate Minority Leader, Abba Moro.

Details shortly…

Visiting Ogoniland last week after my first visit in 1996 was a bittersweet experience. It was like traversing two worlds in less than three decades. Unbelievable! I went to Ogoni for the first time to chronicle the mess oil industry and the Nigerian state had made of Ogoniland.

Before oil was discovered in the Ogoni community of K-Dere, popularly called the Bomu oil fields, the territory made up of six kingdoms – Babbe, Eleme, Gokana, Ken-Khana, Nyo-Khana, and Tai – and now compressed into four local governments: Eleme, Gokana, Khana, and Tai, which covers approximately 1,000 square kilometers, with a population of about 832,000, according to 2006 census, was an agricultural and fishing society.

But all that changed with the coming of Bomu oil well 1 in 1958. Subsequently, Shell made more discoveries in other Ogoni communities, including Ebubu, Yorla, Bodo West and Korokoro, leading to the building of massive oil infrastructure, with crude oil pipelines crisscrossing the entire land. When the oil started spilling, nothing was done to mitigate the looming danger until it became a catastrophe. An environmental assessment conducted by the United Nations Environment Programme, UNEP, documented over 2,976 oil spills between 1976 and 1991. Consequentially, decades of unchecked spills and unmitigated gas flaring, which contaminated land, water and air, impacting the health and livelihoods of the people, turned what was hitherto the world’s third-largest mangrove ecosystem into an environmental disaster zone.

Faced with an existential threat, the people came up with the Movement for the Survival of Ogoni People, MOSOP, a non-governmental organisation with the mandate to campaign non-violently to promote democratic awareness and protect Ogoni environment, vesting themselves with the Ogoni Bill of Rights in November 1990.

Tragically, barely four years thence, a split in the ranks of its leadership turned MOSOP into a movement for the death of Ogoni people, with the gruesome murder by an irate mob, on May 21, 1994, of Albert Badey, Edward Kobani, Theophilus Orage and Samuel Orage, in Giokoo community, Gokana. More Ogoni blood subsequently flowed when the ruling military junta blamed Ken Saro-Wiwa, a social rights activist, and eight of his compatriots for the killings. Tried and convicted, Saro-Wiwa, Saturday Dobee, Nordu Eawo, Daniel Gbooko, Paul Levera, Felix Nuate, Baribor Bera, Barinem Kiobel, and John Kpuine, were executed on November 10, 1995, in Port Harcourt.

So, the Ogoni I visited in 1996 was a community under siege, occupied by the Nigerian military, with the people distraught, melancholic and forlorn. They walked about, their heads bowed in utter defeat and surrender.

That was until 2008, when at the behest of the Nigerian government, the United Nations Environment Programme, UNEP, conducted an independent assessment of the environment and public health impacts of oil contamination in Ogoniland. Over a 14-month period, with over 4,000 samples collected for analysis from more than 200 sites, 122 kilometres of pipeline rights of way surveyed, more than 5,000 medical records reviewed and engagement of over 23,000 people at local community meetings, UNEP’s independent scientific assessment finding was damning: Ogoniland had become a wasteland, which, unless immediate remediation steps were taken, may well become the world’s worst ecological disaster.

The report, which was first published in 2011 indicated that pollution from over 50 years of oil operations in Ogoniland had penetrated further and deeper than many had thought. But nothing was done until the Federal Ministry of Environment in a 2016 Gazette, established the Hydrocarbon Pollution Remediation Project, HYPREP, to undertake environmental restoration in Ogoni, building on the 2011 UNEP report. This environmental restoration is turning out to be one of the world’s most wide-ranging and long-term oil clean-up exercise given the fact that contaminated drinking water, land, creeks and important ecosystems such as mangroves are being systematically brought back to full, productive health.

With the dual mandate of remediating hydrocarbon impacted communities and restoring livelihoods in Ogoniland, HYPREP has done an incredible job. It is to the HYPREP restored Ogoni community that I returned to last week. And it was a soul-lifting experience. Contrasted with the 1996 experience, Ogoni is a land on the cusp of renaissance. The air was fresh, the vegetation was greener, the rivers had palpable aquatic life and the people no longer walked about with their heads bowed. They rather had a spring in their step.

And the reason is simple. As Prof Nenibarini Zabbey, the project coordinator, said: “HYPREP has achieved significant milestones,” working endlessly to address the devastation caused by oil spills, gas flaring and other pollutants in the area.

Besides, beyond the core value of remediation, HYPREP is adding electricity, healthcare delivery services and potable water facilities to spur economic activities. “What we are doing is a sustainable clean-up project and we are in conformity with the original mandate of UNEP while we are also adding values,” he said.

The projects are breathtaking. For instance, at one of its 39 medium risk sites for soil and groundwater remediation at Ajen-Okpori, Eleme, Israel Sigalo, the team lead, remediation execution, environmental remediation unit of HYPREP, explained the incredible remediation processes and techniques. So far, 48 lots have been completed and certified by the National Oil Spill Detection and Response Agency, NOSDRA, in the first and second phases of the project, while 39 medium risk lots are ongoing.

Yet, it was another experience at Goi and Kpor, Gokana, where two of the 34 lots for the ongoing shoreline cleanup, witnessed active remediation activities. Peter Lenu, technical adviser to the project coordinator on shoreline cleanup explained how low-pressure active flushing of the sediments was deployed in removing hydrocarbon residue.

In Bomu, the host community for the mangrove project, well over 1.5 million mangrove seedlings have already been planted in HYPREP’s effort to recover 560 hectares of lost mangrove areas. Four million seedlings will be planted in the first phase of the project while a total 10 million seedlings will be planted over the restoration period, which holds significant benefit for restoration of ecosystem goods and services, fish production, climate change mitigation and adaptation. A sight of the healthy mangrove seedlings sprouting on the tidal flats of Bomu, was, in itself, rejuvenating.

But going beyond its core mandate, HYPREP has embarked on massive water project with water schemes in Alesa, Ebubu, Korokoro, Barako, Terabor, Kpean, Bomu, Kporghor, already completed. In the healthcare, a specialist hospital, with an oncology department as special feature, is nearing completion in Kpite Tai, as well as Buan cottage hospital in Ken-Khana. Besides, primary health centres in Bori, Terabor, Nchia and Kpite, are being strengthened, while health outreaches benefitting over 10,000 Ogonis are carried out. Moreover, the Ogoni health impact study, as recommended by the UNEP report of 2011, will be conducted by the World Health Organisation, WHO, this first quarter.

But it is in the area of livelihoods where 5,000 Ogoni women and youths trained in 20 skill sets and graduated with starter packs that the most intangible impacts are being made. There has also been training for 200 farmers, aviation training for 30 youths, 60 SMEs entrepreneurs empowered with N300,000 each, 40 Nano businesses empowered with N100,000 each, education support of N250,000 paid to 200 final year students and award of N200 million scholarship to 300 Ogoni post-graduate students (200 Masters and 100 Doctoral). Specialised skills training is billed to commence in mechatronics, seafaring and creative arts.

The sheer scale of the project is mindboggling. But what is even more astounding is the fact that most of the young men and women executing these highly technical jobs are Ogoni people. And to ensure sustainability, HYPREP is also building the Centre of Excellence for Environmental Restoration, CEER, a project Prof Zabbey described as “a monumental step forward in the remediation of hydrocarbon pollution in Ogoni and beyond.”

And in compliance with Federal Government’s directive that HYPREP should contribute to national food security, Prof. Zabbey announced an expansion of the Centre’s original remediation-related laboratories to include biotechnology, which he explained, will enhance phytoremediation studies and crop improvement research to contribute to national food security and sovereignty.

“We have never had it so good,” crowed Gideon Nwielaghi, an indigene Khana. “I never believed I would witness the restoration of Ogoniland in my lifetime.” He is not alone as that seems to be the singsong in the hitherto despoiled Ogoniland as HYPREP carries out its restoration magic.

[Vanguard]

The House of Representatives on Thursday passed and adopted the proclamation of President Tinubu through a voice vote with 243 members in attendance.

The House also made recommendations to the proclamation.

The House recommended that a national committee should be set up to mitigate and restore peace back to Rivers State.

Secondly, the National Assembly should take over the activities of the state Assembly within six months.

Details soon...

Vanguard News

The recent declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has effectively stripped the state of its autonomy, placing governance directly under the control of the Federal Executive Council (FEC). While the official justification for this drastic measure is to restore stability, the political reality is far more revealing.

This is not just federal intervention—it is a well-executed takeover that has cemented the influence of former Governor Nyesom Wike, making him the de facto ruler of Rivers State.

A FEDERAL TAKEOVER IN THE NAME OF STABILITY

For months, Rivers State has been embroiled in a bitter power struggle between Governor Siminalayi Fubara and factions within the state legislature. The crisis escalated with the demolition of the House of Assembly building and the paralysis of governance. The Supreme Court even warned that a state cannot function without a properly constituted government, providing the perfect excuse for federal intervention.

President Tinubu, invoking Section 305 of the Constitution, suspended the executive and legislative arms of Rivers State and appointed Vice Admiral Ibokette Ibas (rtd.) as Sole Administrator. But this was no ordinary intervention. Ibas was not given the powers of a governor—he cannot enact laws, make executive decisions, or govern independently. Instead, he must refer all matters to the Federal Executive Council (FEC), where final decisions on Rivers State will now be made in Abuja.

THE MOST SYMBOLIC MOMENT: IBAS SWORN IN WITHOUT RIVERS REPRESENTATION

Perhaps the most telling moment of this entire process was the swearing-in of Ibas. Rather than taking place in Rivers State, as would be expected for a state administrator, the ceremony was held at the Presidents’s meeting room in Abuja.

Even more shockingly, the only Rivers indigene present was Nyesom Wike.

No other Rivers leader, elder, or stakeholder was invited. Not a single other Rivers man or woman witnessed the transition of power. The symbolism of this moment cannot be ignored. It was a clear message:
– Rivers State is no longer governed from Port Harcourt—it is now controlled from Abuja.
– ⁠The people of Rivers have lost their voice.
– ⁠And Wike is now the only person who speaks for them.

WIKE: THE DE FACTO GOVERNOR AND LEGISLATURE

With the governor and legislature suspended, decision-making for Rivers State now rests solely with the FEC. But in that council, only one person represents Rivers: Nyesom Wike.

This means:
– Every policy, budget, and governance decision concerning Rivers State will be discussed and approved in Abuja, where Wike is the sole voice speaking for the state.
– ⁠There is no elected governor to challenge him.
– ⁠There is no House of Assembly to provide checks and balances.
– ⁠There is no opposition within the state to counterbalance his influence.

Wike has now secured more power than he ever had as an elected governor. He does not need to campaign. He does not need to answer to the people of Rivers. He controls the state from Abuja with the full backing of the Presidency.

A CAREFULLY ORCHESTRATED CAPTURE

Wike’s re-emergence as the de facto ruler of Rivers State did not happen by accident. Since leaving office in 2023, he has remained at the center of Rivers politics, ensuring that his grip on power never loosened. His rift with Governor Fubara was not about governance—it was about control.

Now, with emergency rule in place, Wike no longer needs to fight for control of Rivers from within. Instead, he has positioned himself as the single voice representing Rivers at the highest level of government.

A DANGEROUS PRECEDENT

This move sets a dangerous precedent for Nigerian democracy:
1. Can the federal government now take over any state experiencing political instability?
2. ⁠If Rivers can be governed remotely from Abuja, what stops the same from happening to other states?
3. ⁠Does this mean that states can be stripped of their autonomy whenever it is politically convenient?

By placing Rivers governance in the hands of one man at the FEC, this intervention is not about stability—it is about consolidating power.

A STATE WITHOUT A VOICE

For the people of Rivers, the implications are dire. Their state is now governed by decisions made in Abuja, not by their elected officials. Their resources, policies, and future development are now subject to the interests of a federal minister who no longer holds an official mandate in the state.

Wike is now the sole gatekeeper of Rivers affairs. He decides what is discussed. He decides what is approved. And with the full support of the Presidency, he has achieved something unprecedented: total control without an election.

THE FINAL QUESTION: WHO SPEAKS FOR RIVERS NOW?

With the governor, deputy governor, and lawmakers all sidelined, and Wike sitting comfortably as the only voice at the FEC, Rivers State is now in the hands of one man. The people must ask themselves:
– Is this the governance they voted for?
– ⁠Can Rivers truly claim to be a federating unit when it has no local decision-making power?
– ⁠Has Rivers State officially become an extension of Abuja’s political power play?

If the people of Rivers remain silent, they risk becoming mere spectators in the administration of their own state. The final capture of Rivers has been completed—not through elections, not through democracy, but through a carefully designed federal maneuver that has placed power in the hands of a single man.

And that man is Nyesom Wike.

Suddenly, the crisis in the Nigerian senate has been replaced in the headlines by the state of emergency declared in Rivers state by President Bola Tinubu and the resurgence of bombings in the creeks. Senator Godswill Akpabio is perhaps the happiest politician in the country today because of the respite he has just received. I understand that the “Queen of the Senate” was already planning to give interviews to CNN; Al Jazeera and other cable networks to further ridicule the senate president. She has also been invited to make presentations at a few women’s events in Lagos and Abuja in the months ahead.

But she’s had to shelve her media plans in view of the national mood and the shift in attention to Rivers. However, she is going ahead with her intentions to write to Western embassies in Abuja to report Senator Akpabio and advise them to register the senate president as “a serial sex offender”. She’s a relentless fighter and she knows what she wants, one of her advisers told me.

Meantime, continued explosions in the creeks of the Niger Delta will disrupt crude oil production and exports, and this would set the economy tail spinning into chaos. The Nigerian economy has been experiencing its severest fiscal crisis in a generation and further commotions could trigger a recession – a nightmare scenario that is better imagined than experienced.

Although his backers are quick to ascribe supernatural political powers to the president, he is clearly out of depth in his handling of the Rivers crisis. He has allowed a combination of bad politics, greed and the politics of 2027 to cloud his sense of judgement. Nyesom Wike was able to procure a bogus election result in favour of APC in the 2023 presidential election and that helped propel Tinubu into office, while Wike became his premier political ally. With another election coming in two years, there have been mounting revolts against the president from important political blocs in the north – a region that gave him the invaluable support he badly needed. The north claims that his draconian economic policies have worsened poverty in the region and his nepotism has denied the region the patronage it’s used to.

Desperate for a second term, the president has turned to the eight southern states where his party is not in power for succour – four in south-south; three in south-east and one in south-west. He wants to railroad them into supporting him. Akwa Ibom governor, Umo Eno, is under severe pressure to decamp to APC, while the governors of Bayelsa and Delta have been told to pledge their unalloyed support for Tinubu.

The suspension of Governor Sim Fubara and the Rivers house of assembly through the emergency rule last night is deemed illegal by various constitutional lawyers, scholars and commentators, but it is an option preferred by the president’s strategists as the easiest way to capture the state.

Dismantling the political structures in a state and imposing a military officer on the people is tantamount to a coup and Nigerians are expectedly aghast. Tinubu has imperiled this democracy and we have to stand up to him and resist this dictatorship.

David Augustine, a Nigerian journalist who is studying for a PhD in the UK, said: “Tinubu has been pretending to be a progressive politician; a patriot and fighter for the causes of democracy. He has been pretending to be intelligent and pragmatic. But the veil has been lifted. He has unravelled as a scheming, slimy dictator; an economic nitwit and a colossal, corrupt and nepotistic politician entirely fixated on feathering his political and economic nests at the expense of the people and the nation’s wellbeing. He is unwittingly throwing the country to the pre-Yar’adua era of pipeline sabotage and the attendant near-crippling economic stagnation – a situation deftly managed with diplomacy, responsibility, and clear-eyed sensitivity.

“It took the humility of President Yar’adua and his enormous personal integrity and trust capital to navigate the country through that era. Tinubu does not have the humility, the tact, the integrity, and the character to get the country out of a similar bind. Every step he takes now would be seen as the politics of 2027. Thus, the national consensus that helped to douse the tension just before the amnesty programme would be lacking.

“The president lacks the sensitivity to act with time. He is too steeped in politics to transform into a national leader and statesman. If care is not taken, his end would be catastrophic for the entire country. We pray we don’t get to that point. His misadventure in Rivers state must be keenly watched for its likely effect on the nation.”

When this crisis is finally over and the dust has settled (hopefully the roof won’t collapse on all of us), there will be enough admonitions for the key actors. For Nyesom Wike, your greed is your major undoing; for Tinubu, you cannot pretend for too long because you are neither Awolowo nor Ghandi and for Akpabio, ‘’the queen’’ is not yet done; choose your friends more carefully; set and respect boundaries for your enemies are closer than you think.