The Presidency has apologised for the errors in the list of appointments released to counter the narrative about President Bola Tinubu’s alleged lopsided appointments.

The President’s appointments have been a topic of conversation lately as opposition politicians accuse him of favouring his tribesmen and women over Nigerians from other ethnic groups.

In a recent interview with Arise Television, Senator Ali Ndume, an APC lawmaker representing Borno South, accused the President of violating the federal character principle in his appointments.

Ndume said he decided to call the President’s attention to his ‘lopsided appointment’ because, as a lawmaker, he has the right to criticize the President even though they belong to the same party.

To counter the allegation, the Presidency released a list of President Tinubu’s appointees and their geo-political zones. 

The list showed that the President had appointed 29 people from the South West, his home region, 35 from the North West, 22 from the South-South, 16 from the South East, 25 from North Central and 24 from the North East.

However, the President’s critics have pointed out that the list was not comprehensive, as the name of a major appointee from the President’s home region was missing. 

The omission of the President’s Chief of Staff, Femi Gbajabiamila, from the list further strengthened the regional imbalance narrative against President Tinubu’s administration, as the list clearly showed that the South East is highly underrepresented in his government.

As the document sparked debate on social media, Sunday Dare, the Special Adviser, Media & Public Communication/Spokesperson to the President, has tendered an apology for the errors in the list.

“We have noticed a number of errors in the list of appointments tweeted. We are sorry. We will provide an updated list later. Thank you,” Dare appealed to Nigerians on X.

However, Dare did not explain why Gbajabiamila’s name was omitted from the list. 

Vanguard News

The question that continues to agitate many minds in Nigeria today is: Will Siminalayi Fubara return as the governor of Rivers State after serving out the six-month suspension imperiously slammed on him by President Bola Tinubu on Tuesday, March 18?

I have a hunch he won’t be reinstated by those who contemptuously and unconstitutionally shoved him off his high perch, unless Nigerians show proof that they will no longer tolerate the impunity of the Tinubu presidency as South Koreans did recently.

On June 3, South Korea will hold a snap presidential election to choose President Yoon Suk Yeol’s successor after the conservative leader was ousted over his imposition of martial law in December 2024. The announcement from acting President Han Duck-soo came four days after the country’s Constitutional Court – equivalent of Nigeria’s Supreme Court – unanimously removed Yoon from office.

Just like Tinubu’s narrow victory in the 2023 presidential election, the former president narrowly defeated Lee Jae-myung of the Democratic Party by less than a percentage point on March 9, 2022 and assumed office in May. Going by the country’s presidential term, which has been set at five years since 1988, he should be leaving office on May 10, 2027.

But like Tinubu did in Rivers State, the 64-year-old Yoon made an unprecedented power grab on December 3, 2024 when he declared martial law in South Korea, sending hundreds of soldiers and police officers to the National Assembly on the excuse that he sought to maintain order, a move which shocked all.

But hearkening to the admonition of John Philpot Curran, an Irish lawyer, who famously stated that “the condition upon which God hath given liberty to man is eternal vigilance” in a July 10, 1790 speech in Dublin, South Korean lawmakers, acutely aware that their president had just carried out a “coup” by taking actions “beyond the powers provided in the constitution,” indignantly stepped up to the legislative plate and the state of emergency and concomitant martial law only lasted about six hours. The parliament voted to block the decree.

Not even President Yoon’s excuse that martial law was needed to defend the country from nuclear-armed North Korea and protect free constitutional order could sway the piqued lawmakers, who voted to impeach him on December 14, 2024. In January, he was arrested and indicted by prosecutors for rebellion.

The hunter, having become the hunted, the disgraced president went to court to quash his impeachment. On Friday, April 4, South Korea’s apex court confirmed his dismissal and upheld his impeachment on the ground that he “violated his duty as Commander-in-Chief by mobilising troops” when he declared martial law.

Calling the former president’s action “a serious challenge to democracy,” Acting Chief Justice Moon Hyung-bae said, “(Yoon) committed a grave betrayal of the people’s trust.” Human Rights Watch concurred, calling the ruling a win for the country’s resilience, quest for human rights and democratic values.

In a message to South Koreans through his lawyers shortly after the ruling, a humbled Yoon apologised: “I am so sorry and regretful that I wasn’t able to live up to your expectations.”

Now, President Yoon failed in his gambit because the critical institutions of the Korean State – legislature and judiciary – held him to account.

Contrast that with Tinubu’s impunity. On Tuesday, March 18, 2025, he exercised powers he does not have by imposing a state of emergency in Rivers State and suspending Governor Fubara, his deputy, Ngozi Odu, and all elected members of the House of Assembly for “an initial period of six months.” The implication is that if after the “initial period of six months,” Tinubu is not convinced that his ultimate goal has been achieved, he may well extend the suspension.

Tinubu said the decision was taken to restore stability in the state that has been witnessing political turmoil as a result of the disagreement between the governor and the lawmakers. But he was being economical with the truth, which is: Fubara’s disagreement is with his predecessor, Nyesom Wike, Minister of the Federal Capital Territory and Tinubu’s ally, and not with the lawmakers who are only pawns on the Rivers political chessboard.

Having successfully executed a coup d’état in the oil-rich state by the sudden and unlawful seizure of power from a democratically elected government with the apparent acquiescence of both the National Assembly and Supreme Court, Tinubu went ahead to unconstitutionally appoint former Chief of Naval Staff, Vice Admiral Ibok-Ette Ibas (retd.) as the sole administrator and sent hundreds of soldiers and police officers out on the streets of Port Harcourt. On Wednesday, March 19, Tinubu stretched the illegality when he swore in Ibas at Aso Rock cheered by his Attorney General and Minister of Justice, Prince Lateef Fagbemi.

Although the president claims that his action was informed by the security situation in Rivers and the need to forestall a total breakdown of law and order, no one knows what mandate he gave Ibas. Meanwhile, to consolidate power, the sole administrator appointed a serving Naval Officer, Commodore Aminu Shehu, as his Chief of Staff.

Since then, he has been systemically and diligently dismantling all the institutions of governance in Rivers. Having been given all the money accruing to the state government contrary to Supreme Court order, the sole administrator proposed a fresh budget. Last week, he suspended all heads of MDAs and dissolved their boards with immediate effect. He also cancelled all pending procurement and tender processes. Then, on April 9, he announced the reconstitution of some of the boards, populating them with Wike’s loyalists.

It is laughable that the same Ibas who claimed the cancellation of all pending procurements became necessary following the Supreme Court judgment and the absence of an appropriation law, and even went as far as directing all MDAs that carried out such tender processes for projects to immediately refund such fees to the contractors, has been spending the billions of naira Tinubu is throwing on his laps without appropriation.

He has also appointed sole administrators to take charge of the 23 local government areas and reconstituted the Rivers State Independent Electoral Commission (RISIEC) with Dr. Michael Odey as Chairman. These appointments were announced barely 24 hours after a Federal High Court sitting in Port Harcourt restrained him from doing so.

Truth be told, right now, there is no transparency in the handling of Rivers State resources. What is happening is tantamount to stealing the people’s patrimony. Meanwhile, as Tinubu disingenuously blames Fubara for all the crisis, quarantining him in Port Harcourt, Wike, the real villain is having a ball. This week, he hosted the suspended lawmakers to a lavish dinner in the United Kingdom.

So, as the days roll by and the sole administrator continues to consolidate power on behalf of those who sent him on the unsavory mission, the question that is concentrating many minds is: what happens after six months?

I am amused that some Nigerians are actually surprised at the sole administrator’s conduct. The truth is that he is never, as envisioned by the Dalai Lama, “a force for good” whose actions are inspired by a genuine concern for others. The idea of a sole administrator became tempting for Tinubu and Wike when the first option which was to use the House of Assembly to impeach both Fubara and his deputy failed. And it failed because the Rivers State Chief Judge, Justice Simeon Chibuzor Amadi, whose responsibility it is, as outlined in Section 188 of the 1999 Constitution, to appoint a seven-member panel to investigate the allegations against the governor refused to be arm-twisted. Had Justice Amadi acquiesced to the bullying, there wouldn’t have been need for a state of emergency. Fubara would have been sacked constitutionally.

And to justify the declaration, pipelines had to go up in flames with Fubara, who does not even control the police officers posted to Rivers Government House, as the fall guy. President Tinubu is the country’s chief security officer and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces. Security of lives and property is the exclusive remit of his office. So, why punish Fubara for a dereliction of duty that falls within the presidential purview? In any case, is it not possible that those behind the two alleged attacks on oil pipelines prior to the declaration of the state of emergency were the same forces who declared the emergency? Why has there been no investigations since the explosions served their purpose?

So, those who appointed Vice Admiral Ibas sole administrator of Rivers neither meant well for this much-abused country nor the survival of its constitutional democracy. His appointment, as has been globally acclaimed is illegal. Is it therefore any surprise that his actions, particularly the appointments he is making are patently illegal?

As Mr. Mohammed Abeny, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), rightly noted when the news of the appointment of sole administrators for the 23 local governments broke on Wednesday, “Apart from the subsisting court order which he has wilfully and recklessly flouted, Vice Admiral Ibas has also disobeyed the apex court’s various judgments declaring the appointment of administrators to run local governments as illegal and unconstitutional.”

A full panel of the Supreme Court, delivering a landmark judgment on July 11, 2024, in a suit which was ironically filed by this same Tinubu administration, unanimously affirmed the financial autonomy of Nigeria’s 774 local government councils and frowned against the use of unelected officials to govern at the third tier of government. And when Edo State Governor Monday Okpebholo suspended elected chairmen, Fagbemi called him out. But the same Attorney-General has kept mute in the face of Tinubu’s illegalities.

Going forward, I foresee the sole administrator hurriedly conducting local government elections that will be “won” by Wike’s surrogates. The idea is to hand back the grassroots to the former governor preparatory to the 2027 elections.

Does Fubara have a blame in all this? I believe he does but for a different reason altogether. I blame him for given up without a fight. As the saying goes, in a lawless society, it is criminal to be law abiding. Granted, he is a reluctant governor, but having been railroaded into the position, it was criminal of him not to have asserted himself when Tinubu came calling. If the suspension was illegal, then why obey it? Tinubu, as a governor, wouldn’t have obeyed any president’s illegality.

It would have been obvious to Fubara that he was the sole target. The inclusion of the 27 lawmakers was just a smokescreen. And anyone who believes that after six months, Tinubu will recall Fubara must be living in a fool’s paradise. That is definitely not Tinubu’s plan and it won’t happen unless he sees fire in the eyes of the people. If the idea was for Fubara to come back after six months, then there would have been no need for the state of emergency in the first place. If at all he comes back, it will only be because the impeachment plot has been firmed up with cast-iron guarantees and a Chief Judge that will deliver just as the sole administrator is delivering.

Nigerians must brace up for the battles ahead. It is not about Fubara but our collective freedoms that Tinubu and his enablers have sworn to take away. The Rivers State governor is only but a metaphor. If he goes down as Tinubu and Wike have plotted, then we are all dead men walking. The state capture project must have been completed, with our patrimony to boot. In South Korea, the institutions of state did the job on behalf of the people. In Nigeria, those same institutions – National Assembly and Judiciary – are criminally compromised. As it is, the only thing that can bring Fubara back to power and restore our collective dignity is the people’s righteous anger.

The first head of government that declared a state of emergency in Nigeria was the then Prime Minister, Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa (December 1912-15 January 1966) and that was in May 1962. I was a student then at Olofin Anglican Grammar School in Idanre in Ondo state, along with Folu Olamiti, Prince Wale Olateru-Olagbegi, Olu Adegboro, Feyi Famutimi (75) and others.

He declared the state of emergency on Wester Region which now comprises of South-West and parts of South-South.

The crisis was an internal affairs in the then region which later consumed the whole country.

The crisis of the Action Group reared its ugly head at the party’s annual convention held in Jos, Plateau in January 1962 like a joke. It was at the convention that the General Secretary of the party, Chief Ayotunde Rosiji (1917-2000) resigned and Mr. Samuel Goomsu Ikoku (1912-1997) took over as the Chief Scribe of the party. Chief Anthony Eromosele Enahoro (1923-2010) became the deputy leader of the party. Mr. Ikoku had earlier defeated his father, Dr. Alvan Ikoku by 59 votes in the Eastern Nigeria House of Assembly election.

The 8th convention of the party was held in African Sports Club in Jos with Chief Ajibola Idowu Ige,SAN (1930-2001) elected publicity Secretary of the party and with Professor Samuel Adepoju Aluko (1929-2012), Prof. Hezekiah Adedunmola Oluwafemi Oluwasanmi (1919-1983), Prof. Victor Adenuga Oyenuga (1917-2010),Chief Arthur Edward Prest (1906-1976), Prof. H.E. Ajose, Dr. Sanya Dojo Onabamiro (1913-1985) and Prof. Akinlawon Ladipo Mabogunje (18 October 1931 – 4 August 2022), in attendance.

At the convention, the then leader of the party, Chief Obafemi Awolowo (1909-1987) was on one side, while the Premier of the Western Region at the time, Chief Samuel Ladoke Akintola (1912-1966) was on another side. The crisis snowballed into a major national crisis, the consequences of which we still face today.

Before the declaration of State of emergency, Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa had issued a press statement on May 22, 1962. In the statement, he declared “the two factions in the Action Group have contacted the Prime Minister regarding the holding of another meeting of the Western Nigeria house of assembly today. The Prime Minister cannot stop the meeting from taking place, but because of the fight which has broken out in the house this morning, if the parties decide to hold a meeting of the house of assembly they may do so. It may be on the strict understanding that there will be no police protection within the chamber. If, however, any party insists on being afforded police protection within the chamber the police may be so present, but the federal government will not accept ant decision reached as a result of such proceedings in the chamber. If in spite of all efforts of the police there should be an outbreak of violence or any disorder, the police have authority to clear the chamber and lock up”.

Despite this clarification, no solution was found to the Western region crisis, in fact the situation became more tensed. However, the logistical problems of the army, which was transferring most of its battalion between the Congo and home depots, a token number of troops and armoured vehicles went to Ibadan to back up the police if necessary. The GOC of the army (General Welby-Everard) caused an administrative sensation by moving his tactical headquarters to Ibadan and setting up a joint ‘pol-mil’ HQ with the Inspector General of Police Sir Kerr Bovell (1913-1973). It was unprecedented. Some AG members asked Chief Anthony Enahoro to go abroad to tell the world of a threat to democracy.

On May 29, 1962, then Prime Minister, the Right Honourable Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa (1912-1966) summoned an emergency meeting of the Federal House of Representatives which was then the Federal Parliament in Lagos during which he moved a motion on the Action Group crisis. The full motion is hereby reproduced and the reply of the then opposition leader, Chief Obafemi Awolowo. The motion reads thus:” I rise to move the Resolution standing in my name which reads as follows: “That in pursuance of section sixty-five of the constitution of the Federation, It is hereby declared that a state of public emergency exists in Western Region and that this resolution shall remain in force until the end of the month of December, nineteen hundred and sixty-two.

“Members know the reasons why Parliament has reassembled to-day. For the past week or so there has been no properly constituted Government in Western Nigeria. I would like to recapitulate briefly the events which have led to this impasse and in doing so I would like to emphasise that the Federal Government had been motivated solely by the desire to ensure that peace, order and tranquility are maintained throughout parts of the Federation.

“ A political crisis developed within the Action Group which was the party in control of the Government of Western Nigeria. Following the crisis the National Executive of the party deposed Chief Akintola as Deputy Leader and asked him to resign his appointment as Premier of Western Nigeria. On the 20th of May, the Premier advised the Governor of Western Nigeria that in view of the political crisis which had been developed in the Region and of the rival claims of the two factions to a majority support of the electorate in the Region His Excellency should exercise his powers under section 31 of Part III of the Constitution of Western Nigeria to dissolve the Legislative House of the Region. The Governor refused.

“On the same day the Premier asked the Speaker, for the same reasons, to convene the Western House of Assembly for Wednesday, May 23rd to consider and pass a Motion for a vote of confidence in the Government of Western Nigeria but the Speaker also refused. The following day the Governor purported to exercise the powers vested in him by section 33(10) of the constitution of Western Nigeria set out in the Fourth Schedule to the Nigeria Constitution Order-in-Council 1960 and purported to remove Chief Akintola from his office as Premier of Western Nigeria with effect from the 21st of May. Chief Akintola thereupon filed a Motion in the High Court challenging the power of the Governor to remove him from office in the manner he did. The matter is still before the court for determination.

“The Governor, nevertheless, proceeded to exercise the powers in normal circumstances vested in him by section 33(1) of the Constitution of Western Nigeria by purporting to appoint Chief D.S. Adegbenro to be Premier of Western Nigeria with effect from the 21st of May. A meeting of the Western House of Assembly was summoned for the 25th of May.

“As Members know, two unsuccessful attempts were made on that day to hold meetings of the Western House of Assembly; the first one ended in a violent uproar and disorder. The police had no alternative but to use tear gas to disperse all Members, but before then the House had become a shambles. I was then approached by one side to the dispute to allow the Nigeria Police to guard the Chamber of the Western House of Assembly so that another meeting could be held, this time, in the House of Chiefs which was to be used as the House of Assembly. The other side almost immediately warned that it would be unwise and risky to allow such further meeting to be held. Before the attempt to hold a second meeting I felt impelled to issue the following release: “The two factions in the Action Group have contacted the Prime Minister regarding the holding of another meeting of the Western Nigeria House of Assembly today. The Prime Minister cannot stop the meeting from taking place but because of the fight which has broken out in the House this morning if the parties decided to hold a meeting of the House of Assembly they may do so. It must be on the strict understanding that there will be no police protection within the Chamber. If, however, any party insists on being afforded police protection within the Chamber the police may be so present, but the Federal Government will not accept any decision reached as a result of such proceedings in the Chamber. If in spite of all the efforts of the Police there should be an outbreak of violence or any disorder, the Police have authority to clear the Chamber and lock it up.”

“Shortly after the release had been issued, I received a further report from the Inspector-General of Police that an attempt had been made to hold a meeting under Nigeria Police protection but that it has resulted in a far greater uproar and commotion than the earlier one. The Police therefore cleared the Chamber and locked it up.

“ In the afternoon of the same day, May 25th, the Council of Ministers met to discuss the situation. The same evening, I made a nation-wide broadcast explaining the position of the Federal Government in the matter, and in the course of any broadcast, I made the following observation:

“No responsible Government of the Federation could allow an explosive situation such as that which now exists in Western Nigeria to continue without taking adequate measures to ensure that there is an early return to the Region of peace, order and good Government.”

“I said a few moments ago that the past week or so there does not appear to have been any validly constituted Government in Western Nigeria. In the light of the violent incidents on May 25th which badly shattered both Houses of Assembly, it is difficult to see how the public affairs of the Western Region could possibly be carried on in an atmosphere of warring factions of a party in power so sadly rent asunder in the old world struggle that will ultimately do nobody any good inside and outside Western Nigeria. This is the background against which I ask honourable members to assess the situation and to authorize the Government of the Federation to take appropriate measures in accordance with the provisions of our constitution.

“Allegation of conspiracy have been made against the Federal Government, that it had planned the whole crisis in order to take over the Western Nigeria Government. It has also been said in certain quarters that this parliament would be abusing its powers were it to declare a state of emergency because the sad and unfortunate occurrences had not extended.

“Nothing could be rather from the truth. We are surely not responsible for the chain of events that led to the party and personal wrangles and the attempted by-passing of the Western Legislature and to the mutual dismissal and counter dismissal between the Governor and Premier. The question at issue is whether in the absence of a duly constituted Government in Western Nigeria, the Federal Government have no responsibility for ensuring peace, order and good government in that region. The main purpose of this Resolution is to seek Parliament’s approval for measures which the Federal Government proposes to adopt in order to ensure an early return to Western Nigeria of peace, order and good government.

“I ask all Nigerians to co-operate and support the Federal Government at this momentous turning point in our national history. It is not yet two years since we began the adventurous but arduous talk nation building. The eyes of the whole world are upon us, particularly now when we, a responsible and friendly people are seeking to exercise our development plans and to increase the happiness and prosperity of our people.

“I solemnly assure you that the power we shall soon be forced to assume will be exercised in as humane and democratic a manner as the circumstances will permit and that as soon as reasonably may be, the Federal Government will actively promote and encourage a situation in which an early return to the normal process of Parliamentary Government could be guaranteed for all classes of people of Western Nigeria. I beg to move.” The Prime Minister’s motion was seconded by the Federal Minister of Finance, Chief Festus Okotie-Eboh, representing Warri constituency.

In reply, the Leader of Opposition in the Federal Parliament, and Leader of the Action Group, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, said: “I beg to move the following Amendment to the Motion already proposed by the Prime Minister:

“To delete all the words of the Motion after-that – and substitute – “This honourable House declares after having regard to the provisions of section 65 of the Constitution of the Federation of Nigeria a state of public emergency does not exist.”

“May I draw the attention of honourable Members to the provisions of section 65 of our Constitution. It is not usual for Members to read the Constitution unless occasion such as this arises or some other incidents which affect us occur.

Section 65 reads: “65(1) Parliament may at any time make such laws for Nigeria or any part thereof with respect to matters not included in the Legislative Lists as may appear to Parliament to be necessary or expedient for the purpose of maintaining or securing peace, order and good government during any period of emergency.”

“The section 3-(3) In this section “period of emergency” means any period during which (a) the Federation is at war; (b) there is in force a resolution by each House of Parliament declaring that a state of public of emergency exists; and (c) there is in force a resolution of each House of Parliament supported by the votes of not less than two-thirds of all the members of the House declaring that democratic institutions in Nigeria are threatened by subversion.

“That is the section, Mr. Speaker, and I hold the view very strongly- and that view is in no way shaken by the speech made by the Prime Minister that the step which the Federal Government now proposes is uncalled for and unwarranted.

“The first question which any reasonable person ought to ask himself is this. Is there a state of emergency in the Western Region? That is the most important question which the Prime Minister and the Cabinet must ask themselves. I submit with greater respect that a state of emergency does not exist in Western Nigeria.

“Not long ago after independence, there was rioting of a most severe nature in the Tiv Division of Northern Nigeria. Several lives were lost, several properties were destroyed, there was arson and a host of other crimes were committed. At that time, Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa was the Prime Minister as he is the Prime Minister, today. He did not think it fit to call this Parliament to declare a state of emergency in the Northern Region. Also, in Okrika, there was widespread rioting in Okrika; again, several lives and properties were lost. I understand that this widespread rioting in Okrika occurred twice in the Eastern Region. The Prime Minister and the Cabinet did not think it fit on that occasion to declare a state of public emergency in the Eastern Region.

“But, because the Action Group is pursuing the normal democratic processes as laid down in our Constitution to oust someone who happens to be very close friend of the Prime Minister, and also because the Action Group is looked upon as a moral foe to the N.P.C., this very far-reaching provision of our Constitution is now being invoked, only in respect of what might be described as squabbles inside the Chamber of the Western House of Assembly. It is doing violence to our Constitution and doing violence to the construction of words to suggest that what happened in the Western House of Assembly amounts to a state of public emergency.

“I was present there myself and when I left that Chamber, those who were outside the Chamber did not even know that anything was happening inside the Chamber. Ibadan is peaceful – the whole of the Western Region is peaceful; it is true that the newspaper have been exaggerating the situation in the Western Region, the Prime Minister himself has lent his support to this exaggeration; he cancelled all his engagements- whether they existed or not I do not know; the Governor- General was suddenly summoned back from his holiday in Nsukka to come to Lagos even when there was no deterioration in the situation in the Western Nigeria.

“I maintain that this is a calculated, premeditated attempt on the part of the Prime Minister and his Cabinet to try, if they could, to castrate the Action Group, to disturb the welfare of the people of the Western Nigeria who have always been looked upon as the foes of the N.P.C.

“May I say that I can understand the yearnings and the wishes of the N.C.N.C. and the stand of the N.C.N.C. in this matter. Every political party wants to be in power- we want to be in power here in the Centre one day, and by the grace of God we will. But the N.C.N.C. wants, naturally, to fish in troubled waters. If I were in their shoes, I would think that no occasion is more favourable than now to have a dissolution of the Legislature of the Western Region, because this dissolution now would mean a split in the votes of the Action Group. It might be that by such a split, they could sort of fluke in and form the Government of Nigeria. In any case, whatever happened after that dissolution, the N.C.N.C. would not be any worse off than they were before, namely to be in the Opposition- that is the worst that could happened to them. But there is a chance- the off-chance- that they may just manage to win.

“Therefore, I can understand the action of the N.C.N.C. in this matter, because that is the party in opposition in the Western Region. The N.P.C. has no foothold in the West, and it is doing its very best to find a foothold in the Western Region.

“There are a number of persons who call themselves N.P.C. Members for Ibadan, but they are by themselves; they have some following of a type among people who live in Mokola, Ibadan, that is to be understood; but the N.P.C. as such has no following in the Western Region, and it is the N.P.C.  dominated Federal Government that now wants to impose its rule on the people of the Western Nigeria, simply because there was what the Prime Minister called uproar in the Chamber of the Western House of Assembly- not an uproar in Ibadan as whole; not uproar in Ogbomoso the home of Chief Akintola who is involved in this matter; not an uproar in Ijebu-Remo; not an uproar in Ikorodu, not an uproar anywhere in the Western Region. The Prime Minister thinks that this very far-reaching provisions of the Constitution should be invoked merely to save a friend!

“Secondly, what is a public emergency? What is a state of public emergency? May I say that my view quite candidly is that a state of public emergency arises only when there is widespread violence in any part of the Federation. In this particular case there is no widespread violence or rioting or disturbance in the Western Region. And yet, the Honourable Minister for War- for Defence- sent soldiers to Ibadan as a matter of routine I think, because the soldiers there have been moved to Congo; and then he went on the air to say”Oh yes, we have sent them there because of the tension in Ibadan.” Where is the tension in Ibadan? I may walk about the streets of Ibadan, and if the Mnister of Defence challenges, I invite him to come along to Ibadan and go about the streets of Ibadan. But they want to create this artificial tension in the Western Region in order to invoke this far-reaching provision of the Constitution.

“Thirdly I say- I said it outside this House and I want to repeat it on the floor of this honourable House- that the action now being taken by the Federal Government is a gross misuse of power; I do not say abuse because as far as I can see there is no abuse yet- I hope the Federal Government does not abuse its power in the process of implementing this Resolution, but so far it is a gross misuse of power; the circumstances which should warrant the use of this power have not yet risen.

“What is more? The Prime Minister was very, very careful in stating the events which led to his having to decide to take this action which he is now taking. I never knew him to be journalist, I know him to be an educationist, a politician and a statesman, but like some journalists he has put a little bit of twist and slant in relating the events, so as to show that it is the Action Group, vis-à-vis Chief Akintola that is at fault in this matter. Why did the Prime Minister not tell this House the story which the Police have no doubt told him concerning the events in the House of Assembly on that day! He knows the story but he has chosen not to tell it, and since he has failed to tell it, I will tell that story and challenge the Prime Minister to deny it.

“The truth is that in the House of Assembly that day, Honourable Members were assembled as we are here now assembled; prayers were said and then immediately after that, one Mr. Oke, a supporter of Chief Akintola, a Member from Ogbomosho, jumped on the desk and was running about on the desk and then lifted a chair and struck somebody on the head. That is how it started, and then thereafter one Mr. Ebubedike, the Member for Badagry, who lives in Ajeromi, took the Mace and then in an attempt to strike the Speaker with the Mace, the Mace struck the Table and broke into two. These events were witnessed by the Police and then chairs were lifted and were thrown all over the place by supporters of Chief Akintola.

As they say “the majority will have their way while the minority will have their say”.

By 232 to 44, the Prime Minister’s motion was passed.

Parliament approved the emergency regulations, which created the post of administrator western region, and gave the holder powers to nominate commissioner to exercise ministerial powers under his direction, to make any orders necessary in the absence of any other laws adequate to restore law and order and good government, and to amalgamate the local government police forces into the Nigeria police. He could imprison anyone spreading misleading reports, prohibit processions and meetings, detain or restrict persons in the interests of public order, and search premises without warrant.

Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa exercised his new prerogative to appoint his doctor friend, Senator Chief Moses Adekoyejo Majekodunmi, the minister of health who still belonged to no party, as administrator.

The two people who gained from the declaration of the state of emergency were Chief Majekodunmi (1916-2012) and his then ADC, Captain Murtala Mohammed GCFR (8 November 1938 – 13 February 1976), who later became the head of state and Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces in July 1975, when the government of General Yakubu Gowon (90) was overthrown. His appointment as ADC was his first contact with government activities.

Teniola, a retired director at the presidency, wrote from Lagos.

In the last few days, governorship candidates have emerged from various parties in Anambra ahead of the state’s governorship election on November 8.

The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) had set April 10 as the deadline for all political parties to conduct their governorship primaries ahead of the election.

Here’s everything you need to know about the candidates who have emerged.

AFRICAN ACTION CONGRESS (AAC)

Chioma Ifemeludike was elected as the candidate for the AAC after the party’s primary election on Tuesday.

She was unanimously elected through a voice vote by members of the congress.

In her acceptance speech, Ifemeludike promised not to disappoint the trust bestowed on her by party supporters.

She said the party would ensure that the people of Anambra — particularly women, children, and youths — are empowered to become better citizens.

Oshiokhe Ikpeminoghena, chairman of the election committee, said it is the party’s constitutional responsibility to field a candidate for the election.

He added that Ifemeludike fulfilled every necessary step that qualified her to run for the Anambra governorship election.

ACCORD PARTY

Charles Onyeze emerged as the governorship candidate of the Accord Party in the primary election held on Tuesday.

He was declared the winner unopposed during the party’s primary held at the East End Hotel, Aroma, Awka, the state capital.

The exercise was witnessed by thousands of party chieftains, members, INEC, security, and the media.

Speaking to journalists shortly after the exercise, Onyeze said he is contesting the election to address the current challenges of unemployment, insecurity, and a poor educational system in Anambra state.

“I’d like us to work as a family. Our interest is for Anambra to be better because what we’re seeing today is not good. What we’ll need to defeat the ruling party is not a problem. We have what it takes,” he said.

“My administration will ensure that no local government or community is overlooked in our developmental efforts.”

ALL PROGRESSIVES CONGRESS

Nicholas Ukachukwu, a former member of the house of representatives, secured the APC gubernatorial ticket for the Anambra governorship election.

Ukachukwu clinched the ticket at the party’s primary election on Saturday, defeating his closest rival, Valentine Ozigbo, and other contenders by a landslide.

He polled 1,455 votes, while Ozigbo secured 67 votes. Edozie Madu and Johnbosco Onunkwo got 8 and 26 votes, respectively.

Speaking after his victory, Ukachukwu pledged to deliver the state to the APC.

“We shall deliver Anambra to the APC. One thing I want to say here — nobody has won the governorship of Anambra without my support; it has never happened before,” he said.

“I have been playing godfatherism, but now I want to be the father of the father — no more godfather.”

ALL PROGRESSIVES GRAND ALLIANCE (APGA)

Chukwuma Soludo, Anambra governor, was nominated as the APGA candidate for the upcoming governorship election.

Soludo, who was returned unopposed, secured over 3,000 votes in the primary held on Saturday at the Ekwueme Square, Awka.

Voting took place across the 21 LGAs of the state, where delegates were asked to cast a simple “yes” or “no” vote.

Soludo accepted the nomination and assured party members of continued development in the state.

“I want to say that I am humbled by this historic display of solidarity to be able to raise the flag of our party again, and I want to say that I accept this nomination wholeheartedly,” he said.

“Anambra keeps rising with the progressive leadership that we have had through APGA, and I will continue to appreciate the leadership of the party.”

LABOUR PARTY (LP)

George Moghalu emerged as the LP’s candidate for the upcoming Anambra governorship election after the party’s primary election was held on Saturday in Awka.

Moghalu, a former managing director of the National Inland Waterways Authority (NIWA), secured 575 votes to defeat John Nwosu, his only opponent, who garnered 19 votes.

Out of 649 delegates listed, 601 were accredited, with 592 valid votes recorded and five votes declared invalid.

However, Nwosu withdrew from the race a day earlier, citing several “irregularities” for his decision.

“There was no delegates congress of the party held in any of the 21 local government areas of the state to elect the delegates to vote at the primary election, and a list of delegates eventually emerged and was pasted at the state headquarters of the party in Awka, just about eight hours to the D-Day, Saturday, April 5, 2025,” he said in a statement.

In his acceptance speech, Moghalu said unity among party stakeholders would be crucial to securing victory at the polls.

“I am ready for the challenge ahead. With my experience in public service and politics, I am confident in my capacity to defeat the incumbent, Governor Chukwuma Soludo of APGA,” he said.

“We must now get to work on selling the LP agenda to the people of Anambra. Our goal is to reach every nook and cranny of the state with our message.

“Anambra is a blessed state with abundant human and natural resources. All that is required is visionary leadership to harness these potentials for the benefit of our people.”

PEOPLES DEMOCRATIC PARTY (PDP)

Jude Ezenwafor, the sole aspirant, secured the PDP’s ticket for the Anambra governorship election.

The PDP governorship primary was held on Tuesday at the Professor Dora Akunyili Women Development Centre in Awka, the state capital.

Chijioke Onwubuya, chairman of the PDP Anambra governorship election congress committee, announced Ezenwafor as the party’s flagbearer at the end of the exercise.

Onwubuya said Ezenwafor secured 798 ‘yes’ votes with 26 invalid votes, noting that 853 delegates were accredited out of the 999 on the list for the congress.

Speaking after his victory, Ezenwafor said the PDP is on a rescue mission in Anambra and urged voters to support the party’s bid to reclaim leadership in the state.

“If you support me, the dream will come true. They say PDP is dead, but I will prove them wrong,” he said.

“All LGA and ward chairmen are now automatic coordinators in their areas.

“Our journey to the government house has begun.”

PARTIES BRACE FOR FIERCE CAMPAIGN SEASON

With the conclusion of party primaries, the stage is now set for what promises to be a fiercely contested race.

With campaigns expected to intensify in the coming months, attention will turn to how these candidates plan to address pressing issues such as insecurity, unemployment, and infrastructure development in the state.

For voters, the election offers another opportunity to shape Anambra’s future; and for the candidates, it is a race not just for power but for the people’s trust.

[TheCable]

It’s a most unlikely crime scene. I travelled by road from the Benin airport to Uromi, Esanland’s most significant town, for a wedding about three years ago.

The fear of kidnappers is a constant worry for road users. I was nervous for nearly four hours of the taxi ride, especially as we turned off the busy Agbor Road and veered onto narrow, lonely roads meandering through many forested small towns and villages.

I was nervous. When the driver ran into a pothole, and a loud noise suggested we might have lost a wheel or something, I insisted he should keep moving, as long as the car could still move, until we later discovered it was the wheel cover.

Entering Uromi

It was not until we passed Ubiaja, the hotspot between Biafran and Federal troops during Nigeria’s civil war and cultural capital of Esanland, and reached Igueben, the rusty town of one of Nigeria’s famous politicians, Tom Ikimi, about 20 minutes’ drive from Uromi, that I started breathing easy. It was my first visit to Uromi, a town I had known and heard about since my teenage years.

Memories from the past

My earliest memory of this town was when my mother worked as a cook at St. Theresa’s Hospital, Kirikiri Ajegunle, Lagos, owned at the time by Dr. Okoli, an Igbo man, and his wife, a nurse and an Esan from Uromi. Occasionally, when there was some social event in Uromi, the Okolis took my mum along to cook, and she returned with plenty of palm oil, large tubers of yam, and fresh fruits.

But there’s another memory of Uromi apart from my mother’s work and travels. It’s the historical significance of this town in the old Benin Empire. More contemporary references might be about the exploits of some of Uromi’s notable people, such as the three Anthonys – Enahoro, Olubunmi-Okogie and Anenih – whose footprints in politics and liberation theology cannot be easily forgotten. 

Innocence lost to rage

Yet, these notable persons were inspired by the town’s extraordinary heritage of struggle and resistance to oppression. Uromi resisted the expansionism of the Benin Empire during Oba Ozolua’s reign and fought the British colonial invaders.

Though many of the town’s original settlers are believed to have come from central Nigeria, migrants from other places also settled there, highlighting its tolerance for visitors and diverse heritage as the town grew into one of Esanland’s most important agricultural trading posts.

That diversity, enterprise and welcoming spirit now seem like a story from a bygone era. After the tragic killing of the 16 travellers reportedly going to Kano to observe the Eid on March 28, the town has lost its innocence. For a long time, it will be remembered not as that place my mother frequented as a cook or the homestead of Enahoro, one of Nigeria’s greatest patriots and nationalists, but as a crime scene.

Agony of bereavement

The heartbreaking story of Hauwa Bala (whose husband, Isah, was among the Uromi 16) who went into premature labour upon hearing of her husband’s tragic death or Sadiya Sa’adu, who lost a brother and a nephew will haunt the community, as will the stories of each of the dead, and indeed the unfolding horror in Uromi now under siege and a brutal crackdown. The security services are poised to forget their complicity and instead crush the town in a mocking search for justice.

Journey to anomie

How did we get here? Kidnapping and banditry have grown from a fringe business to a N2.23 trillion naira industry, and hardly any part of the country is spared this misery. In the last 10 years, clashes among rival cult gangs have been rife in Edo State, as have been reports of severe violence as a result of farmer-herder clashes. One report said in 2020, Edo was the third most affected by violence in the Niger Delta after Delta and Rivers States.

Violent clashes between farmers and herders have led to significant loss of lives. In February alone, 27 farmers in Edo were reportedly killed by herdsmen. This figure is only a tiny part of the bloody trail that often includes grotesque stories of rape, murder and wantonness wrecking many farming communities across the country as herders roam southwards for pasture.

Politicians’ fake outrage

While the affected communities writhe in anguish, official response, especially by politicians and the police, has ranged from chewing the microphone with empty promises of justice to sheer indifference and, in fact, alleged complicity in supplying weapons to the herders in some cases. We’ve seen this repeatedly across the country, from Uromi in Edo to towns in Benue and Plateau States.

When the state, expected to guarantee security and maintain law and order, abdicates its responsibility, turns a blind eye or becomes complicit, people take the law into their own hands. What happened in Uromi on March 28 is one of the tragic outcomes.

The appearance of shock and outrage amongst politicians and the security services is hypocrisy disguised as empathy. They can fool themselves all day long. Unless they begin to rebuild trust in communities and people – whether farmers or herders – can see that there are consequences for breaking the law, Uromi will not be the last tragic crime scene.

Citizens’ dilemma

Yet, while many communities are under attack, residents are on their own. The Supreme Court recently gave a judgment upholding the death sentence on Citizen Sunday Jackson and criminalising self-defence even in the face of a clear threat to life. The judgment is an absurdity that compounds the dilemma of communities coping with security services often unwilling, unable or unavailable to protect citizens.

If unarmed Jackson had known that self-defence against herdsman Boua Bururo, who stabbed him seven times on his farm, would not avail him, that if he didn’t die by his attacker’s knife, he would have still been killed by the law, he might have surrendered to his attacker. What a fate!

What kind of society gives the victims the short end of the stick? If communities cannot trust that the police can defend them and courts will not provide justice, self-help prevails. As things stand, respect for life and private property rights is endangered, and to pretend otherwise is to enable jungle justice further.

No excuses

What happened to the Uromi 16 stands condemned, but sadly, the fake outrage by politicians obscures the history behind the tragedy. It neither guarantees that a proper investigation will be done and the perpetrators brought to justice, nor does it assuage current tensions and paranoia in many communities across the country.

Open, unrestrained grazing must stop. The Federal Government must also fast-track community/state policing, which will hopefully use modern surveillance tools and techniques to prevent and fight crime. The current security system is unfit for purpose.

Burden of kindness

I’m sorry for the truck driver who, after driving past the stranded passengers early on, turned back nearly two kilometres to pick up the Uromi 16 and other stranded passengers from the roadside. Even though he escaped the mob attack in Uromi, he now lives with the guilt of a bloody reward for his act of kindness, the tragic consequence of a society where trust and compassion have declined.

Neither the Uromi I read about in history nor the one my mother visited is the same as the present crime scene. Something is broken, and false outrage won’t fix it.

I have in the last quarter of a century (since 2001) written dozens of columns on how ancient animosities have fed a spiral of violence in Plateau State. ‘Fire from the Mountains’, followed the July 2012 brutal killing of then Chairman of the Senate Committee on Health, Gyang Dantong and then Majority Leader of the Plateau State House of Assembly, Gyang Fulani by gunmen during a mass burial for victims of an earlier attack on villages in Barkin Ladi and Riyom local government area. ‘A Cycle of Multilateral Killings’ recounted the anguish of thousands of people being gruesomely murdered or maimed, communities razed, huge swarths of farmlands destroyed and hundreds of thousands made perpetual refugees in their own country. There have been numerous others. 

Within the same period, the United States-based Human Rights Watch (HRW) has done several extensive reports on what started as an economy/ecology problem before ethnic and religious dimensions, combined with old grievances, ignited the violence that has refused to go away. Some of these publications include, ‘Jos: A City Torn Apart’, ‘Nigeria: Revenge in the Name of Religion: The Conflict in Yelwa’, ‘Leave Everything to God: Accountability for Inter-Communal Violence in Plateau and Kaduna States, Nigeria’ etc. In one of their reports, HRW indicted authorities in our country for “taking no meaningful steps to address underlying grievances” or bring to justice those responsible for the massacre of innocent people, “often in horrific circumstances”.

The main concern now is that several of our communities across the country have today become killings fields. Only on Monday, former Senate President David Mark decried the killings in Otukpo, Agatu, Apa and many other communities in Benue State where he hails from. On Tuesday, both the Kebbi Governor, Nasir Idris, and his Borno counterpart, Babagana Zulum, cried out about the growing capacity of criminal gangs in their respective states. While the former lamented that the Lakurawa group seems to be gaining more ground, Zulum’s concern is about Boko Haram resurgence. “Many military locations were dislodged, especially in Wulgo, Sabongari, Wajirko among others,” Zulum said in Maiduguri. “It seems we are losing ground, and this is a very important thing that we need to discuss.”

But my immediate concern is in Plateau State and what Governor Caleb Mutfwang has described as genocidal killings. As of last weekend, the death toll from the massive attacks launched on Mangor, Tamiso, Daffo, Manguna, Hurti, and Tadai communities in Bokkos Local Government Area (LGA) of the state had risen to 52. This followed the recovery of more corpses by search teams after combing nearby bushes for missing persons. “As I am talking to you, there are not less than 64 communities that have been taken over by bandits on the Plateau between Bokkos, Barkin Ladi and Riyom local government areas,” Mutfwang said on Tuesday. “They (communities) have been taken over, renamed, and people are living there conveniently on lands they pushed people away to occupy.”

I must commend Mutfwang for the mature manner in which he has handled the crisis in the last two years and for urging restraint in response to the latest killings. “We strongly urge citizens to exercise restraint and refrain from taking the law into their own hands,” said the state Commissioner of Information and Communication, Joyce Ramnap, who confirmed that some arrests have been made in connection with the attacks. “We call on religious, traditional, and community leaders to reinforce the message of peace, unity, and lawful engagement.”

As it is with all problems that result from a mix of land, ethnicity and religion, there are no easy solutions to the perennial crisis in Plateau State. But the bigger issue is that the Nigerian state seems to be losing the capacity for its primary responsibility: security of lives and property. In its latest report, the Cheta Nwanze-led SBM Intelligence revealed how the escalating conflict between herders and farming communities in the Middle Belt has not only spread South but also now threating the fabrics of our country. “Nigeria’s pastoral conflict has evolved from localised grazing disputes into one of the country’s most pressing security challenges, now affecting multiple regions and threatening national stability,” the SBM wrote. “The violence, primarily between Fulani herders and farming communities, has spread southward from its Middle Belt epicentre, intensifying in states like Edo and Ondo while maintaining its devastating grip on Benue, Nasarawa and Plateau.” The crisis “has also metastasised, merging with banditry and kidnapping networks. Disturbingly, complicity within affected communities – including alleged intelligence-sharing with attackers for financial gain – has complicated counter-violence efforts.” 

Beyond the situation in Plateau State, it is also important for the federal government to pay attention to what is happening in rural communities across the country. “Most of the herdsmen you see all over the place, whether in the north or south…are employees of a larger terror network. They kidnap but the ransom does not go to them”, a senior security officer once told me as I recounted in my 2021 column, ‘Criminal Cartels on the Loose’, which dwelt on the complexities of our national security challenge. “Many of them are from Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso…That these kidnappers kill, maim and rape is bad enough. That they are identified as belonging to a certain ethnic colouration is the problem,” I wrote back then.  

Now that we have descended to the level in which retired military Generals are creating WhatsApp groups for the purpose of contributing ransom money to pay kidnappers for the release of their colleagues, I don’t know how much lower we can sink as a nation. But the bigger issue is the profiling that comes with this criminality. When a national security challenge is framed around identity, as it is in Nigeria today, its management requires more than a knee-jerk approach. I just hope President Bola Tinubu and his team can appreciate that before it is too late.

Kehiku’s Wedding, Irabor’s Reunion Soiree

‘Segun, come here!’ The voice was unmistakable. But as I greeted Mr Eluem Emeka Izeze, who took a gamble on me with the job of a Staff Reporter at The Guardian Newspaper two months after my NYSC Primary assignment in December 1990, I heard another familiar voice, ‘Just look at you!’ It was Mrs Ruth Benamaisia-Opia, the ageless veteran broadcaster of the Nigerian Television Authority (NTA) fame. And then, other old faces began to appear in what became a festival of the movers and shakers of Nigerian journalism of a certain generation.

I was in Owa-Oyibu in the Agbor area of Delta State last weekend to attend the wedding of Kehiku Toluwalase Irabor to his heartthrob, Nadia. Although Kehiku had his own crowd, including from the Diaspora, they were overwhelmed by those who were there for his wonderful parents, Nduka and Ebele Irabor. In fact, most of the guests were from Irabor’s two and a half constituencies: Media and Football with the half being politics, having been a member of the House of Representatives for eight years between 1999 to 2007.

Not surprisingly, most of the journalists in Agbor had a link with The Guardian newspaper where Irabor made his mark and was sent to jail for doing his duty. The Rutam House Alumni members included Kayode Komolafe, Tony Okonedo, Tommy Odemwingie, Abdul Oroh, Chukwudi Abiandu, ⁠Chuks Anyaso, Paul Nwabuikwu, ⁠Jackson Ekwugum, Bosah Iwobi, ⁠Yemi Ajayi and many others. There were also veteran broadcast journalists: Bayo Awosemo, Bimbo ‘Angel’ Sowoolu, Tonia Agetua whose late husband also worked with The Guardian, Magnus Onyibe and others. Friends like Shina Badaru, Ayo Eso, Chiedu Ebie were also around. So were football people like Messrs Tony Nnacheta, Austin Eguavoen, Samson Siasia, and National Sports Commission (NSC) Chairman, Shehu Dikko. Deacon Tom Ogboe, Chief Augustine Onwumere, Mrs Maryam Uwais and many others were also with us. Of course, two former Governors of Delta State, Chief James Ibori and Dr Ifeanyi Okowa also attended the ceremony chaired by THISDAY/ARISE chairman, Prince Nduka Obaigbena.

As an aside, the report for which Irabor went to jail 41 years ago has been confirmed to be accurate. It all started in April 1984, four months after toppling the Second Republic, when Major General Muhammadu Buhari (now, former president) promulgated Decree 4 (Public Officers Protection Against False Publications). The law empowered the federal military government to close any media house deemed to be ‘acting in a manner detrimental to national interest’ and jail journalists for any reports that ‘bring government officials into ridicule or disrepute.’ It was under this draconian law that Irabor and Tunde Thompson were tried and jailed for refusing to divulge the source of a story about ambassadorial postings.   

In his 2022 memoir, ‘All Eyes on Me’ (for which I wrote the foreword), Major General Haldu Hananiya (rtd) revealed how he was initially listed to be posted to Washington DC until the American State Department said they would not accept a serving General as Nigerian ambassador. “That was when it was decided I would be posted to the United Kingdom as the High Commissioner.” But before the postings were released, Irabor and Thompson broke a story in The Guardian that IBM Haruna (then also a serving General) would replace Hananiya as High Commissioner to the UK. Meanwhile, the reporters had no inkling about the cold calculations that informed the decision which then explained why the leakage riled the Buhari-Idiagbon regime.

In his recollection, Hananiya wrote about some ethno-religious cold calculations prior to the posting: “I didn’t pay much attention to the rumour until The Guardian broke the story about IBM Haruna replacing me. It was the story that sent Nduka Irabor and Tunde Thompson to prison. It was because Buhari and Idiagbon were embarrassed that their plan leaked that they enacted Decree Four to punish the journalists. Of course, there were denials, but I later confirmed the story to be true. There was indeed an attempt to replace my name with Haruna. But for the story, they probably would have posted me to another country and send Haruna to the UK. But following the publication, which they denied, I went to the UK.”

All that, of course, is now history but then, Irabor is a man of history, especially when it comes to military rule in Nigeria. In a recent memoir, General Ibrahim Babangida denied authorising the statement released by Irabor—who was spokesman to then Chief of General Staff (Babangida’s deputy), the late Admiral Augustus Aikhomu—annulling the June 12 (1993) presidential election. Irabor is yet to speak on the issue but in a WhatsApp exchange with Awosemo three weeks ago, he made humour of it. “The Duke, as a news man, I heard there is a wedding in the family,” Awosemo, another NTA veteran who was also Manager, Media and Public Relations at Addax Petroleum Development (Nigeria) Ltd before becoming the Deputy Managing Director at ARISE Television, had written to Irabor. “Your sources are issuing unsigned, badly written statements on scrap paper”, replied Irabor who added two laughter emoji. “Of course, I would appreciate the honour of your presence at my son’s marriage ceremony…There will be a soiree to welcome my personal guests at my country home on April 4.”

With my sister, Ebele, as usual, playing the perfect hostess, it was indeed a weekend to remember in Agbor. A time for reminiscences on the ‘good old days’—the risks many of us took during the military era as well as all the ‘other things’ not fit for print. When I told Dr Chidi Amuta last Saturday that I was in Agbor with many old colleagues, he sent a terse response: “Time passes. You all will soon graduate into the league of grandpas and grandmas.” So true. And many of us are gladly looking forward to that transition as we reflect on the time when men were boys. This life!

It was yet another day of honour for Akwa Ibom State on Tuesday as Leadership newspaper bestowed the Governor of the Year Award for 2024 on Gov. Umo Eno, bringing to two the number of such laurels in as many months. Thisday Newspaper/Arise News Group had in late January celebrated Pastor Eno as Governor of the Year 2024 in a big event in Eko Hotel Lagos. I couldn’t attend the Lagos event; so I was bent on being at the Leadership Conference & Awards at the Banquet Hall of the Presidential Villa where the Akwa Ibom governor was decorated with five other governors. Other prominent citizens like Aliko Dangote; Adaora Umeoji, CEO of Zenith Bank; FCT Minister Nyesom Wike; Comptroller General of Customs, Bashir Adewale Adeniyi, and a few others were also celebrated by the newspaper. In a video recording of his citation played at the event, Gov. Eno was described as a visionary leader who is ‘’focused on food security, social empowerment, job creation and effective security management through his ARISE agenda’’. But because the governor was engrossed in his cabinet’s retreat in Lagos, it was Deputy Governor Akon Eyakenyi who attended the event and received the award on his behalf.

The Deputy Governor and her delegation later returned to Lagos to rejoin the retreat. She dutifully presented the plaque to the governor at the end of the retreat. The governor acknowledged the award and noted that he has received indications that more laurels were coming his way. He asked members of his team to redouble efforts in ensuring that Akwa Ibom people feel the impacts of good governance. Gov. Eno says the avalanche of accolades on him from several media and non media organizations meant that he was being more closely observed across the globe. 

Welcoming back the delegation from Abuja, the Governor said he took the difficult decision of not attending the award ceremony because of the high premium he placed on the ongoing retreat. He thanked the management of The Leadership Newspaper for finding him worthy. He said: “I was meant to be in Paris for a very important international engagement today, and I was also meant to be in Abuja for the Leadership Newspaper award. But I couldn’t attend any of them because this retreat is very serious business which we had already planned. I thank God for the award and it is to God’s Glory that we are being celebrated and honoured. 

“I dedicated the ThisDay/Arise News award to my predecessors, especially my political father, Deacon Udom Emmanuel, for identifying me and supporting me all the way. When I didn’t have confidence in myself, he stood by me and urged me on. A good child dances and receives accolades and brings honour to his parents. I dedicate this particular award to all members of our team, both past and present. It is a call for more work and I believe we all know that the world is watching us. God forbid we drop the ball, they are also watching,” the Governor added. On the deputy governor’s delegation to Abuja to receive the award were the Commissioner for Information, Aniekan Umanah; Political Adviser to the Governor, Chief Godwin Ntukudeh; Chief Press Secretary to the Governor, Ekerete Udoh; House of Assembly Member for Nsit Ibom, Hon Eric Akpan and Mrs Owoidighe Ekpoattai, Honorary Special Adviser to the Governor.

An important part of the award ceremony was the key note speech given by the Vice President, Senator Kashim Shettima on the theme ‘’The challenges and opportunities in Nigeria’s Fiscal Federalism’’. Represented by Dr. Aliyu Modibo Umar, a special adviser to the President, the VP noted that corruption and mismanagement of the country’s resources are Nigeria’s major problem - not absence of true federalism. He faulted the notion that Nigeria’s federalism was not working, and argued that there is no perfect federalism and each country’s federal arrangement is ‘’shaped by its history, culture and political experience’’. The VP buttressed his argument with some illustration. In Canada, for example, federalism emerged as a compromise linguistic groups. ‘’In Germany, the structure was initially so decentralized that consensus from all 16 Lander was required to pass national policies until reforms in 2006 shifted powers for greater efficiency. Spain, despite its fiscal concessions to regions like Basque Country and Navarre, still contends with separatist agitations’’, he said.

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• Gold price jumps over 2.5% on Wednesday with US tariffs being switched on. 
• China meanwhile retaliated while secretary Bessent issues a warning for China on devaluing its currency.
• Gold bounces from the sub-$3,000 region to just below $3,070 at the time of writing. 

Gold price (XAU/USD) bounces higher and recovers to $3,045 at the time of writing on Wednesday after United States (US) President Donald Trump’s tariffs came into effect. At one point this week, markets were hoping for a last-minute solution as several news outlets informed on Monday that President Trump was considering a 90-day pause in tariffs for all countries except China. However, the White House stated that any suggestion that President Trump was considering a 90-day pause in tariffs was “fake news.”  

“Gold’s rebound reflects growing investor anxiety over tariff threats and the potential reshaping of global trade norms,” says Christopher Wong, a foreign currency strategist at Oversea-Chinese Banking Corp. Bullion remains a good hedge against a more disorderly global economy, Wong said, Bloomberg reports. The market also speculates that heightened volatility may prompt the Federal Reserve (Fed)  to speed up interest rate cuts to prevent a recession. Lower rates typically benefit Gold, which doesn’t pay interest. 

Halfway through the European trading session, headlines emerge that China is retaliating against the US imposed tariffs. Chinese Finance Minister Lan Fo'an said an additional 84% of tariffs will be imposed on all US goods. The tariffs will take place as of April 10th.

United States Secretary of the Treasury Scot Bessent meanwhile said China should rather come to the table instead of retaliating. Bessent also said the country will be the biggest loser with these counter-tariffs. Bessent also called out and warned China should not devalue its currency as an additional measure to circumvent the US tariffs, Bloomberg reports.

Daily digest market movers: FOMC Minutes will not move the needle

• Shares of Muthoot Finance, an Indian financial corporation and the largest Gold loan non-bank financial company in the country, declined as much as 6.3% after the Indian central bank said it would undertake a comprehensive review of gold loan regulations, which could potentially increase competition in the sector.
• The CME FedWatch tool shows the chance of an interest rate cut by the Federal Reserve (Fed) in May’s meeting surging to 53.5%, compared with only 10.6% a week ago. For June, the chances of lower borrowing costs are 100%, with 55.2% anticipating a 50 basis point (bp) rate cut. 
• Chinese investors funneled a record amount of cash into Gold-backed Exchange Traded Funds (ETFs) last week, drawn by the asset's safety as combative trade war rhetoric from the world’s biggest economies shakes global markets. Inflows to four major onshore Gold ETFs, including Huaan Yifu Gold ETF, hit a record of 7.6 billion yuan ($1 billion) last week, according to Bloomberg’s calculations, with strong inflows continuing this week, Bloomberg reports. 
• Later this Wednesday, around 18:00 GMT, the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) will release its latest Minutes from the rate decision meeting in March.

Gold Price Technical Analysis: Will it really get resolved?

With the US tariffs taking effect this Wednesday, the markets' reaction is one still with some surprise. It seems that markets were positioned for some last-minute solution or delay, which would soften the actual blow and impact of the tariffs. Nonetheless, duties are taking effect immediately, and that is enough for last-minute investors to head back into Gold. 

Looking up, resistances are a bit spread out, with the first cap of the R1 resistance at $3,041 being tested when writing, followed by $3,057, a pivotal level since March 20. Further up, the R2 resistance at $3,089 precedes the current all-time high of $3,167.

On the downside, the pivotal level of the March 14 high at $3,004 roughly coincides with the $3,000 round number. If this area does not hold as support, bears can target the S1 support at $2,964 and the $2,955 level, where clearly many buyers were interested in scooping up Gold on Monday. Further down, the S2 support at $2,945 is the last line of defense before the 55-day Simple Moving Average (SMA) at $2,935.

[fxstreet]