Without moving his body, African Development Bank (AfDB) president, Akinwumi Adesina, watlzed his tall frame in a dance last week. He danced to the rhythm of Gwo Gwo Gwo Ngwo of Gentleman Mike Ejeagha’s trending song track, Ka Esi Le Onye Isi Oche. A rhythmic refrain track from an album titled Akuko N’Egwu Vol. 1., Ka Esi… has a lot of similarities with A o m’erin j’oba, both taken from Igbo and Yoruba cosmologies respectively. Both are from rich traditional African folklore.

While both had Elephant and Trickster Tortoise animal totems as their major characters, these folklores teach the moral of never throwing benefactors under a moving train. Released in 1983 by Ejeagha of Imezi Owa, Ezeagu in Enugu state, Ka Esi… recalibrated an ancient Igbo folklore of trickster Tortoise who sacrificed the huge and mountainous elephant for his selfish desire to have the king’s daughter as wife. The elephant thought he was assisting a friend.

Folklorist/writer, Joseph Odunjo, like Ejeagha, brought A o m’erin j’oba into vivid perspective in his Alawiye Yoruba literature series. Using the animal world as a motif, Odunjo told the story of gross human deception and how human beings are easily susceptible to and capable of mischief. Represented as a character with power, majesty and acclaim, the mammoth-sized elephant beast was the untouchable king of the jungle whose humongous size was a huge bother to other animals in the jungle. Several efforts were made to oust his prowess, to no avail. So, a plot was hatched using his majesty as his destruction. Tortoise, a clever and serpentine animal, was procured to do the hatchet job. Tortoise resolved that, given the Elephant’s size and height, violence would not bring him to his hilt but a strategy of deception, praise-singing and bootlicking.

Tortoise then travelled to the wooded savannah jungle to see his friend, the Almighty Elephant. His message was that all animals had purposed to make him king of all animals. The Elephant was to come to the palace adorned in the full regalia of a king. Before the day, Tortoise had dug a very deep hole by the palace that could occupy Elephant’s mammoth size, decorated with a beautiful wool carpet worthy of a king’s royal feet. He completed it with an ornamented chair just at the edge of the royal carpet. Encircling the carpet, all the animals in the town clapped and hailed the new King dressed in flowery royal robes as he walked majestically towards the royal carpet. They cheered the Elephant on, shouting “A o m’erin j’oba, eweku ewele“. Fascinated by the splendour and cheer, Elephant walked majestically, acknowledging the cheers, until he fell into the ditch and unto his death.

Ostensibly marrying the morale in both Ka Esi Le Onye Isi Oche and A o m’erin j’oba, Adesina deployed them to paint a picture of a Nigerian establishment in whose veins flowed the blood of cruelty, shamelessness and greed. Either intended or stray, Adesina threw a bomb into their fold, a bomb whose shrapnel hit the innermost recess of Nigeria’s sleaze and slush petroleum sector. In a tweet on X last week, while upbraiding the apparent systemic gang-up to frustrate Aliko Dangote’s refinery by the Nigerian government, Adesina said, “Investing is tough. Pettiness is easy. It sadly sends a signal that the price for sacrificing for Nigeria is to get sacrificed.” In the short tweet, Adesina denounced the government’s attempt to profile Dangote as a selfish monopolist Tortoise, as reflected in Ejeagha and Odunjo’s reworking of the Igbo and Yoruba folklores. He ultimately situated the gang-ups as an attempt to sacrifice the monstrous Elephant refinery of Aliko Dangote to governmental pettiness.

Adesina’s cryptic quip of “sacrificing for Nigeria (and getting) sacrificed” also finds a corollary in another ancient anecdote, the killing of the proverbial hunchback, Abuke Osin. The hunchback was the favourite servant of Obatala. Among the Yoruba, Obatalá is known as the munificent and benevolent father of all Orisa – gods – and indeed, of all humanity. Obatalá is also reputed to be the owner of all ‘heads’ and minds of all human creations of Eledumare – God. While Eledumare created the entire universe, Obatala created humanity in its entirety. Everything pure without blemish emanates from Obatala because he is the source of purity and wisdom. Obatala was peaceful and compassionate

According to the anecdote as told by the renowned living archive of Yoruba traditional institution, Yemi Elebuibon, in his The Adventures of Obatala: Ifa and Santeria God of creativity, (2016) Obatala sent the hunchback on errands and impressed by his service to him, Obatala chanted some incantations which deposited precious beads, gold and other ornaments inside the carapace-like chest of the hunchback. He however chanted that anyone who made him happy and rubbed his chest would partake of the wealth deposited therein. Ojugbe, the hunchback’s neighbour, benefitted from these gifts due to his good neighbourliness. When Abuke complained of pain in the chest, Ojugbe rubbed it for him and became stupendously wealthy therefrom. Not knowing the caveat attached to Ojugbe’s wealth, Tortoise envied him. But, unable to compete with Ojugbe-kind care, one day, Tortoise lured Abuke Osin into his house and forcefully rubbed his chest. It refused to emit money. He then resolved to kill this servant of Obatala and incurred the wrath of the god.

I do not want to go into details about the Nigerian establishment’s battle with this 650,000bpd state-of-the-art refinery which erupted last week. They are in the public domain. Since 1973 when it was created, the NNPC has been a cesspit of corruption and a vehicle for haemorrhaging Nigeria’s petro-dollars. It is a haven for white-collar criminals. According to Stephen Ellis in his This Present Darkness, (2016) by the late 1970s, an illegal trade in Nigerian oil flourished like a new bride. Corrupt politicians and military big epaulettes connived with NNPC officials to funnel Nigerian oil abroad. They did this with the connivance of Greek and Lebanese traders. All manner of internal and external sharks feasted on the Nigerian crude. In the process of this feast, scant consideration was paid to the goose that laid the golden egg, the refineries of Port Harcourt, Kaduna and Warri. Today, they have become moribund, resulting in Nigeria exporting its own crude and importing petroleum products from them. The refineries are grounded due to fossilized technology, humongous corruption and a wicked ploy by petrol cabals to keep the goose perpetually castrated.

In October 2023, the Nigerian senate attempted to probe Nigeria’s expenditure on rehabilitation of the four refineries which were yet unproductive. A senator representing Kogi West, Sunday Karimi, presented a motion which revealed that “Between 2010 to date, Nigeria is estimated to have spent N11.35 trillion (N11, 349, 583, 186, 313.40) excluding other cost in other currencies which include $592, 976, 050.00, €4, 877, 068.47 and £3, 455, 656.93, on renovation of refineries, yet they are unproductive.” Karimi further said, “Despite the moribund state of the four refineries, the operating costs of these refineries between 2010 and 2020 were estimated at N4.8 trillion. The refineries are estimated to make a cumulative loss of N1.64 trillion, within four years.” Indeed, in the last 25 years, NNPC has spent something in the neighbourhood of $25 billion on TAM on these obsolete dinosaurs called refineries. The world was shocked recently when told that an NNPC subsidiary, PHRC, expended N23 billion on salaries and maintenance of a refinery that was too crude to refine even a gallon of crude. For these oil vampires who grow rotund tummies out of our ancient comatose refineries, the Dangote refinery must be stopped from functioning.

President Olusegun Obasanjo, in a revelation, said he was advised by experts that aside from their obsolete equipment and infrastructure, the refineries were mere scraps which needed to be sold. He thus sold two of the refineries’ plants in Port Harcourt and Kaduna to Blue Star, a consortium of Aliko Dangote, a man who Bloomberg assessed as worth more than $15 billion, for a whopping $670 million. Instigated by a sleaze-steeped oil cabal, labour unions and other oil rats pressurised President Umaru Yar’Adua to reverse the purchase. Dangote Cement, his financial empire’s jewel, is also one of Nigeria’s traded companies, becoming one of Nigeria Stock Exchange’s companies to reach a market capitalization of N10 trillion. Since the reversal, Nigeria has spent multiple of the amount it would have collected from selling the refineries and is still expending huge costs on sham Turn Around Maintenance and the bottomless pit of corruption in the NNPC. The corporation is alleged to be one of the most non-self-accounting conglomerates in the world with an allegation of a $32 billion haemorrhage in the Goodluck Jonathan administration’s corruption-ridden oil-for-product swap agreements.

The Dangote $20 billion refinery, the biggest in Africa and second in the world, built on 2,635 hectares of land in Ibeju-Lekki, was a protest against the Yar’Adua government’s unconscionable reversal of the sale of the two Nigerian refineries by Obasanjo. With its 650,000 barrels of crude oil refining capacity per day, it surpasses the refining capacity of 435,000 of Nigeria’s total moribund refineries. It is said to be capable of supplying almost all of Nigeria’s daily consumption needs. The downside is that it will eliminate Nigeria’s bottomless pit sleaze called subsidy and kill the roaches who have over the decades fed fat on this brand of Nigeria’s cesspit. Dangote’s almost 50,000 staff is said to be made up of over 90% Nigerians and a meagre expatriates number of 11,000. Dangote Cement is also said to have paid N200 billion in tax since 2003, paying N27 billion VAT monthly and corporate tax of N40.39 billion. FG also collects 52% tax on every N1 Dangote companies earns in profit. This is the context of Adesina’s X tweet of “pettiness is easy.”

Opposition to the Dangote refinery was initially amorphous. Platformed on the allegation of Dangote’s famed monopolistic tendency, it soon branched into an allegation that the quality of the refinery was suspect. At long last, the masquerade abandoned its costume – “ago” – to reveal Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA) chief executive, Farouk Ahmed. Last week, Ahmed openly alleged that the diesel produced by the Dangote Refinery, compared to the one imported, was inferior. Ahmed also alleged that the Dangote fuel had high sulphur content, which he situated at between 650 to 1,200ppm ppm. He was most likely shell-shocked when asked where his or NNPC’s test laboratory for sulphur level resides. It was only then that Nigerians learnt that Lagos labs – Sewort, SGS and GMO perform this task for Almighty Nigerian oil colossus.

Several surreptitious, faceless persons and groups have been used to push a Mafia-like battle against the birthing of the Dangote refinery. If disrobed of their identities, it will be clear that these persons are angered by the obvious reality that the success of that humongous refinery means an end to their decades-old bazaar in the Nigerian oil industry. A couple of weeks ago, the media reported Aliko himself as confirming that the blood-baiting oil sharks had run a ring around him. He acknowledged his awareness that they could even be within his organisation.

The other leg of the accusation came in last year’s Financial Times report. It alleged that Tinubu was putting the squeeze on Dangote for not supporting him during his presidential bid. When EFCC raided his Lagos company in January, ostensibly on allegation of an investigation into the foreign exchange allocations under CBN Governor Godwin Emefiele, the thinking was that Tinubu was exerting the powers of his presidency on Aliko. It was alleged that while his business rivals, Abdul Samad Rabiu and Tony Elumelu, showered bounties on Tinubu during his presidential campaign, Dangote queued behind Atiku Abubakar. Anyone who knows how the Nigerian state runs will know that only Aso Rock authorises such high-level infiltration.

Those who are opportune to visit the Dangote refinery have labelled it one of the most awesome wonders of our world. A television anchor called it the Dangote Planet. The most depressing reality about Dangote is that, in practical terms, he is not the richest Nigerian. At a conservative estimate, he could be one of the 20 richest. The bulk of the 19 others are mostly politicians who, in our sane moment as Nigerians, we ask, in American voice, we have seen the bucks, where is the shop? They take our stolen wealth to Malta, Dubai and other countries where their billions of dollar investments are beyond prying eyes. Dangote certainly isn’t richer than Olowo Eko who, in a moment of grandstanding immodesty told a monarch during a visit to Osun state, “Kabiyesi, ee l’owo mi!” – Kabiyesi, you don’t have my kind of money! But, does anyone know Baba Olowo’s shop? We are his shop!

Let’s even accept that all the charges against Dangote are true – monopolist, feeding off closeness to successive governments, and all that – investing $20 billion in this economy, excluding his behemoth fertilizer and cement plants – is courage, valour, and patriotism. Dangote and his refinery are Nigeria’s national assets. So also are the Mike Adenugas of our world. We must protect them from the Shylocks, Saurons, Lord Voldemorts, the Ikoko aje’ran je’gungun – foxes that devour human flesh and bones – and the Komodo dragons of this world who want to swallow our economic saviours.

Hardship protest: Tinubu, “bi iwo ba se rere…”

All of a sudden, President Bola Tinubu is running from pillar to post. The febrile fear with which his presidency tries to stave off the proposed August 1 hardship protest is baffling. It seems to remind one of the biblical verse in Genesis 4:7 which says, “If thou doest well, shalt thou not be accepted?” This English interpretation does not convey the message’s total interpretative capturing as its Yoruba version rendition. That particular scriptural verse is interpreted in Yoruba as “Bi iwo ba se rere, ara ki yio ha ya o?” It was God speaking to Cain, Adam and Eve’s firstborn, who was enraged because he reaped what he sowed. Cain leapt into a fury because God rejected his paltry offering and accepted his brother, Abel who was God-respecting. Rather than see this rejection as his own doing and take a redemptive detour, Cain took a callous step further. He murdered his younger brother.

Recounting Nigerians’ groaning lot in the last 14 months here will be an overkill. The man they hyped as coming from a pedigree of dancers whose eclectic dancing feet attracted donations of slaves now dances and is barely gifted a wrap of corn meal. Rather, his feeble dance steps attract curses and boos. A pre-dancing cheering audience now jeers as its stomach hisses and rumbles. To say Nigeria tastes as bitter as Jogbo leaf would be an understatement. Our country is Jogbo leaf itself. Wherever you turn, it is bitterness. And this is under the grip of a man who was said to be King Midas whose touch turned everything to gold.

Nigerians’ unusual resilience makes the world agape with incredulity. They are a people who could weather the storm, no matter the turbulence. Fela Anikulapo-Kuti couldn’t understand such orthodoxy of suffering which he called cowardice. “My people sef dem fear too much… My Pa dey for house…I nor wan die…” he dramatises our pacifist spirit. Rotimi Amaechi said something worse recently about Nigerians. In a viral video which appeared to be a lecture on Nigerians’ famed pacifism, he said even if you kill a Nigerian’s father and mother, they would move on and say it was God’s wish for them. What many do not know is that Nigerians detest their leaders taking them for granted. Wily General Ibrahim Babangida knew only of the first sheaf about Nigerians’ resilient spirit. He didn’t however know about the other sheaf – the people’s tendency for rebellion. The truth is that, when Nigerians flip the other side of the cudgel, they are difficult to tame. By the time Nigerians made up their minds about IBB, they dropped his heap by the dumpsite of history.

Revisionists say that the key to Nigerians’ docile tendencies can be found in their history. What they call a history devoid of bloodshed. They juxtapose Nigeria with Kenya. In the latter, the Mau Mau rebellion in the British Kenya Colony between the Kenya Land and Freedom Army (KLFA), also known as the Mau Mau, and the British authorities lasted for a good eight years. So they submit that whilst rebellion against oppressors was a Kenyan DNA, pampering oppressors were Nigerian’s. Which is not true. Our forefathers fought, and shed blood for the freedom we have now. Collective fights against white aggressors may be rare but we had the Ovonramwen Nogbaisis. Ovonramwen was the Ọba of the Benin Kingdom who fought British usurpation. He attacked British Deputy Commissioner and Consul for the Niger Coast Protectorate, James Robert Phillips, killing him and virtually all of his entourage. A punitive expedition against the Benin kingdom resulted in its razing in 1897 and the looting of its bronzes.

Nigerians do not expect their leaders to be magicians, apologies to Madam RAT. They even know that the taciturn Mallam from Daura inflicted his Janus persona on the economy so fatally that the wound would take a long to heal. But Nigerians detest governmental deceit, incompetence and hypocrisy advertised as leadership. In the last 14 months, this has been the broth served Nigerians a la carte. To worsen matters, our leadership has carried on with an I-don’t-care attitude which Yoruba describe as a “let the angry torrents of rainfall pierce into shreds the helpless cocoyam leaves if it can — òjò pa ewé kókò, b’ó le ya, k’ó ya”.

So when this same leadership runs from Ankara to Kutuwenji in its bid to stop Nigerians from letting the whole world know of their plight, the apt response to it is the same that God gave to stubborn Cain, “Bì ìwo bá se rere, ara kì yíò ha yá o?” In the last couple of weeks, the government has been funnelling scarce resources into bribing cash-tivists who call themselves activists not to come out and demonstrate on August 1. Students’ union leaders have received theirs. Journalists have. The Three Gbosas people have. Traditional rulers across Nigeria, too have visited an Aso Rock which changes people into unfeeling mummies.

So many reasons have been proffered for why Nigerians must not protest their deplorable plights. One is that criminals could hijack the people’s constitutional right to protest. So, why spend people’s money to pay policemen if they cannot be funnelled out in their thousands to protect protesters on their constitutionally mandated responsibility to an absent government? The second reason from the government on why Nigerians should dress their punches in velvet gloves is that the government is finding a way around the hunger in the land. One is reminded of someone who is spending 20 years to practice madness. They even say that since the protest has no identifiable leadership, it could be uncontrollable like scattered pellets of a dane-gun bullet. The police also came out to Afghanistanize the protest by claiming that intel told them foreign mercenaries were part of the ploy. Since they know anything security is opaque, it is quite easy for them to befuddle the people with such scary lies. This is the same police which no calamity has ever befallen Nigeria that they forewarned Nigerians about. But, shouldn’t Nigerians let the world know about their plights?

Let me mimic judges at the temple of justice: Considering all the evidence before me, Nigerians must protest on August 1. Nigerians need to retrieve their country from the hands of leaders who don’t care about their plights. Not violently. Violence under-develops a people. Do you think, if he ever survives his ongoing ordeal, William Ruto, in his own words, “the village boy (who) has become the president of Kenya,” will ever take Kenyans for granted? Let the man whose ambition it has always been to live in Aso Rock be made to commit to making Nigerians live a meaningful life.

Gbolagunte: Good night, great jurist

On Friday, I listened to one of the most impactful sermons ever at the New Reservation Baptist Church, Iyaganku, Ibadan, Oyo state. It was devoid of the depressing low of “style-style fundraising” and motivational prosperity sermons that Pentecostalism has sunk into in Nigeria. Church Pastor, Dr. Kayode Oyedemi, taught about how death was man’s companion which should be loved and not hated. He brought the reality of death into our lives so vividly that I doubt if anyone who attended that service would unnecessarily reify life, going forward. It was at the burial of My Lord Justice Adegboye Ayinla Gbolagunte, son of Oyo State Second Republic House of Assembly Speaker under Governor Bola Ige, Jagunmolu of Eruwa, University of Ibadan pioneer student and lawyer, Mokolade Davidson Gbolagunte. Justice Gbolagunte was aged 64.

My path and that of Justice Gbolagunte crossed in 2019 during my court externship. The Nigerian Law School had attached me and other colleagues to his chambers at the Oyo State High Court. There, I saw him in his true self. After each sitting, Gbolagunte would call us into his inner chambers and the teacher in him took over. He would lecture us on the judicial background of his pronouncements.

Our friendship began from there. It was later I realised that he saw my quest to combine journalism with law in himself. He had gained admission to study History at the University of Lagos in 1978 but later ported to Mass Communication. At the funeral, I met one of his friends, the highly respected journalist, Kayode Samuel. Gbolagunte later studied law at the University of Ibadan from 1983 to 1986.

Before Law, Gbolagunte was a lecturer of Journalism in different institutions. He particularly taught News Writing, Editing, Press Law, Marketing and Insurance Law at The Polytechnic, Ibadan and the Nigerian Institute of Journalism, Ogba, Lagos. He was also a prolific writer. From his holiday job at the then NTV Ibadan in 1980 where he began his reportorial job, he spent time with the Imo State newspaper, Nigerian Statesman, during his NYSC. While on the editorial board of the Times newspaper, Gbolagunte covered the famed visit of Nelson Mandela to Nigeria in 1991.

When he later learnt of my passion for Apala maestro, Ayinla Omowura, he told me he passionately retained his middle name, “Ayinla” because of the profound manner Ayinla’s music arrests him. He called to request a copy of my biographical portraiture of the musician upon its publication. I honoured the request by couriering an autographed copy to him through the first President of the Oyo State Customary Court of Appeal, My Lord Justice Adegboyega Akinteye (rtd) which he acknowledged.

While still interning in his chambers, Justice Gbolagunte proposed that we both collaborate on a biography to mark his 60th. I guess the ailment which took him killed that dream as well.

If commendable testimonials could wake Gbolagunte, last week, the jurist would leave the morgue and go embrace his wife, Wuraola. If corroborations of his unusual integrity, humility, service to God and humanity were the passport to heaven, he would be by the feet of his Creator now. A valiant and courageous judge, Gbolagunte fought judicial powers and principalities who he considered to be thieves in judges’ robes. When he received a medical judgment that his death was afoot, Gbolagunte took time to arrange his home and proceedings of the funeral. He paid for his casket, the vault where he would be buried and in the words of one of his sons at last week’s wake service, “he arranged every part of this burial service, who to meet, talk to” and how he should be buried.

Good night, great brother, Great Akokite, Great UIte.

The big news of the week is that the federal government is distributing 24,000 bags of rice to each state of the federation in a desperate move to stave off mass protests nationwide planned to begin next Thursday. On receiving its share, the Akwa Ibom state government announced that it would add another 24,000 bags so as to reach as many people as possible in the state. The commissioner for agriculture and rural development, Dr Offiong Offor, noted that the gesture is “to mitigate the high level of hunger, food unavailability and poverty” in the state.

She announced that each of the officially recognised 2,272 villages will receive some bags of rice of rice. She did not specify the quantity, but on average, each village should get 21 bags. Each bag weighs 25 kg and in the market, it goes for around N40,000. If the government bought them for N50,000 each (government procurements typically attract higher prices), it means that the 24,000 bags cost a whopping N1.2 billion.

Each village in the state has between 1,000 and 2,000 persons, according to the recent population estimates, and they will have to share 21 bags. How do 1,000 people, for example, share 21 bags of rice? You can be sure that the bulk of the 21 bags will go to the village heads, the clan heads, family heads, the youth leaders and other influential persons in the village; and this brings me to the question: Is spending N1.2 billion to procure rice for sharing a worthy idea? Could the money have been used in alternative ways to obtain better results?

Welfare schemes are usually designed to benefit very poor individuals and households or persons living with disability who are not able to provide for themselves. Such schemes are actually more effective if they entail honest and transparent transfer of cash to the intended beneficiaries. With cash, the recipient could buy preferred items of need which may not necessarily be rice.

As a matter of fact, a lot of rural folks have access to tubers and other sources of carbohydrates, but they lack money to buy protein-rich foods which are very essential, especially for children. In this particular case of rice distribution, I actually believe that the government would have made a greater impact on the greatest number of people if the N1.2 billion was given out as grants to smallholder farmers in each village to assist them in food production.

The village economy across the country is dominated by subsistence farming. These subsistence farmers require little or no capital for their businesses. Thus, any little additional capital input will trigger a significant output increase. They obtain inputs (mostly seeds and cuttings) from friends, relatives or neighbours and are the source of their own farm labour, often with the help of children in the household. If the government could provide as little as N20,000 to each farmer in rural Akwa Ibom, the N1.2 billion would reach 600,000 of them and that would make an enormous impact on overall food production in the state.

Alternatively, if the government could invest N387 million in setting up a farming scheme in each of the 31 LGAs in the state, the total outlay would not be more than the N1.2 billion spent on the purchase of rice. The rice, I am afraid, will not even get to the poor! Better still, since pest prevalence has been a major problem impeding food production in the state this season, the government could have spent N1.2 billion in procuring and spraying pesticides across farmlands in the state.

I urge Gov. Umo Eno to rethink some of his welfare schemes, otherwise, he will only succeed in catering for only PDP stalwarts in the state. When I visited Uyo in June, a prominent politician who owns a transport business told me that he had succeeded in enrolling his mother as a beneficiary of the state’s N50,000 monthly cash transfer scheme. ‘’But I am not proud of doing that because I know that my mother ought not to be a beneficiary’’, he told me rather ruefully, adding that ‘’my siblings and I are capable of taking care of her. But because I am in a position and I have contacts, I got her enrolled’’.

This is the way many government welfare schemes go, and it applies to every state of the federation, including FCT. The governor may be sincere and well-intentioned in buying thousands of bags of rice (or other foodstuffs) to share with his people, but he should be well aware that the bulk of the items will never get to the intended groups of citizens. They are seized by those who can afford them.

Last Christmas, Senator Godswill Akpabio distributed bags of rice to each LGA to be shared among APC members. My friend, Dr Ita Udosen, who is a prominent APC official and a successful medical doctor, told me that soon after, he received a call from his local leaders that two bags had been reserved for him. ‘’I wasted no time in turning down the offer. I can afford to buy rice for my family,” he told me. Not many are that conscionable, but this is further proof that the so-called palliatives hardly get to the right quarters.

Prof Tahir Mamman,

The Honourable Minister of Education,

Federal Republic of Nigeria

Dear sir,

Congratulations on the recently concluded policy meeting that your office held with the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB) and other higher education stakeholders. I commend your ongoing efforts to improve our educational systems.

With the hope that this letter will be graciously received by you, I am writing to address a pressing concern arising from one of the policy decisions announced at the meeting: the implementation of the 18-year age limit for higher education admission. 

As an education researcher and policy advocate with experience specifically in Nigerian higher education, I have observed the public discourse surrounding this decision. Rather than merely expressing dissent through social media, I thought it would be more constructive to present my concerns directly to you on behalf of the Nigerian people. In this letter, I outline three reasons why this policy will not eventually be in the best interest of the nation and its youth.

• Exacerbating inaccessibility to higher education

Honourable minister, in 2018, the World Bank estimated Nigeria’s higher education enrollment rate at about 11.7%. Recent data from various sources has estimated it between 12 percent and 16.5 percent. That is, only about six to eight of every 50 eligible Nigerian youths get to attend tertiary institutions due to several reasons including socioeconomic and cultural factors. A crucial factor important to the conversation is the difficulty of the admission process worsened by the limited number of university admission slots. On average, students, including those deemed “academically bright” students struggle to get into the university on the first attempt. This is not surprising seeing that Nigeria has only about 274 universities (both public and private) for about 27 million eligible university-age youths. 

In a country with a rapidly increasing youthful population, projected to reach about 127 million by 2050, it is already really precarious to limit young people’s access to education. It is even worse when those with limited chances are productively unengaged for 2-3 years of their young adult life, considering the average high school graduation rate is between 15 and 17. The current economy is not designed to productively engage high school leavers. Unlike in the 1980s and 1990s, there are now extremely limited organizations providing quality work or internship opportunities for high school leavers. This is not surprising, given that university graduates even struggle with employment opportunities, as you well know, sir. 

Given these challenges, do we want to add another obstacle for the Nigerian youths seeking tertiary education? In a country where the average high school graduate typically faces a 1 to 2-year wait for higher education enrollment, do we want to extend the wait?

• Limiting the capacity of Nigerian human capital

Honourable Minister, I would like to use my story as a case study to illustrate this point.  I was fortunate enough to start my university education before my 17th birthday. It is, however, important to mention that I had to “stay at home” for over a year because I was less than 16 when I graduated; and aside from being considered underage, I didn’t even secure university admission despite having 3As, 3Bs, and 3Cs in WAEC and 259 in my UTME in 2008. But I digress.

I had known I wanted a career in academia. Despite starting my undergraduate degree relatively early, I wasn’t going to finish my Master’s Degree (the minimum requirement for an academic position) until I was over 25. Yes, between ASUU and local university strikes during my undergraduate years, the clumsy NYSC calendar, and further strikes during my Master’s Degree, it eventually took me 9 years to officially qualify to even start my career. By that time, my peers who left Nigeria immediately after our 4-turned-5.5-year undergraduate program were already wrapping up their Ph.D.s abroad. Note that I began my MSc in the next admission year immediately after completing my NYSC.

Prof Tahir Mamman

Sir, I am certain you are well aware of our nation’s unique educational challenges, which are unlikely to be resolved completely anytime soon. It therefore becomes imperative to give our people a good head start to mitigate the impact of these challenges on our ability to cultivate talent for the nation.

With our Human Development Index recently pegged at 0.548 by the UNDP Human Development Report (2023/2024), ranking us as 161st of 193 countries, I believe you will agree that we cannot afford the long-term implications of this policy.

• Disproportionate Effect on Women and Girls’ Education in Nigeria.

The average Nigerian girl already faces unique challenges in accessing quality education at all levels, with higher education being the most difficult for females to access. From social and economic barriers like poverty and teenage pregnancy to cultural issues such as prioritizing marriage over education for girls and growing concerns about their safety, women and girls are often placed at the lower rung of the already limited educational opportunities available in the country. 

Sir, based on your knowledge and experience as an educator, do you think staying at home for 1-3 years (considering many students graduate high school between 15-17 years old) would aggravate or alleviate these issues? If a teenage girl has to stay at home for 2 years without being intellectually /productively engaged, do you think she stands a higher or lower chance of experiencing teenage pregnancy, for example? Answering such questions easily highlights the impact of this policy on the advancement of women’s and girl’s education, which the nation is striving to improve.

Beyond access to education, Nigerian women still face gender-specific issues in their careers, often progressing more slowly than their male counterparts due to the additional roles they typically undertake at certain life stages. For instance, the ongoing World Bank Africa Fellowship Program application, which encourages women to apply, requires them to be well advanced or done with their PhDs and be under 32 years old. Even, without the 18-year-old university admission limit, the number of Nigerian women eligible for this application is significantly smaller compared to the true potential of the Nigerian woman.

In conclusion, Honourable Minister, I believe that when you and your team crucially consider these arguments and many others being raised in public discourses, you will agree that this policy will only do more harm than good for the nation and its people. I strongly believe could never be your intentional seeing your record as a distinguished educator yourself. On behalf of Nigerian youths, I appeal that the policy be rescinded as quickly as possible. Thank you for your selfless public service to our dear nation.

Yours sincerely,

Oluwatoyin Ajilore-Chukwuemeka

Education researcher and concerned Nigerian.

Oluwatoyin is a Doctoral Researcher in STEM Education, Social Impact Leader and Education Policy Advocate.  She writes from Nigeria and the United States. She can be reached at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it. or on LinkedIn here.

Mohammed Bello Adoke, a former attorney-general of the federation (AGF), says the death of Ifeanyi Ubah, the senator representing Anambra south, is a loss for the country.

Ubah, the chief executive officer (CEO) of Capital Oil and Gas Industries Limited, died in London, United Kingdom (UK), on Friday.

In a statement on Sunday, Adoke described Ubah as someone “who prioritised the welfare and economic prosperity of his people in particular and Nigerians in general”.

“His contributions on the floor of the senate, where he served two terms (from 2019 when he was first elected and re-elected in 2023) bear glowing testimony to his belief in the Nigerian project and unwavering commitment and resolve to uplift the masses of this great country from the shackles of poverty, hunger, and disease,” the statement reads.

“Senator Ubah was ebullient and full of life. The news of his demise was therefore a rude shock to Nigerians and has understandably evoked a deep sense of loss from those who had the good fortune of working and interacting closely with him.

“I was introduced to senator Ubah by Chief Gabriel Chukwuma (A.K.A. Gabros), another fine gentleman, sports enthusiast, and businessman of repute. The friendship quickly blossomed to a level that our families became quite close.

“I recall during my travails in exile, he visited me severally. On such visits, he would pray with me and counsel me on the need to have faith in God and eschew bitterness towards my traducers and that at God’s appointed time the travails would end as he was convinced that I was just a victim of political machinations.

“He openly identified with me and provided support at a time I was considered a pariah even by those I regarded as friends, but for reasons of self-preservation and determination to remain in the good books of the political leadership of the country, they considered it expedient to disassociate themselves from me.

“I wish to place on record that in all my official and personal interactions with Senator Ubah, I found him to be passionate about the economic empowerment of his people and the development of our dear country.

“He demonstrated this commitment through his numerous business ventures, especially in the oil and gas sector, undertaking developmental projects in his constituency, and empowering the people.

“It is therefore not surprising that his people kept electing him overwhelmingly to the senate even when he contested on the ticket of a fringe political party such as the Young Progressives Party (YPP) from where he recently decamped to the APC.”

Adoke added that despite Ubah’s enormous wealth and political attainment, “he remained calm, humble, and unassuming.”.

“These are rare qualities that are lacking amongst our political elites today. Nigeria has indeed lost an outstanding advocate for social justice and economic empowerment,” he said.

“I, therefore, join his family, the good people of Anambra south senatorial district, and millions of his well-wishers around the world in praying to the Almighty God for the repose of his gentle soul.”

[TheCable]

The proponents of violent protests are not relenting. They have fixed August 1 to August 10 as the days of rage. They are insisting that the house must be burnt down in anger. Like W. B. Yeats’ wrote in his poem, The Second Coming, “the falcon no longer hears the falconer.” In this case, the champions of violence are not willing to listen to wise counsel. There’s a loss of order and guidance as the forces of chaos and destruction no longer heed the call of reason.

To what end are many Nigerians asking? The desire to destabilise the country has always existed. It is a combination of dissatisfaction with the current state of affairs and a penchant for chaos among certain citizens who harbour resentment for the country and President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. The option to cut their nose to spite their face is perplexing. Just how far does their discontent extend?

There is no denying the prevailing hardship and the weight of pain Nigerians are experiencing. However, we must also acknowledge that the foundation for the current situation was laid before this government took over on May 29, 2023. Past governments have made many bad choices over the decades, which have pushed the country precariously to the cliff edge. It is beyond reason that successive governments opted to kick the dirty can down the road, leaving it for the next guy to bell the cat.

The option we had pre-2023 elections was to go for the broke. We needed a president who could pull us away from the tipping edge and who dared to apply the necessary measures, even if that would bring temporary pains. Many Nigerians rooted for President Tinubu because he fitted the bill. He is a man of courage and conviction.

He is hands-on, always focusing on the outcomes. He has an outstanding pedigree in governance. He is a proven reformer. And he is not given to pleasing the crowd. Personalities with these attributes don’t enroll in popularity contests. They would instead do what is right. And the end always justifies them.

Reforms. Bold reforms are what Nigeria needs now. This is what the Tinubu administration has embarked on. This government has taken a number of courageous decisions aimed at revamping the economy and bringing prosperity to the citizens. We cannot achieve this in a day. Seeds take time to germinate. Hunger, however, cannot be cured by mere hope of a bountiful harvest.

But hope has its essence. It can be a springboard for patience. And patience is needed for the country to reap the fruitful outcomes of the outstanding reforms of President Tinubu’s administration. Shall we then exercise restraint? Shall we pull together at this critical period and prevent those who do not mean well for the country from burning down the barn?

WHEN two elephants fight, the grass, they say, suffers. But when cabals fight, and fight dirty like the NNPC and Aliko Dangote are doing, what happens? Dogs eat dogs and chickens gnaw at each other’s intestines. Can of worms explode in the open and cupboards full of skeletons, hitherto securely locked, are forced open. For instance, Dangote alleged that his refinery was being sabotaged by oil cabals bent on the continuation of refined petroleum products. NNPC countered that the said refinery was not yet completed and certified and that its products were inferior to imported stuff. Dangote has fired back with his Malta oil-blending allegation to support his claim that well-heeled personalities want to continue to make a killing with fuel importation at the expense of hapless Nigerians. Understandably, the stakes are high. A single write-up cannot perfectly put all the pieces together. Call it a maze, labyrinth or jig-saw puzzle and you will be right. So, here today, we take a look at some of the information available and allow our readers a better understanding of the issues at stake.

STORY NUMBER 1: In 2023, Dangote had a meeting with his select strategists for the purpose of deciding who, between Peter Obi, Atiku Abubakar, and Bola Ahmed Tinubu he should back in the February 2023 presidential election. After analyzing each candidate’s profile, merits, and demerits, the consensus was that Atiku was the best option to back.

Dangote made donations as well to Tinubu’s campaign but his body language showed he preferred Atiku… His business arch rival, Abdul Samad Rabiu of BUA Cement, pitched his tent with Tinubu and did not donate money to Atiku.Rabiu’s support was so personal that he donated his private jets for use by TInubu’s campaign. The same is said of Tony Elumelu who reportedly provided the much-needed cash for Tinubu’s camp during the ill-fated cash crunch and scarcity before the election. No wonder Tony was the first person Tinubu visited in Lagos as president-elect!

That Dangote did not support him was one of the reasons why Asiwaju stayed away when Dangote refinery was later commissioned by Buhari. The election is over. Asiwaju is the president and the chicken has come home to roost. For the first time since the return to democracy in 1999, Dangote is not the favourite of a sitting government. Rabiu and Elumelu have taken his position. The biggest casualty from the politics of Dangote is his 650,000 per day Dangote refinery.

Before Asiwaju, Dangote had an agreement with NNPC that it would invest $2 billion in Dangote refinery or, if it cannot invest in cash, it would provide crude oil worth that amount for Dangote refinery to process. This investment will give NNPC a 20% stake in the Dangote refinery. NNPC is too broke to drop $2 billion, so it chose to provide $2 billion worth of crude oil in lieu of cash. But there is a problem: Buhari, who was the president when the deal was sealed, is no longer in power. The new Whiz kid is not a fan of Dangote anymore; so the NNPC guys read the body language… NNPC, which was at the mercy of Dangote when Buhari was in charge, turned to hard nuts to crack under Tinubu.

This government is also investigating forex allocations made to Dangote when Godwin Emefiele was the CBN governor.

STORY NUMBER 2: By Taiwo Olanegan: I did not believe it when I heard that the Dangote refinery’s capacity is 650,000 barrels of oil per day. Where would the billionaire get that feed stock (crude oil) volume? Is he going to lay pipes from Escravos to Lagos? At that time, our production figure was 1.8m bpd. Would the lOC agree to sell 30% of production volume to Dangote? Where will he get the forex to buy such? And which market would receive his refined products, knowing that the FG was frenetic about making Warri and Port Harcourt refineries to work?

The oil industry is a global cartel… Nigeria’s age-long economic and security challenges are not far from the yo-yo and high-level manipulations in the global oil industry. These intrigues are intentional, international, and sometimes wicked in every sense of the word. That’s why, since 1999, almost all our presidents have added the ministerial supervision of NNPC to their job.

Oil politics is ballistic… When I gave an opinion that the recent cement scarcity and price hike was a war between Tinubu’s Kitchen Cabinet and the Dangote Group, folks shouted at me. Cement price is still high in spite of pleadings and threats by the new government. It was a battle Dangote won. But he is not going to win this new war. The powers-that-be and the international oil players are bigger and more experienced than Dangote. His romantic seasons with Goodluck Jonathan and Buhari are over! Dangote’s trade history, his file and use of forex allocated by Godwin Emefiele are with the government. This is a presidency headed by a man who knows some accounting. The figures are suspicious. Dangote would have been arraigned with Emefiele after the EFCC made attempts but the optics would be terrible for him and the government. So the government chose to put a pedal on it. However, a 650,000 bpd refinery is too large a plate for a person. How can only one fellow own a refinery that could cover the petrol needs of West Africa? What happens when he goes into steel and oil exploration?

In the September 2013 edition of Harvard Business Review, the journal warned about the consequences of allowing Dangote to keep the major stake in the proposed refinery “as it would concentrate too much power in one man’s hand”… Antitrust laws, propaganda, and outright denial of feed stock and certifications will force Dangote to the negotiation table.

 STORY NUMBER 3: NNPC VS DANGOTE REFINERY: THOSE WHO TALK DON’T KNOW THE WHOLE TRUTH AND THOSE WHO KNOW THE TRUTH WON’T TALK

In May 2021, NNPC went into marriage with Dangote Refinery (DR) by proposing to acquire 20% equity in DR. Early 2024, NNPC promised to supply crude to DR. In July 2024, Dangote alerted the public that NNPC did not own 20% in DR but 7.2%. In July 2024, Dangote accused the government of importing bad fuel into the country and that the International Oil Companies and internal forces were bent on sabotaging him. A week later, NNPC fired back that DR is not licensed and its fuel is inferior to the imported one. Hell was let loose.

What lessons can we learn? Dangote cannot complain about the system now. Why? The system has served him well in the last 30 years! The system made him emerge as the richest African alive. Dangote is a one-man cabal! But like DAEWOO in South Korea and the late MKO Abiola, you can be 99% correct in your political calculations but the day you are 1% wrong politically, the financial empire  built through political connections and manipulations will face existential threat.

This is a big lesson: It is dangerous when you have a business that is government-dependent; even though it is the easiest way in developing countries to make  MEGA money (the type that can put you on the FORBES list) through concessions, FX allocation preferential treatment, monopoly, direct printing of money by CBN and sharing of same among the elites, etc. Emefiele allegedly printed N30 trillion and a whopping 85% could not be accounted for or traced to any national projects, according to CBN auditors!

Dangote should sit down with NNPC and resolve issues amicably. Let him do what Bill Gates did when he was faced with similar huge opposition that threatened his survival.  Gates divested from Microsoft – retained only 5% – and took his cash to electricity and health business. Immediately, peace returned. It is the way the world (of business) runs. Once the wealth of the nation resides in your house, peace eludes you! Ali Baba’s experience is also instructive here. Jack Ma, China’s richest man, said: “To get rich is glorious but among the richest men in China, only a few have a good ending!”

STORY NUMBER 4: WHY NIGERIA’S REFINERIES WILL NEVER WORK  – Former President Olusegun Obasanjo

“When I was president, I invited Shell to a meeting. I told them I wanted to hand over the refineries for them to help us run. They bluntly told me they would not. I was shocked. I repeated the request and they stood their ground. When the meeting was over, I asked their big man (MD) to wait behind for a chat. Then I asked him why they were so hesitant about not taking over the refineries. He said did I want to hear the truth? I said yes. He listed four reasons. One, he said Shell makes its money from upstream and that is where its interest lies. Two, he said they only do downstream or retail as a matter of service. Three, he said our refineries would be bad business for them, that globally, companies are going for bigger refineries because of the economics of refineries. Four, he said there is too much corruption in refineries. I thanked him for his honesty. I knew we had a big problem in our hands. I had virtually given up hope on the refineries when God did a miracle. Aliko Dangote and Femi Otedola approached me and said they would be interested in buying two of the four refineries. They said they would buy 51 percent stake in Port Harcourt and Kaduna. I was over the moon. I said, finally, this burden would be taken off the neck of the government. They offered $761 million and paid in two installments. Unfortunately, Umaru (President Yar’Adua) canceled the sale and returned the refineries to NNPC. Today, we are still where we were. Someone told me Tinubu said the refineries would work by December. I told the person the refineries would not work. This is based on the information I received from Shell when I was the president”.

STORY NUMBER 5: “Dangote now feels what Nigerians with no government connections are going through in doing business”, activist Aisha Yesufu.

 STORY NUMBER 6: NIGERIA’S ONE AND ONLY GOAT IS PROVING TOO DIFFICULT FOR DANGOTE’S SNAKE TO SWALLOW:

Dangote wanted to take over NNPC assets at the dying hours of Obasanjo’s administration but President Yar’Adua thought it was not proper to hand over the nation’s assets to two individuals who wanted to buy them as scraps. Consequently, the contract was scrapped by Yar’Adua. Buhari/Emefiele came in and provided ENOUGH OXYGEN for Dangote to “complete” his own refinery and even pay 70% of his loan on a factory that was yet to refine one litre of gasoline! It was commissioned by Buhari even when it was not ready!

Meanwhile, Buhari had made substantial forward oil sales that would prevent Dangote from getting crude without breaking existing contracts. Apparently, all is not well with that project ab initio. It seems what took Dangote to the top can no longer sustain him there: i.e. MONOPOLY.  IOCs, NNPC, CBN. In 100/100 circumstances, MONOPOLY is injurious to the health of any national economy.

OLIGOPOLY is a state policy in South Korea; the State deliberately empowered some individuals like DAEWOO, SAMSUNG to create wealth. But the rule of LAW is SACROSANCT. DAEWOO, once the richest South Korean, ended in jail when he broke the law. The CEO of Samsung was sent to jail recently for breaking the law. That’s why Jack Ma (Ali Baba), China’s richest man, also ran into trouble in China. That’s why Google and Microsoft ran into trouble in the West. Monopolists (ALL OF THEM ) build their wealth through unfair exploitation of the Commonwealth…

Nigeria’s OIL BUSINESS belongs to 220 million Nigerians: It is not just a BIG GOAT but Nigeria’s ONLY GOAT. NNPC probably has realized the full implications and that’s why they refused to pay up their counterpart funding to acquire 20% equity as earlier agreed. What should Dangote do in this circumstance? He should come out publicly and sell  at least 49.5% equity to Nigerians in a transparent manner. Only he can’t swallow Nigeria’s only goat, it will CHOKE him! Even in Saudi Arabia, ARAMCO was sold to the whole world and the Saudi government became better thereafter.

STORY NUMBER 7:

I don’t think it’s in anyone’s place to advise Dangote to sell his business to the public. It is inflated and, therefore, he should keep it to himself but he should not be allowed to monopolize our common patrimony. According to experts, a 650,000 per day refinery should not cost more than $8b but he claims he built it for $19b. So, where do we start the discussion if he wants to sell to the public? It’s a single train refinery. If something goes wrong somewhere, the whole plant shuts down.

What can we make of the above and where will it all end?

The call for a Nationwide protest against hardship on Thursday, August 1st, 2024, has caused anxiety among Nigerians. There are divergent views about whether the protest should be held or not. Using what happened during the ENDSARS protests, which led to the loss of lives and properties, as a precedent, it will be difficult to predict the outcome of such a protest. There are fears it may be hijacked by hoodlums and become violent.

The question arises: how did we get here? The economic policies introduced by the administration have brought untold hardship, though they were expected to be short-term and yield long-term economic benefits for the nation. Apart from the hardship, there is also an issue of trust in the government. The current level of unease and anger among Nigerians could have been avoided if the government had handled its affairs better.

Words can start and end a war. Government officials and political office-holders should be sensitive, and avoid careless statements while communicating with the public through press interviews, press releases, social media, etc. Additionally, the Nigerian Government should match its words with actions to build trust. Also giving timelines that cannot be met should be discouraged.

The government, having promised Nigerians that their sacrifices will pay off; should also be seen to be making sacrifices and cutting costs. For example, political office holders should be encouraged to reduce the sizes of their convoys, the number of their aides, the number of foreign trips, and the size of their delegations. Flamboyance should be discouraged.

The approval by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of the suspension of duties, tariffs, and taxes for the importation of certain food commodities, including husked brown rice, wheat, maize, and cowpeas through land and sea for 150 days, and the proposed importation of 250,000 metric tonnes of wheat and maize by the Federal Government should have come earlier. It is worrisome that weeks after the announcement, food prices are still soaring, as it seems full implementation of the food importation policy has not commenced.

One would have thought that a sensitive matter like a new national minimum wage would have received prompt attention from the government; and be implemented by now without the need for labour unions going on strike. The delayed approval of the new national minimum wage sent wrong signals to Nigerians, portraying the Government as indifferent to their plight. Actions speak louder than words.

Nigerians should be made more aware of the achievements of the Tinubu administration and their significance. Some major achievements include the payment of the seven billion dollars in forex backlogs, the unification of the forex market, the student loans scheme, the consumer credit scheme, and the Renewed Hope Housing scheme. Ironically, many people aware of these achievements do not understand their significance and may therefore trivialize them. The National Orientation Agency has a big role to play in this regard.

The Compressed Natural Gas (CNG) initiative has dragged on. Nigerians still await the CNG buses promised by the Federal Government; aimed at reducing transportation costs, which have been a significant challenge. The high cost of transportation has made it difficult for people to commute to their places of work or business. It has also significantly impacted the prices of goods and services. Any government intervention that reduces transportation costs would be appreciated.

The call for a nationwide protest is understandable given the hardship Nigerians are going through, however, it should be discouraged as it may result in a worse outcome than the ENDSARS protest. The Government has once again called for patience. Do Nigerians trust the Government? The current situation calls for more patriotism from Nigerian leaders and citizens alike. The government should not wait for strikes or protests before acting appropriately.

The recent passing of Senator Ifeanyi Ubah has sparked a range of emotions across Nigeria, from grief to celebration. As a journalist and writer, I find it essential to address the reactions on social media platforms, particularly those rejoicing over his demise.

Senator Ifeanyi Ubah, who represented Anambra South in the Senate, was a multifaceted figure. His background as a businessman, politician, and philanthropist shaped his impact on society. Ubah's contributions to media, sports, and the petroleum industry were remarkable, and his commitment to community development and service cannot be overlooked.

In the digital age, social media platforms serve as powerful tools for communication, expression, and mobilization. However, they can also amplify negativity, misinformation, and inanities. When news of Ubah's death broke, some Nigerians took to social media to express their joy, labeling him a "criminal" and celebrating his demise. Such reactions raise questions about our collective values and humanity.

As Africans, particularly as Igbos, we have a rich cultural heritage that emphasizes empathy, compassion, and respect for the deceased. Celebrating someone's death, regardless of their perceived flaws, goes against these values. In Igbo culture, where communal bonds are strong, it is considered disrespectful to rejoice over someone's passing. We should remember the adage: "When one finger touches oil, it spreads to all the other fingers." Our interconnectedness demands empathy, even for those with whom we disagree.

Rather than celebrating death, we should engage in constructive dialogue. Senator Ubah's life was complex, and his legacy includes both positive and controversial aspects. Let us discuss his achievements, shortcomings, and the lessons we can learn. 

As we mourn Senator Ifeanyi Ubah's passing, let us honor his memory by promoting unity, empathy, and understanding. It is not only African but also human to recognize the value of life, even when faced with disagreements. Let us rise above negativity and celebrate our shared humanity.

In many African cultures, there exists a longstanding tradition that discourages speaking ill of the dead. This custom reflects a deep respect for those who have passed away and recognizes their inability to defend themselves or respond to criticism.

The aphorism "De mortuis nil nisi bonum", is a saying in Latin which interpretatively mean, "Of the dead, say nothing but good", and it encapsulates this belief. It emphasizes that when someone has died, it is socially inappropriate to speak negatively about such person. The phrase acknowledges that the deceased cannot justify or defend himself or herself, and therefore, it is our duty to remember the dead in a positive light.

While this tradition is not exclusive to Africa, particularly the Igbo, it holds particular significance on the continent. African societies often emphasize communal bonds, ancestral reverence, and the interconnectedness of the living and the dead.  This is as African cultures honor their ancestors, believing that they continue to influence the living. Therefore, speaking ill of the dead disrupts this connection and dishonors their memory.

In fact, some African belief systems hold that negative words about the deceased can harm the speaker or their family. It is believed that spirits can retaliate if offended. Before burial, it is customary for people to settle any debts, both financial and emotional, with the deceased. This practice ensures a peaceful transition for the departed soul.

Without a doubt, the recent death of Senator Ifeanyi Ubah highlights the complexity of this tradition. While some dignitaries across the country are already calling for cherishing Ubah's contributions, others are remembering his alleged controversial legacy, which to this writer is unkind to the just departed soul. Unarguably, Ubah's actions during his earthly journey sparked both admiration and criticism, making it challenging for some Nigerians, particularly those of Igbo extracts, to reconcile their feelings about his passing.

In African, particularly in Igbo tradition in this context, speaking ill of the dead is more than a social norm; it reflects a profound understanding of life, death, and our interconnectedness. While opinions may differ, this tradition reminds us to approach the deceased with empathy and respect, allowing their memory to endure positively.

It is sad that in our modern era of social media that the instinct to speak ill of the dead often prevails. However, the ancient aphorism "De mortuis nil nisi bonum", "Of the dead, say nothing but good", reminds us to exercise restraint. This is as the saying acknowledges that both revered and reviled public figures will eventually pass away. It is a reminder of our shared humanity and the fleeting nature of life.

While we cannot predict if our words will reach mourning family or friends, the custom encourages us to be mindful of their grief. Even wicked figures had loved ones who mourned their deaths.

To this writer’s view, it could have been sensible if those who are rejoicing over Ubah’s death refrain from expressing disdain in public immediately after his passing, to later engage in honest discussions about his legacy. In a world where opinions clash, this ancient wisdom invites us to pause, reflect, and find common ground even when discussing those who've left us.