Recently, the CEO of Air Peace, Allen Onyema, got on the wrong side of the internet when he said anyone earning N200,000 monthly in Nigeria is better off than someone earning £2,000 in the United Kingdom. According to him in a TV interview, the Nigerian with a mere N200,000 can afford a maid, a driver, and other domestic staff while the person who earns £2,000 in the UK can barely get by. His superficial comparison somehow reminds me of Nigerians who conclude they live a better life after comparing the cost of Coca-Cola in their country to the US/UK.

Now, thanks to the internet, Onyema has received more than enough riposte to warrant him thinking hard and long (if he cares to anyway) about the degree to which he is out of touch with the Nigerian reality. If he believes that a person earning N200,000 in a country with a bag of rice around N80,000 can hire at least three others, it also tells you how poorly he thinks wage workers should earn. Yes, he is a private individual with the right to his opinion, but he also hires people and that is why his opinion on wages matters.

But what I find interesting about his comparison between England and Nigeria and the subsequent pushback from the inhabitants of social media is that it leaves off the important question of how much Nigerians should earn. What amount would be sufficient for an average household in Nigeria to live? Without an empirical determination of what people should be paid to live, the best we can do is to resort to facile comparisons about what a sum of money can buy under regimes of their respective currencies without factoring other intangibles being bought along. The way Nigerians—particularly the ones who cannot get over other people’s “japa” decisions—talk about how hard life can be abroad because people there pay bills, bills, and more bills makes you wonder if they are even aware of the extent to which their own supposedly “bill-less” society relatively over-taxes them. Nigerians probably pay far more—at least relative to their income—in social services than their foreign counterparts.

While a society like the UK might pay people a sum as low as £2000 (in Onyema’s estimation by the way), hardly anyone is left to live on just their income. Their public infrastructure and social security are so relatively excellent that even though one might not have enough cash to stack up in the bank, one is unlikely to be shouting “ebi ń pa wá!” on the streets either. In a place like the United States, a person with that low an income will qualify for public health insurance, food stamps, and possibly even rent assistance. So while they might be considered “poor” by their society’s (and Onyema’s) standards, their poverty is not as stark as that of a society with no such provisions.

The question of what a Nigerian household should earn to live is complicated by differing ideas of what constitutes a standard household in Nigeria and what it even means to “live.” In a culture where there is a high percentage of polygamous marriages and our family structures are largely communal, it is hard to benchmark a standard household. For one, “household” here is unlikely to be a nuclear family arrangement. Then, what it means to live varies because of the increasing privatisation of our entire lives. Those who live in societies where they earn a measly £2,000 monthly do not generate their own electricity and water, provide their own security, send their kids to third-rate private schools, or even be called to donate money towards ransoming an abducted relative. If they do not hire a driver, maid, and maybe even a gateman on their salaries, it is not simply because their incomes are too poor. It is because, despite their mere £2000, their system allows them to own a car (or at least have access to an efficient public transport system); they have home appliances that eliminate the need for a maid; and their mode of securing society does not involve high fences and metal gates manned by a “gateman.”

There are practical implications to not knowing what is a just and fair income and thereby making silly comparisons. One of my observations when hiring workers in Nigeria is that most lack an idea of proper calibration of their wages. Because they have not developed a statistical sense of value for what they do, they place the moral burden on you who is hiring them by telling you to pay what you consider fair. Value for their labour is thus negotiated, and contingent on moral considerations and sentiments rather than a standardised measure. Recently, I spoke with someone who pointed out how “corruption” was distributed through every aspect of our society. His example was an instance of price gouging by “pure water” vendors, but what came through in his complaints was the problem of not calibrating value. That is why even the modest attempts of a low-income vendor to make a living looked to him like a rip-off.

In 2019, I talked with some friends regarding the standard of living. There are a family of six (two parents, three children, and a relative). During our conversation, I argued that, for a household like theirs to live a relatively comfortable life, they should earn nothing less than N500,000 monthly. Husband and wife, both school teachers (in a public and private school), understandably laughed. They agreed their lives would considerably improve with a higher income, but who would ever pay teachers that amount? Of course, the question of who can pay such an amount as average income in the country is pertinent. Nigeria simply does not have enough economic activities for any employer, public or private, to pay people enough for them to live well. The minimum wage proposals the Nigeria Labour Congress has bandied about ranged from N500,000 to N1m, and people think the union leaders are being ridiculous. At the bottom of those figures being thrown up is the unsettled issue of how much people should earn in order to live and how to standardise it.

Meanwhile, about five years after I spoke to that couple, their income barely increased but the cost of living leaped up by many miles. Nigeria is no longer where it was in 2019; most people are barely coping. When people seeking to justify the Nigerian dysfunction mention the high costs of living in Western societies that drain their poor £2,000 salaries, I also remind them that as hard as things might be over there, they do not spend 80 to 120 per cent of their income just buying food. Nigerians earn so little that people even take loans to buy food. Not luxurious feasts, just enough food to survive. That does not make any sense.

Through the experiences of this couple and several others I would argue that to the matter of what Nigerians need to earn in order to live should be appended the question of how frequently those kinds of figures need to be updated. The Nigerian costs of living change so frequently that the income that hired three domestic wage workers years ago can barely sustain a four-person family now. Whereas the hypothetical person earning the £2,000 pittance can still do most of the things they were doing years ago. Their reality is not upended as quickly as that of Nigerians.

That is why, instead of wasting time and absolving responsibility by talking about what the person living abroad and ensconced within a system with tight social security and welfare benefits ultimately lacks, we should focus on fellow Nigerians and define what it would mean for them to really live.

Some communities in Abuja, Lagos and Nasarawa are currently experiencing power outages due to technical glitches.

The Ikeja Electricity Distribution Company on Tuesday said the service disruption was due to significant load restrictions across many of its transmission load centres.

According to the power distribution firm, the transmission stations affected include Oworo, Maryland, Itire, Isolo, Ogba, Alausa, Ejigbo, Alimosho and others.

“The current service disruption you are encountering is a result of significant load restrictions across many of our transmission load centres, particularly impacting:

“Oworo TS, Maryland TS, Itire TS, Isolo TS, Ogba TS, Alausa TS, Ejigbo TS, Alimosho TS, Ilupeju TS, Ayobo TS.

“We apologise for any inconvenience caused. We are actively collaborating with relevant stakeholders to restore normal operations,” the Ikeja DisCo said.

In the same vein, the Abuja Electricity Distribution Company informed its customers in Nasarawa that they were in darkness after windstorms brought down transmission lines.

Also, some areas in the FCT were said to be in darkness due to a technical fault.

“This is to notify residents in Nasarawa State: Uke, Gidan Zakara, Gora, Auta-Baleifi, Tukur Farm, CS Farm, Masaka, Keffi GRA, Luvu, Dunamis Community 1&2, Dadin Kowa, Keffi and its environs that the power outage currently being experienced is due to damage to the lines serving these areas, caused by strong winds.

[Punch]

Air Peace, Nigeria’s flag carrier, has announced an increase in capacity on its Lagos-London flights.

The airline made the announcement on its X page on Wednesday.

On March 30, Air Peace commenced its Lagos-London flight services.

During an interview on Arise TV on April 2, Allen Onyema, chief executive officer of Air Peace,  said the airline sold out tickets for the Lagos-London flights until September.

“Due to overwhelming demand and interest in our London route, we have decided to increase the capacity on the route,” Air Peace said.

“This means that more seats are now available.

“Air Peace would like to thank the Nigerian population, both in Nigeria and in the United Kingdom, for their support.

“We do not take it for granted, and we will be doing our best to continue to make the whole country proud.”

Meanwhile, on April 2, Onyema said the airline faced internal and external obstacles before it could commence Lagos-London flight operation, adding that it took the airline seven years to be able to commence operations.

He also said the country is being fleeced by all the airlines “going to London from this place”. 

Onyema said people were paying five times more than they should have been paying for flights.

[TheCable]

The Ondo State Attorney-General and Commissioner for Justice, Kayode Ajulo, has disclosed that he does not plan on paying his 273 aides from the coffers of the state government.

He explained that the designations are mainly honorary, adding that this means the lawyers do not have any right to receive financial remuneration or employment advantages from the Ondo State government.

He described the reaction that trailed the appointment as an “unfortunate misconception of issues.

Ajulo said that the aides will be classified as honorary and technical advisers, maintaining that they are comprised of professional and junior legal practitioners.

He noted that the aides would work closely with him to enhance what he described as ethical legal services to the state.

“Most of these designations are purely honorary, indicating that the lawyers do not have any right to receive financial remuneration or employment advantages from the Ondo State government.

A former national chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Uche Secondus, has lambasted the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Nyesom Wike, for describing him and a former Minister of Transportation, Abiye Sekibo, as “expired politicians” over their support for Rivers State governor, Siminalayi Fubara.

Recall that last week, Secondus, Sekibo, who was director-general of the party’s presidential campaign council in Rivers State; Senator Lee Maeba, Celestine Omehia, and Austin Opara, an ex-lawmaker, openly declared their support for Fubara and urged President Bola Tinubu to caution Wike.

But, Secondus in a statement by his media aide, Ike Abonyi, described Wike as “a showman noted for his double-speak, twisting of facts to score some cheap political points, and someone who stands the truth on its head.”

He further described the FCT Minister’s utterances during his media chat with select journalists as “appalling and rather unfortunate, more so he characterised our revered political leaders of Rivers State, casting them in a bad light by referring to them as transitional politicians, political vampires, and political buccaneers.”

[Leadership]

A former lawmaker, Shehu Sani has aired his opinion on the recent announcements made by the Federal Government on the increase of electricity tariffs.

DAILY POST reports that the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission, NERC, on Wednesday gave the go-ahead to raise the electricity rates for customers in the Band A category.

During a press briefing in Abuja on Wednesday, the Vice Chairman of NERC, Musliu Oseni, announced that there will be a rise in electricity tariffs.

This adjustment will result in customers paying N225 per kilowatt-hour, up from the current rate of N66.

Sani, a former lawmaker, who represented Kaduna central district in the 8th assembly, said the increase would further reduce the living standard of Nigerians and kill businesses.

“Increasing electricity tariffs by 300% will finally electrocute human lives and businesses in the country,” he wrote on X.

[DailyPost]

Turkish club Trabzonspor have been ordered to play six home matches behind closed doors after violent scenes marred a league game with rivals Fenerbahce last month, the country’s football federation (TFF) said Wednesday.

President Bola Tinubu, on Wednesday, signed the Student Loans (Access to Higher Education) Act (Repeal and Re-Enactment) Bill, 2024, into law.

This development follows individual reviews by both the Senate and the House of Representatives of the report from the Committee on Tertiary Institutions and TETFund.

What is the student loan bill in Nigeria?

The Bill sponsored by Senator representing Ekiti Central Senatorial District of Ekiti State, Bamidele Opeyemi aims to improve the execution of the Higher Education Student Loan Scheme in Nigeria by tackling issues related to the management structure of the Nigerian Education Loan Fund, applicant eligibility criteria, loan purposes, funding sources, and procedures for disbursement and repayment.

How does the student loan works in Nigeria?

Under this Bill, the Nigerian Education Loan Fund (NELFUND) would be established as a legal entity with the authority to litigate and be litigated in its own name, and it would possess the power to acquire, hold, and dispose of both movable and immovable property to fulfill its functions.

In essence, the Bill enables the Fund to offer loans to eligible Nigerians for their tuition, fees, charges, and living expenses while studying in approved tertiary institutions and vocational training centers in Nigeria.

In contrast to the previous 2023 Act, which placed the Fund’s administration under a Special Committee chaired by the Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, this Bill proposes changes in the management structure.

What are the terms and conditions for student loan in Nigeria?

Furthermore, the Bill eliminates the income-based eligibility criterion set by the existing law, which required an annual income of less than N500,000 for applicants or their families.

The Bill also broadens the scope of eligibility, allowing students from federally or state-established tertiary institutions and government-approved vocational institutions to apply, with specific criteria to be determined by the Fund.

Additionally, unlike the 2023 Act, which limited loan applications solely to tuition fees, the new Bill permits applicants to request loans to cover various institutional charges and maintenance allowances.

Vanguard News

Nigerian crude maintained its premium status as investors and sold higher than the FG budget benchmark on oil as oil traders eyed concerns around crude and fuel supplies, following Ukrainian attacks on Russian refineries and the potential for a widening of the Israel-Hamas war to more directly including Iran.

Nigeria Brass River and Qua Iboe traded close to $92 a barrel while Brent Crude at the time of writing traded at $89 per barrel. Nigeria Bonny Light also traded at $91.37 a barrel late Tuesday.

Nigeria recorded extra revenue of $13.71 per barrel at the current price of $91.67 per barrel, while the country’s 2024 budget was based on $77.96 per barrel and 1.78 million barrels per day.

Although efforts to combat oil theft have intensified, Africa’s largest economy needs to be able to fulfil its budgetary targets of 1.78 million barrels per day.

Additionally, with numerous refineries set to come online this year, worries regarding the supply of feedstock for the refineries have grown over the past month.

What you should know

After a drone strike by Ukraine on a second Russian refinery raised the possibility of shutting down even more of the nation’s processing capacity and reducing the production of gasoline and diesel fuel, prices shot up. Russia is one of the biggest and one of the top three producers of oil in the world.

• Investors are also worried that, having sworn payback, Iran’s retaliation against Israel for an attack on Monday that claimed the lives of high-ranking military officers may cause supply interruptions in the vital Middle East-producing region.
• Iran is the third-largest producer in the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), supporting the Hamas militia in Gaza against Israel.
• Concerns over supplies were increased by the fact that according to an internal memo seen by Reuters, Mexico’s state energy corporation Pemex asked its trading section to halt up to 436,000 barrels of crude exports per day this month as it prepared to process domestic oil at the new Dos Bocas refinery.

More Insights

The United States is the largest oil consumer in the world, and early signs point to a decline in oil stockpiles there as well.

• On Tuesday, traders reported that data from the American Petroleum Institute showed that last week’s crude inventories had dropped by 2.3 million barrels.
• Nigerian oil, however, confronts fierce competition from American suppliers even though it sells at a premium who have pushed their way into the market previously controlled by Nigeria and other Organization of the Pezzxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxtroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC).
• In addition, US oil production is rising while OPEC and Russia have declined.

This change is most noticeable in India, a significant consumer of Nigerian crude oil, where Indian refiners are refusing to accept cargoes from tankers owned by the sanctioned Russian company Sovcomflot PJSC, leading to a move away from sanctioned Russian oil and toward US crude.

[Nairametrics]

Rwanda on Sunday begins sombre commemorations for the 30th anniversary of the 1994 genocide, a mass slaughter orchestrated by Hutu extremists against the Tutsi minority over 100 bloody days.

More than 800,000 men, women and children, mainly ethnic Tutsis but also moderate Hutus, were killed in the murderous onslaught that saw families and friends turn against each other in one of the darkest episodes of the late 20th century.

Three decades on, the tiny landlocked nation has rebuilt under the iron-fisted rule of President Paul Kagame, but the traumatic legacy of the genocide lingers, reverberating across the region.

In keeping with tradition, April 7 – the day Hutu extremists and militias unleashed their horrific killing spree in 1994 – will be marked by Kagame lighting a remembrance flame at the Kigali Genocide Memorial, where more than 250,000 victims are believed to be buried.

Kagame, whose Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) rebel army helped to stop the massacres, will deliver a speech and place wreaths on the mass graves, with some foreign dignitaries in attendance for what has been dubbed “Kwibuka (Remembrance) 30”.

‘Never again’
Sunday’s events mark the start of a week of national mourning, with Rwanda effectively coming to a standstill and national flags flown at half-mast.

During those days, music will not be allowed in public places or on the radio, while sports events and movies are banned from TV broadcasts unless connected to the commemorations.

The United Nations and the African Union among others will also hold remembrance ceremonies.

“This year, we remind ourselves of genocide’s rancid root: hate,” UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres said in a message marking the anniversary.

“To those who would seek to divide us, we must deliver a clear, unequivocal and urgent message: never again.”

The international community was heavily criticised for failing to protect civilians, with the UN sharply reducing its peacekeeping force shortly after the outbreak of the violence.

Shot, beaten or hacked to death
The assassination of Hutu President Juvenal Habyarimana on the night of April 6 when his plane was shot down over Kigali triggered the rampage by Hutu extremists and the “Interahamwe” militia.

Their victims were shot, beaten or hacked to death in killings fuelled by vicious anti-Tutsi propaganda broadcast on TV and radio. An estimated 100,000 to 250,000 women were raped, according to UN figures.

Hundreds of thousands of people, mainly ethnic Hutu fearing reprisal attacks, fled in the aftermath of the genocide to neighbouring countries including the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).

Mass graves are still being found in Rwanda to this day.

In 2002, Rwanda set up community tribunals where victims could hear “confessions” from those who had persecuted them.

A staggering 1.2 million cases were heard over 10 years, although rights watchdogs said the system also resulted in miscarriages of justice, with some complainants using it to settle scores.

Today, Rwandan ID cards make no mention of whether a person is Hutu or Tutsi.

Secondary school students learn about the genocide as part of a tightly controlled curriculum.

‘Scars of the past’
Around two-thirds of Rwanda’s population was born after the genocide. Many are eager to help rewrite their nation’s painful history and craft a new narrative.

“Ever since I was little, Rwanda’s story has been one of rebuilding,” project manager Roxanne Mudenge, 27, told AFP.

“The scars of the past are still there, but there’s a different energy now, a sense of possibility.”

According to the Rwandan authorities, hundreds of genocide suspects remain at large, including in neighbouring nations such as the DRC and Uganda.

So far, only 28 have been extradited to Rwanda globally.

France, one of the top destinations for Rwandans fleeing justice at home, has tried and convicted half a dozen people over their involvement in the killings.

At the time, the French government had been a long-standing backer of Habyarimana’s regime, leading to decades of tensions between the two countries.

In 2021 President Emmanuel Macron acknowledged France’s role in the genocide and its refusal to heed warnings of looming massacres, prompting Kagame to applaud the French leader for taking “a big step”.

Although Macron stopped short of an apology and denied complicity in the bloodshed, Kagame said the rapprochement could pave the way for “a better” relationship between the two nations.

Ties between Kigali and Kinshasa have been characterised by even deeper acrimony, with the RPF accused of killing tens of thousands of civilians during its pursuit of genocide perpetrators in the Congo.

Kagame’s government has been accused of arming Tutsi-led M23 rebels in eastern DRC. Kigali has denied the allegations but says Tutsis in its larger neighbour are victims of persecution.

[DailyTrust]